Ong Teng Cheong | |
|---|---|
王鼎昌 | |
 Ong in 1997 | |
| 5th President of Singapore | |
| In office 1 September 1993 – 1 September 1999 | |
| Prime Minister | Goh Chok Tong |
| Preceded by | Wee Kim Wee |
| Succeeded by | S. R. Nathan |
| 3rdDeputy Prime Minister of Singapore | |
| In office 2 January 1985 – 16 August 1993 Serving with Goh Chok Tong (1985–1990) andLee Hsien Loong (1990–1993) | |
| Prime Minister | Lee Kuan Yew Goh Chok Tong |
| Preceded by | Goh Keng Swee S. Rajaratnam |
| Succeeded by | Lee Hsien Loong Tony Tan |
| 2ndChairman of the People's Action Party | |
| In office 5 January 1981 – 16 August 1993 | |
| Preceded by | Toh Chin Chye |
| Succeeded by | Tony Tan |
| Secretary-General of theNational Trades Union Congress | |
| In office May 1983 – 1 September 1993 | |
| Deputy | Goh Chee Wee |
| Preceded by | Lim Chee Onn |
| Succeeded by | Lim Boon Heng |
| Minister for Labour | |
| In office 5 January 1981 – 9 May 1983 | |
| Prime Minister | Lee Kuan Yew |
| Preceded by | Ong Pang Boon |
| Succeeded by | E. W. Barker |
| Minister for Communications | |
| In office 1 July 1977 – 9 May 1983 | |
| Prime Minister | Lee Kuan Yew |
| Preceded by | Lim Kim San |
| Succeeded by | Ong Pang Boon |
| Member of theSingapore Parliament forToa Payoh GRC (Kim Keat) | |
| In office 21 August 1991 – 16 August 1993 | |
| Preceded by | Constituency established |
| Succeeded by | Constituency abolished |
| Member of theSingapore Parliament forKim Keat SMC | |
| In office 2 September 1972 – 14 August 1991 | |
| Preceded by | Constituency established |
| Succeeded by | Constituency abolished |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1936-01-22)22 January 1936 |
| Died | 8 February 2002(2002-02-08) (aged 66) Tanglin, Singapore |
| Cause of death | Lymphoma |
| Resting place | Mandai Crematorium and Columbarium |
| Party | Independent |
| Other political affiliations | People's Action Party (1972–1993) |
| Spouse | |
| Children | 2 |
| Alma mater | University of Adelaide (BArch) University of Liverpool (MCD) |
| Occupation |
|
Ong Teng Cheong[a]GCMG (22 January 1936 – 8 February 2002) was a Singaporean architect and politician who served as the fifthpresident of Singapore between 1993 and 1999 after winning the1993 presidential election.
Born when Singapore was part of theStraits Settlements, Ong was educated at theUniversity of Adelaide, where he studiedarchitecture. He later received aColombo Plan scholarship and earned a master's degree inurban planning from theUniversity of Liverpool. In 1967, Ong joined theMinistry of National Development (MND) as a town planner. After four years in thecivil service, he resigned in 1971 and established his ownarchitectural firm, Ong & Ong Architects & Town Planners, with his wifeLing Siew May who was also an architect.
Ong became involved in politics in the early 1970s, joining thePeople's Action Party (PAP). He was elected as an MP for theKim Keat Constituency in the1972 general election and served until 1991,[b] after which he represented the Kim Keat division of theToa Payoh Group Representation Constituency until 1993. He also served as PAP's Chairman from 1981 to 1993 and held ministerial positions includingMinister for Communications (1978–1981),Minister for Labour (1981–1983) andDeputy Prime Minister (1985–1993). In Parliament, Ong was best known for advocating the construction of theMass Rapid Transit (MRT), the largest construction project in Singapore's history at the time. A union leader, he was also the Secretary-General of theNational Trades Union Congress (NTUC) from 1983 to 1993.
On 16 August 1993, Ong resigned from both the PAP and Parliament to contest the1993 presidential election, winning 58.7% of the vote. He was nicknamed the "People's President" for being Singapore's first directly elected president and was sworn in on 1 September 1993, concurrently leaving his position at NTUC.[1] He decided not to run for a second term as president in1999, in part due to the death of his wife. He was succeeded byS. R. Nathan.[2] Ong died fromlymphoma in 2002 at the age of 66.
Ong was born on 22 January 1936 to Ong Keng Wee and Chung Lai Heng in theStraits Settlements (present-day Singapore), the second of five children from a middle-class family.[3] His English-educated father Ong Keng Wee felt that theChinese language was important if one ever wanted to become successful in business at the time and thus sent all of his children to Chinese-medium schools.
Ong graduated with distinctions fromThe Chinese High School in 1955. Having received a Chinese-language education, Ong saw little opportunity for advancing his studies in theUniversity of Malaya, as English was the university's language medium.[4]
In 1956, with the help of his father's friends, Ong ventured abroad. Those years were to shape both his beliefs and passions. Ong studiedarchitecture at theUniversity of Adelaide along with his childhood sweetheart and future wife,Ling Siew May.[5] Both Ong and Ling met each other during a Christmas party while they were still studying in secondary school.[4] In 1965, Ong received aColombo Plan scholarship to pursue a master's degree inurban planning at theUniversity of Liverpool and graduated in 1967.[4]
Upon graduation, Ong worked as an architect inAdelaide, Australia,[6] and married Ling in 1963.[7] Ong and his wife occasionally reciteChinese poetry and verses they learnt during their younger days.[8]
In 1967, Ong joined theMinistry of National Development (MND) as a town planner. After four years of civil service, Ong resigned in 1971, and started his own architectural firm, Ong & Ong Architects & Town Planners, with his wife.[9]
Ong's political career spanned 21 years. He was a Member of Parliament (MP),Cabinet minister andDeputy Prime Minister, before he resigned to become the first electedPresident of Singapore in 1993.
Ong's political beginnings started when he got involved in thegrassroots activities inSeletar and was then introduced to Prime MinisterLee Kuan Yew. ThePeople's Action Party (PAP) subsequently fielded him as a PAP candidate contesting inKim Keat SMC during the1972 general election.
His first political appointment came just three years later when he was appointedSenior Minister of State for Communications. At that time, he was notable for pushing for an extensive rail network in the country, now known as theMass Rapid Transit (MRT), the largest construction project in Singapore's history. During his tenure asMinister for Communications, Ong continued to be a proponent and advocate of the MRT system, often coming at odds with his fellow political colleagues who were against such an idea.[10] He was subsequently appointed Second Deputy Prime Minister in 1985.
The origins of the MRT was first derived from a forecast by the country's planners back in 1967 which stated the need for a rail-based urban transport system by 1992.[11][12][13] However, opposition from the government on the feasibility of the MRT from prominent ministers, among them Finance MinisterGoh Keng Swee and Trade and Industry MinisterTony Tan, nearly shuttered the programme due to financial grounds and concerns of jobs saturation in the construction industry.[14]
Following a debate on whether a bus-only system would be more cost-effective, Ong came to the conclusion that an all-bus system would be inadequate, as it would have to compete for road space in a land-scarce country. Ong was an architect and town planner by training and through his perseverance and dedication became the main figure behind the initial construction of the system.[15][16] Ong and other pro-rail advocates eventually won the argument, with the MRT being given the go-ahead in May 1982.
In 1983, Ong succeededLim Chee Onn as Secretary-General of theNational Trades Union Congress (NTUC). Historically, the NTUC, representing non-communist trade unions in Singapore, maintained a notably close relationship with the rulingPeople's Action Party (PAP) as part of a tripartite system involving the government, employers, and unions. This alliance was instrumental to the PAP's consolidation of power during the 1960s.[17]
Despite this longstanding partnership, tensions between the NTUC leadership and the grassroots union base had begun to surface by the 1980s. In 1982, Lim, then still Secretary-General, publicly affirmed the deep historical ties between the two organisations, declaring that the "PAP and the NTUC came from the same mother—the struggle with the communists and the colonialists." Nevertheless, internal frictions were becoming more pronounced. According to political analyst Michael Barr, the NTUC leadership had come to be dominated by technocrats aligned with the PAP, many of whom were seen as distant from the traditional labour movement. Older grassroots union leaders increasingly felt sidelined in decision-making processes.[17]
Prime MinisterLee Kuan Yew expressed concern that Lim, despite being hisprotégé, was not successfully integrating the new generation of elite professionals and scholars with the rank-and-file union leadership. This failure to harmonise the NTUC's leadership structure led to growing unease among the grassroots. Lim's predecessors included figures such asDevan Nair, the NTUC's founder and a prominentdemocratic socialist from thePAP's Old Guard, andPhey Yew Kok, a powerful union figure instrumental in bringing Chinese unions into the NTUC fold during the 1970s. Phey, however, resigned in 1980 amidst a corruption scandal and subsequently fled the country.[18]
Discontent with the NTUC's leadership became more visible in the early 1980s. The United Workers of Petroleum Industry (UWPI), along with the NTUC Triennial Delegates' Conference, publicly opposed government efforts to promote the establishment of house unions, a move that provoked political concern within the PAP leadership. In an open letter, Lee informed Lim that he would be reassigned to head a government ministry, and that Ong would assume the position of Secretary-General of the NTUC. Though the role of Secretary-General was typically held by a Cabinet member, Ong's appointment was notable. At the time, he served concurrently as Minister for Labour and Chairman of the PAP, and was widely regarded as a potential successor to Lee.[17]
As Secretary-General of the NTUC, Ong made significant progress in mending the strained relationship between the unions and the government, an area where his predecessor Lim had struggled. Within months of his appointment, Ong confronted the leadership of the UWPI, which had previously resisted the government's push for house unions. Their opposition was swiftly reversed, and by 1985, the NTUC Triennial Delegates' Conference formally endorsed the policy. Barr observed that Ong demonstrated a strong "mastery of institutional power".[17]
Despite the prohibition on strikes and trade union negotiations over key employment matters such as promotion, transfer, dismissal and retrenchment, which were issues that had historically triggered most labour disputes, the Singaporean government had, since the 1960s, implemented broad protections for workers' welfare and safety. Disputes were typically resolved through the Industrial Arbitration Court, which was empowered to provide bothbinding arbitration and voluntarymediation. However, concerns persisted within the union grassroots about their declining political influence and the increasing dominance of PAP technocrats within the NTUC.[19]
These concerns were voiced by figures such as Peter Vincent, NTUC President from 1980 to 1984, who suggested that PAP technocrats should remain in advisory roles until they earned the trust of the union movement. In response, Ong actively sought to rebuild trust by increasing consultation with union leaders and reversing the trend of excluding grassroots representatives from top NTUC leadership. His approach was seen as a deliberate effort to restore the legitimacy and inclusiveness of the union hierarchy.[17]
Ong also stood out for his vigorous advocacy on behalf of the labour movement. Unlike his predecessor, he was deeply involved in union affairs and pushed the limits of what the government would tolerate in union activism. According to Barr, such an approach would not have been acceptable under another leader, but Ong's personal credibility and close relationship with the government afforded him greater leeway. In return for his assertive representation of union interests, the NTUC maintained its overall alignment with the government's core industrial relations strategies.[17]
In January 1986, Ong sanctioned a strike in the shipping industry, the first for about a decade in Singapore, believing it was necessary as "[the] management were taking advantage of the workers". However, he did not inform the Cabinet beforehand out of fear that the Cabinet would prevent him from going ahead with the strike. Ong recalled in a 2000 interview inAsiaweek: "Some of them were angry with me about that... theMinister for Trade and Industry was very angry, his officers were upset. They had calls from America, asking what happened to Singapore?"[20] Minister for Trade and IndustryTony Tan, vigorously opposed Ong's decision to sanction the strike, being concerned with investors' reactions to a perceived deterioration of labour relations or an impact onforeign direct investment (FDI) needed for jobs creation. Ong viewed the strike as a success, and according to Barr, Ong justified his commitment "inConfucian terms" in a "notion akin tonoblesse oblige".[17]
As Secretary-General of the NTUC, Ong also organised a 4,000-strong demonstration at theUnited States Embassy in protest against the United States First Secretary E. Mason Hendrickson's encouragement of dissident lawyers to stand for election against the PAP.[21]
In August 1993, Ong resigned from the Cabinet, the PAP and his position as Secretary-General of the NTUC in order to contest the1993 Singaporean presidential election.[22] Standing with the endorsement of the PAP, Ong contested againstChua Kim Yeow, a former accountant-general in Singapore's first-ever presidential election. Out of 1,756,517 votes cast, Ong received 952,513 votes while Chua garnered 670,358, despite having conducted a notably modest campaign and possessing a lower public profile.[23] Ong was consequently inaugurated as the first elected President of Singapore, and in accordance with convention, was appointedex officio Chancellor of both theNational University of Singapore (NUS) and theNanyang Technological University (NTU).[24]
However, shortly after assuming office, Ong encountered significant tension with the government regarding access to detailed information on Singapore'snational reserves. While the government initially contended that it would require 56-man-years to compile a precise valuation of immovable assets, Ong consulted both the accountant-general and the auditor-general and concluded that such a valuation could be reasonably expedited. A preliminary list was eventually produced, though incomplete, and it ultimately took the government three years to deliver the information he had requested.[25] In an interview with Hong Kong'sAsiaweek six months after leaving office,[26] Ong explained that his insistence on auditing the reserves was guided by his constitutional duty as an elected president to safeguard national assets, both liquid and immovable. He also recounted an instance where he was informed through the press that the government intended to sell thePost Office Savings Bank (POSB) toThe Development Bank of Singapore Limited (DBS) without notifying him in advance, despite the bank's reserves falling under presidential protection. He described the move as procedurally inappropriate, and although he eventually intervened, the sale proceeded regardless.
In 1998, Ong was appointed anHonorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) byQueen Elizabeth II in recognition of his public service.[27] He chose not to seek a second term in 1999, citing personal reasons, including the illness and subsequent passing of his wife. In his farewell speech on 30 August 1999, he remarked that "having a good government is better than having a good President to check on a bad government", expressing confidence in Singapore's leadership and its governance over the past 35 years.[28] Ong's presidency was also distinguished by his patronage of charitable and cultural initiatives, most notably the founding of the President's Star Charity, an annual event that has benefitted numerous charities, arts organisations and youth groups. In his final year in office, he famously performed a piano rendition ofTeresa Teng'sThe Moon Represents My Heart alongside Mediacorp artistesEvelyn Tan andKym Ng.[29][30][31] Ong stepped down from the presidency at the age of 63.[32]
Ong died in his sleep fromlymphoma on 8 February 2002, at the age of 66, at his residence in Dalvey Estate atTanglin at about 8:14pmSingapore Standard Time (UTC+08:00) after he had been discharged from hospital a few days earlier. As a mark of respect, state flags at all government buildings were flown athalf-mast, including theIstana, on 11 February instead of on 12 February, the day of Ong's funeral, to avoid state flags being flown at half-mast on the first day ofChinese New Year.[33]
Ong was also known as "The People's President", as he was the first president to be directly elected by Singaporeans.[1]
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by | Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore 1985–1993 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | President of Singapore 1993–1999 | Succeeded by |
| Party political offices | ||
| Preceded by | Chairman,PAP 1981–1993 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by None | Nonpartisan nominee forPresident of Singapore 1993 (won) | Succeeded by |
| Trade union offices | ||
| Preceded by | Secretary-General,National Trades Union Congress 1983–1993 | Succeeded by |
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| People | |
| Other | |
