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Old Irish is known for having a particularly complex system ofmorphology and especially ofallomorphy (more or less unpredictable variations in stems and suffixes in differing circumstances), as well as a complexsound system involving grammatically significantconsonant mutations to the initial consonant of a word. Apparently,[* 1] neither characteristic was present in the precedingPrimitive Irish period, though initial mutations likely existed in a non-grammaticalised form in the prehistoric era.[4][full citation needed]
Contemporary Old Irish scholarship is still greatly influenced by the works of a small number of scholars active in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such asRudolf Thurneysen (1857–1940) andOsborn Bergin (1873–1950).
A system ofconjugated prepositions that is unusual in Indo-European languages but common to Celtic languages. There is a great deal of allomorphy here, as well.
Infixed or prefixed object prepositions, which are inserted between the verb stem and its initial prefix(es). If a verb lacks any such prefixes, a dummy prefix is normally added.
Special verbal conjugations are used to signal the beginning of arelative clause.
Old Irish also preserves most aspects of the complicatedProto-Indo-European (PIE) system of morphology. Nouns and adjectives aredeclined in three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter); three numbers (singular, dual, plural); and five cases (nominative, vocative, accusative, dative and genitive). MostPIE noun stem classes are maintained (o-,yo-,ā-,yā-,i-,u-,r-,n-,s-, and consonant stems). Most of the complexities ofPIE verbal conjugation are also maintained, and there are new complexities introduced by varioussound changes (seebelow).
A still older form of Irish is known asPrimitive Irish. Fragments of Primitive Irish, mainly personal names, are known from inscriptions on stone written in theOgham alphabet. The inscriptions date from about the 4th to the 6th centuries. Primitive Irish appears to have been very close toCommon Celtic, the ancestor of allCeltic languages, and it had a lot of the characteristics of other archaic Indo-European languages.
Relatively little survives in the way of strictly contemporary sources. They are represented mainly by shorter or longerglosses on the margins orbetween the lines of religiousLatinmanuscripts, most of them preserved in monasteries in Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France and Austria, having been taken there byearly Irish missionaries. Whereas in Ireland, many of the older manuscripts appear to have been worn out through extended and heavy use, their counterparts on the Continent were much less prone to the same risk because once they ceased to be understood, they were rarely consulted.[6]
The earliest Old Irish passages may be the transcripts found in theCambrai Homily, which is thought to belong to the early 8th century. TheBook of Armagh contains texts from the early 9th century. Important Continental collections of glosses from the 8th and 9th century include theWürzburg Glosses (mainly) on thePauline Epistles, theMilan Glosses on a commentary to thePsalms and theSt Gall Glosses onPriscian's Grammar.
In addition to contemporary witnesses, the vast majority of Old Irish texts are attested in manuscripts of a variety of later dates. Manuscripts of the later Middle Irish period, such as theLebor na hUidre and theBook of Leinster, contain texts which are thought to derive from written exemplars in Old Irish now lost and retain enough of their original form to merit classification as Old Irish.
The preservation of certain linguistic forms current in the Old Irish period may provide reason to assume that an Old Irish original directly or indirectly underlies the transmitted text or texts.
Theconsonant inventory of Old Irish is shown in the chart below. The complexity of Old Irish phonology is from a four-way split of phonemes inherited from Primitive Irish, with both afortis–lenis and a "broad–slender" (velarised vs.palatalised) distinction arising from historical changes. The sounds/fvθðxɣhṽnlr/ are the broad lenis equivalents of broad fortis/pbtdkɡsmNLR/; likewise for the slender (palatalised) equivalents. (However, most/ffʲ/ sounds actually derive historically from/w/, since/p/ was relatively rare in Old Irish, being a recent import from other languages such as Latin.)
Some details of Old Irishphonetics are not known./sʲ/ may have been pronounced[ɕ] or[ʃ], as in Modern Irish./hʲ/ may have been the same sound as/h/ or/xʲ/. The precise articulation of the fortissonorants/N/,/Nʲ/,/L/,/Lʲ/,/R/,/Rʲ/ is unknown, but they were probably longer,tenser and generally more strongly articulated than their lenis counterparts/n/,/nʲ/,/l/,/lʲ/,/r/,/rʲ/, as in the Modern Irish and Scottish dialects that still possess a four-way distinction in thecoronalnasals andlaterals./Nʲ/ and/Lʲ/ may have been pronounced[ɲ] and[ʎ] respectively. The difference between/R(ʲ)/ and/r(ʲ)/ may have been that the former weretrills while the latter wereflaps./m(ʲ)/ and/ṽ(ʲ)/ were derived from an original fortis–lenis pair.
Old Irish had distinctivevowel length in bothmonophthongs anddiphthongs. Short diphthongs weremonomoraic, taking up the same amount of time as short vowels, while long diphthongs were bimoraic, the same as long vowels. (This is much like the situation inOld English but different fromAncient Greek whose shorter and longer diphthongs were bimoraic and trimoraic, respectively:/ai/ vs./aːi/.) The inventory of Old Irish long vowels changed significantly over the Old Irish period, but the short vowels changed much less.
1The short diphthongŏu likely existed very early in the Old Irish period, but merged with/u/ later on and in many instances was replaced with/o/ due to paradigmatic levelling. It is attested once in the phrasei routh by theprima manus of theWürzburg Glosses.[7]
/æ~œ/ arose from the u-infection of stressed/a/ by a/u/ that preceded a palatalized consonant. This vowel faced much inconsistency in spelling, often detectable by a word containing it being variably spelled with⟨au, ai, e, i, u⟩ across attestations.Tulach "hill, mound" is the most commonly cited example of this vowel, with the spelling of its inflections includingtulach itself,telaig,telocho,tilchaib,taulich andtailaig. This special vowel also ran rampant in many words starting with the stressed prefixair- (from Proto-Celtic*ɸare).[8][9]
Archaic Old Irish (before about 750) had the following inventory of long vowels:
1Both/e₁ː/ and/e₂ː/ were normally written⟨é⟩ but must have been pronounced differently because they have different origins and distinct outcomes in later Old Irish./e₁ː/ stems from Proto-Celtic *ē (< PIE *ei), or fromē in words borrowed from Latin./e₂ː/ generally stems fromcompensatory lengthening of short *e because of loss of the following consonant (in certain clusters) or a directly following vowel inhiatus. It is generally thought that/e₁ː/ was higher than/e₂ː/.[10] Perhaps/e₁ː/ was[eː] while/e₂ː/ was[ɛː]. They are clearly distinguished in later Old Irish, in which/e₁ː/ becomes⟨ía⟩ (but⟨é⟩ before a palatal consonant)./e₂ː/ becomes⟨é⟩ in all circumstances. Furthermore,/e₂ː/ is subject tou-affection, becoming⟨éu⟩ or⟨íu⟩, while/e₁ː/ is not.
2A similar distinction may have existed between/o₁ː/ and/o₂ː/, both written⟨ó⟩, and stemming respectively from former diphthongs (*eu, *au, *ou) and from compensatory lengthening. However, in later Old Irish both sounds appear usually as⟨úa⟩, sometimes as⟨ó⟩, and it is unclear whether/o₂ː/ existed as a separate sound any time in the Old Irish period.
1Early Old Irish/ai/ and/oi/ merged in later Old Irish. It is unclear what the resulting sound was, as scribes continued to use both⟨aí⟩ and⟨oí⟩ to indicate the merged sound. The choice of/oi/ in the table above is somewhat arbitrary.
The distribution of shortvowels inunstressedsyllables is a little complicated. All short vowels may appear in absolutely final position (at the very end of a word) after both broad and slender consonants. The front vowels/e/ and/i/ are often spelled⟨ae⟩ and⟨ai⟩ after broad consonants, which might indicate a retracted pronunciation here, perhaps something like[ɘ] and[ɨ]. All ten possibilities are shown in the following examples:
The distribution of short vowels in unstressed syllables, other than when absolutely final, was quite restricted. It is usually thought that there were only two allowed phonemes:/ə/ (written⟨a, ai, e, i⟩ depending on the quality of surrounding consonants) and/u/ (written⟨u⟩ or⟨o⟩). The phoneme/u/ tended to occur when the following syllable contained an *ū inProto-Celtic (for example,dligud/ˈdʲlʲiɣuð/ "law" (dat.) < PC *dligedū), or after a broadlabial (for example,lebor/ˈLʲevur/ "book";domun/ˈdoṽun/ "world"). The phoneme/ə/ occurred in other circumstances. The occurrence of the two phonemes was generally unrelated to the nature of the corresponding Proto-Celtic vowel, which could be any monophthong: long or short.
Long vowels also occur in unstressed syllables. However, they rarely reflect Proto-Celtic long vowels, which were shortened prior to the deletion (syncope) of inner syllables. Rather, they originate in one of the following ways:
from the late resolution of ahiatus of two adjacent vowels (usually as a result of loss of *s between vowels);
fromcompensatory lengthening in response to loss of a consonant (cenél "kindred, gender" < *cenethl;du·air-chér "I have purchased" < *-chechr, preterite ofcrenaid "buys"[11]);
from assimilation of an unstressed vowel to a corresponding long stressed vowel;
from late compounding;
from lengthening of short vowels before unlenited/m,N,L,R/, still in progress in Old Irish (compareerríndem "highest" vs.rind "peak"[12]).
Stress is generally on the first syllable of a word. However, in verbs it occurs on the second syllable when the first syllable is aclitic (the verbal prefixas- inas·beir/asˈberʲ/ "he says"). In such cases, the unstressed prefix is indicated in grammatical works with a followingcentre dot (⟨·⟩).
As with mostmedieval languages, theorthography of Old Irish is not fixed, so the following statements are to be taken as generalisations only. Individualmanuscripts may vary greatly from these guidelines.
Angle brackets⟨⟩ here indicate graphemic differences to the unmutated consonant.
A dash (—) here indicates that the respective consonant is not subject to eclipsis. These consonants are:r, l, n, s[13]
1Thes₂ arises from older*sw or*sɸ which is lenited to/f/. In Old Irish there are only several words containings₂:sïur ::fïur,phïur, sister;sesser :: mórfesser, six persons / seven (lit. great six) persons; or in reduplicated verbsdo·seinn :: do·sephainn, pursue.
When the consonantsb, d, g are eclipsed by the preceding word (always from a word-initial position), their spelling and pronunciation change to:⟨mb⟩/m/,⟨nd⟩/N/,⟨ng⟩/ŋ/[13]
Generally, geminating a consonant ensures its unmutated sound. While the letter⟨c⟩ may be voiced/ɡ/ at the end of some words, but when it is written double⟨cc⟩ it is always voiceless/k/ in regularised texts; however, even final/ɡ/ was often written "cc", as inbec / becc "small, little" (Modern Irish and Scottishbeag, Manxbeg).
In later Irish manuscripts, lenitedf ands are denoted with the letterh⟨fh⟩,⟨sh⟩, instead of using a superdot⟨ḟ⟩,⟨ṡ⟩.[13]
When initials stemmed from Primitive Irish*sw-, its lenited version is⟨f⟩[ɸ].
The slender (palatalised) variants of the 13 consonants are denoted with/ʲ/ marking the letter. They occur in the following environments:
Before a writtene, é, i, í
After a writteni, when not followed by a vowel letter (but not after the diphthongsaí, oí, uí)
Although Old Irish has both a sound/h/ and a letterh, there is no consistent relationship between the two. Vowel-initial words are sometimes written with an unpronouncedh, especially if they are very short (the Old Irishprepositioni "in" was sometimes writtenhi) or if they need to be emphasised (the name of Ireland,Ériu, was sometimes writtenHériu). On the other hand, words that begin with the sound/h/ are usually written without it:a ór/ahoːr/ "her gold". If the sound and the spellingco-occur, it is by coincidence, asní hed/Nʲiːheð/ "it is not".
The voiceless stops of Old Irish arec, p, t. They contrast with the voiced stopsg, b, d. Additionally, the letterm can behave similarly to a stop following vowels. These seven consonants often mutate when not in the word-initial position.
In non-initial positions, the single-letter voiceless stopsc, p, andt become the voiced stops/ɡ/,/b/, and/d/ respectively unless they are written double. Ambiguity in these letters' pronunciations arises when a single consonant follows anl, n, orr.[13] The lenited stopsch, ph, andth become/x/,/f/, and/θ/ respectively.
Non-initial voiceless stops⟨c⟩,⟨p⟩,⟨t⟩
Old Irish
Pronunciation
English
macc
/mak/
son
bec orbecc
/bʲeɡ/
small
op oropp
/ob/
refuse
bratt
/brat/
mantle
brot orbrott
/brod/
goad
Lenited consonants⟨ch⟩,⟨ph⟩,⟨th⟩
ech
/ex/
horse
oíph
/oif/
beauty
áth
/aːθ/
ford
The voiced stopsb, d, andg become fricative/v/,/ð/, and/ɣ/, respectively—identical sounds to their word-initial lenitions.
Non-initial voiced stops⟨g⟩,⟨b⟩,⟨d⟩
Old Irish
Pronunciation
English
dub
/duv/
black
mod
/moð/
work
mug
/muɣ/
slave
claideb
/klaðʲəv/
sword
claidib
/klaðʲəvʲ/
swords
In non-initial positions, the letterm usually becomes the nasal fricative/ṽ/, but in some cases it becomes a nasal stop, denoted as/m/. In cases in which it becomes a stop,m is often written double to avoid ambiguity.
The lettersl, n, r are generally written double when they indicatetense sonorants and single when they indicatelax sonorants. Originally, it reflected an actual difference between single and geminate consonants, as tense sonorants in many positions (such as between vowels or word-finally) developed from geminates. As the gemination was lost, the use of written double consonants was repurposed to indicate tense sonorants. Doubly written consonants of this sort do not occur in positions where tense sonorants developed from non-geminated Proto-Celtic sonorants (such as word-initially or before a consonant).
Geminate consonants appear to have existed since the beginning of the Old Irish period, but they were simplified by the end, as is generally reflected by the spelling. Eventually, however,ll, mm, nn, rr were repurposed to indicate nonlenited variants of those sounds in certain positions.
Written vowelsa, ai, e, i in poststressed syllables (except when absolutely word-final) all seem to represent phonemic/ə/. The particular vowel that appears is determined by the quality (broad vs. slender) of the surrounding consonants and has no relation to the etymological vowel quality:
Old Irish underwent extensive phonological changes fromProto-Celtic in both consonants and vowels.[14] Final syllables were lost ortransphonologized as grammatical mutations on the following word. In addition, unstressed syllables faced various reductions and deletions of their vowels.
^abKoch, John Thomas (2006).Celtic culture: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 831.The Old Irish of the period c. 600–c. 900 AD is as yet virtually devoid of dialect differences, and may be treated as the common ancestor of the Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and Manx of the Middle Ages and modern period; Old Irish is thus sometimes called 'Old Gaelic' to avoid confusion.
^Ó Baoill, Colm (1997). "13: The Scots-Gaelic Interface".The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh University Press. p. 551.The oldest form of the standard that we have is the language of the period c. AD 600–900, usually called 'Old Irish' – but this use of the word 'Irish' is a misapplication (popular among English-speakers in both Ireland and Scotland), for that period of the language would be more accurately called 'Old Gaelic'.
^Ranko Matasović (2007)."Insular Celtic as a Language Area". In Tristram, Hildegard L.C. (ed.).The Celtic Languages in Contact Papers from the Workshop Within the Framework of the XIII International Congress of Celtic Studies, Bonn, 26-27 July 2007. Bonn: Potsdam University Press. p. 108.ISBN9783940793072. Retrieved18 August 2022.
Kortlandt, Frederik Herman Henri (2007).Italo-Celtic Origins and the Prehistory of the Irish Language. Leiden Studies in Indo-European. Vol. 14. Rodopi.ISBN978-90-420-2177-8.
McCone, Kim (1987).The Early Irish Verb. Maynooth: An Sagart.ISBN1-870684-00-1.
McCone, Kim (2005).A First Old Irish Grammar and Reader. Maynooth: Department of Old and Middle Irish, National University of Ireland.ISBN0-901519-36-7.