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TheOjibwe language is anAlgonquianNorth American indigenous language spoken throughout theGreat Lakes region and westward onto the northern plains. It is one of the largest indigenous language north of Mexico in terms of number of speakers, and exhibits a large number of divergent dialects. For the most part, this article describes the Minnesota variety of the Southwestern dialect. The orthography used is theFiero Double-Vowel System.

Like many North American languages, Ojibwe ispolysynthetic, meaning it exhibits a great deal ofsynthesis and a very highmorpheme-to-word ratio (e.g., the single word for "they are Chinese" isaniibiishaabookewininiiwiwag, which contains six morphemes: leaf-liquid-make-man-be-PLURAL, or approximately "they are leaf-drink [i.e., tea] makers"). It isagglutinating, and thus builds up words by stringing morpheme after morpheme together, rather than having several affixes which carry numerous different pieces of information.

Like most Algonquian languages, Ojibwe distinguishes two different kinds of third person, aproximate and anobviative. The proximate is a traditional third person, while the obviative (also frequently called "fourth person") marks a less important third person if more than one third person is taking part in an action. In other words, Ojibwe uses the obviative to avoid the confusion that could be created by English sentences such as "John and Bill were good friends, ever since the day he first saw him" (who saw whom?). In Ojibwe, one of the two participants would be marked as proximate (whichever one was deemed more important), and the other marked as obviative.

Thegender distinction in Ojibwe is not a masculine/feminine contrast, but is rather betweenanimate andinanimate. Animate nouns are generally living things, and inanimate ones generally nonliving things, although that is not a simple rule because of the cultural understanding as to whether a noun possesses a "spirit" or not (generally, if it can move, it possesses a "spirit"). Objects with great spiritual importance for the Ojibwe, such as rocks, are very often animate rather than inanimate, for example. Some words are distinguished purely by theirnoun class; for example,mitig, if it is animate (pluralmitigoog), means "tree;" if it is inanimate (pluralmitigoon), it means "stick."

Number in Ojibwe is a simple singular/plural contrast. Nouns and pronouns can be either singular or plural, and verbs inflect for the number of their subject and object, although some nouns and verbs lack singular forms. Plural forms differ from word to word depending on the word's gender, root, and historical stress. By examining the plural form of the word, one can generally determine the word's gender and root. Animate plurals end in-g, while inanimate plural nouns (and obviative nouns) end in-n. Theunderlying form of a root determines the "linking vowel" — the vowel that appears before the plural suffix (-g or-n) but after the root itself.

There are seven Ojibwe inflectional categories expressingperson/gender combinations for each of the two numbers (singular and plural).^[1] However, the singular and plural categories do not always exactly correspond. The total number of 14 "persons" arises from taking into consideration all the contrasts of animate/inanimate, proximate/obviative, and singular/plural.

Characteristics of the resulting 14 persons are built into Ojibwe nouns and pronouns, thus dictating which verb forms would be used in speech. In nouns and verbs, all 14 forms of persons may or may not present themselves, as words are divided as either animate or inanimate genders and very few words exist as both, but all 14 forms of persons generally do appear with pronouns.

Ojibwe pronouns, along with distinguishing singular and plural number and first, second, third, and fourth (obviative) persons, also carry a distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural. Pronouns may present themselves either as independent words or as series of prefixes and suffixes.

Aninclusive first person plural indicates that the pronoun includes the addressee, i.e., "we including you" (giinawind). Anexclusive first person plural indicates that the addressee is not included, i.e., "we excluding you" (niinawind).

The other personal pronouns are the first singularniin, second singulargiin, third singularwiin, second pluralgiinawaa, and third pluralwiinawaa.

Like the independent words, Ojibwe pronominal prefixes indicate first person withn-, second person withg- and third person withw-. However, the associated suffixes for these persons will be different depending on if the word is a verb or a noun.^[8]

In many Ojibwe-speaking communities, the first person prefix is used without the initialn. Due to vowel syncope in some communities, those prefixes are further reduced without the initiali. However, among Saulteaux communities, the first person prefixnim- andnin- are instead reduced toni-,nind- tonid- andnindo- tonido-.

Ojibwe also has a set ofdemonstrative pronouns, distinguishing animate/inanimate, here/there/yonder/over here, singular/plural, and proximate/obviative. The demonstratives differ in their phonetic forms very significantly across Ojibwe dialects and communities, so this table, based on the Minnesota dialect of Southwestern Ojibwe, will not be entirely correct for many speakers:

Ojibwe also has a set of "indefinite" pronouns (awiiya, "someone",gegoo, "something," both of which can be preceded bygaawiin orakina to mean "no one, nothing" and "everyone, everything," respectively).

In contrast to the Southwestern Ojibwe's demonstrative pronouns, Central Ojibwe, Northwestern Ojibwe and Western Ojibwe—which includes a larger set of obviatives—have a larger set of demonstratives:

Ojibwe verbs mark information not only on the subject (their animacy, person, and plurality) but also on the object. There are several different classes of verbs in the language, which differ based on whether they aretransitive orintransitive and whether they take animate or inanimate subjects. These are the main classes:

Verbs mark tenses with prefixes (a'-, aorist past,gii'-, simple past,ga(d)- andda-, future, andwii'-, desiderative future), but also can take a myriad of affixes known as "preverbs", which convey a great amount of additional information about an action. For example, the preverbizhi- means "in such a way," and so its addition to the verb root-ayaa-, "to be," makes the verbizhi-ayaa, "to be a certain way." The preverbbimi-, "along," combines with the verb root-batoo-, "to run," to formbimibatoo, "to run along, run by." The preferred order of these prefixes are personal prefix, tense prefix, directional prefix, relative prefix, any number of preverbs, and finally the verb.^[12] In addition, the initial syllable may be modifiedby an initial vowel change or by an initial syllable reduplication.^[13][14][15]

Furthermore, there are three so-called "orders" of Ojibwe verbs. The basic one is calledIndependent Order, and is simply theindicative mood. There is also aConjunct Order, which is most often used with verbs insubordinate clauses, in questions (other than simple yes–no questions), and with participles (participles in Ojibwe are verbal nouns, whose meaning is roughly equivalent to "someone who is (VERB), does (VERB)," for example, the word for "traveler,"bebaamaadizid, is the third singular conjunct ofbabaamaadizi, "to travel about," and literally means "someone who travels about"). The final order is theImperative Order, used with commands and corresponding to theimperative mood.

Negatives are generally introduced by the leading wordgaawiin, which is usually translated as "no," before introducing the actual words in their negative form. Negatives are generally formed by addingsii (orzii) for independent order andsi (orzi) for conjunct order, both adding the negative element immediately after the root but before other suffixes. Thesii/si are found after vowels while thezii/zi are found aftern. In some words, the final consonant is dropped and thesii/si are added to the remaining vowel, in other words the finalm is converted ton before addingzii/zi, yet in other words a linking voweli (oraa) is added after the final consonant and then thesii/si added. Imperatives do not follow thesii (zii)/si (zi) pattern.

There are three imperatives in Ojibwe: theimmediate imperative, used to indicate that the action must be completely right away (nibaan!, "Sleep (right now)!"), thedelayed imperative, used to indicate that the action should be completely eventually, but not immediately (nibaakan!, "Sleep (in a little bit)!"), and theprohibitive imperative, used to indicate that the action is prohibited ((gego) nibaaken!, "Don't sleep!"). Like the negatives, the "k" in-k,-ken,-keg and-kegon take on the lenis form and become "g" aftern. Also like the negatives, the general the connector vowel between the imperative suffix and the terminal consonant here isi; however, fork/g, the connector vowel instead iso.

All verbs can also be marked for four "modes:" indicative (neutral),dubitative (the speaker is unsure about the validity of what they are saying, for example:bakade, "he is hungry," butbakadedog, "he must be hungry; he could be hungry"), preterit (which emphasizes that the action occurred in the past, and is also used to refer to attempted or intended but uncompleted actions, for example:imaa ninamadab, "I'm sitting there," butimaa ninamadabiban, "I was sitting there; I meant to sit there"), or preterit-dubitative (which expresses doubt about a past action:imaa namadabigoban, "she must have sat there; she could have sat there").

As an example of some of the Ojibwe verbal distinctions at work, consider the conjugation of positive and negative indicative long-vowel-final VAI verbs (using the examplenibaa, "to sleep"):

Also as an example of some of the Ojibwe verbal distinctions at work, consider the conjugation of positive and negative indicative long-vowel-final VII verbs (using the exampleozhaawashkwaa, "to blue"). Note that unlike VAI verbs, VII do not have imperatives:

Passives in intransitives can be expressed by using theINVERSE markerigw, which may undergo a minor structural modification. Some examples of verb final containing theINVERSE markerigw are:

Ojibwe, as with other Algonquian languages, also exhibits adirect–inverse system, in which transitive verbs are marked for whether or not the direction of the action follows a "topicality hierarchy" of the language. The topicality hierarchy in Ojibwe is2 > 1 > X > 3 > 3’ > 0, determined by 1) person, 2) gender, and 3) obviation.^[16] Ojibwe has nocase distinctions among agent, patient and experiencertheta roles, so in a transitive verb with two participants, the only way to distinguish subject from object is through direct/inverse/goal suffixes.

Note: C, N, nN, S and Y are used in some of the tables below to indicate a genericconsonant, n\zh varying consonant, n\nzh varying consonant, s\sh varying consonant, and Ø\i varying palatializer, respectively.

The local goals, non-local goals and reflective cause the stem to undergo minor adjustments:

1. InOji-Cree (Severn Ojibwe) language, inAlgonquin language, and in someCentral Ojibwa language (especially inNorth of Superior Ojibwe)

Transitive verbs can become VAI class of verbs by adding the actor-focusedDETRANSITIVE markerige, which modifies the stem in a similar fashion as theINVERSE markerigw. However, due to differences in dialects, how the actor-focusedDETRANSITIVE markerige may show up differently.

For the first person and second personGOALs, theirACTORs are specified if the words are in theirIndependent Order, and can also be known aslocal direct (first personGOAL) andlocal inverse (second personGOAL). ADIRECT suffix indicates that the action is performed by someone higher on the person hierarchy on someone lower on the person hierarchy (e.g., by the addressee on the speaker, or by a proximate third person on an obviative):

An inverse suffix indicates that the action is performed by someone lower on the person hierarchy on someone higher on the person hierarchy (e.g., by the speaker on the addressee, or by an obviative third person on a proximate):

As can be seen, the only difference between these two verbs is the direct–inverse opposition, rather than case markers (or word order, when distinct nominals are used). An inverse verb isnot equivalent to apassive verb. There is a separate passivity marker, denoted in literature as "indefinite person (X)", ranked in topicality hierarchy below first and second persons, but higher than animate and inanimate third persons:

To illustrate this, a generic VTA and VTI paradigm table, arranged by person hierarchy, is shown below. Note that the reflexive forms shown in a darker background with the reflexive theme/-idizo/ happen to be VAI. The table depicts only the paradigm for Independent Order, Positive Voice, Neutral Mode. Letters omitted in a particular form are indicated with that letter struck-through.

Ojibwe language is rich in its use ofpreverbs, which is a prefix that comes before verbs, nouns, and particles, to provide an additional layer of meaning. In Ojibwe, there are four classes of preverbs ranked in importance by six degrees:

• class 1—tense, aspect, mode, or syntactic prefix appearing on verbs
  • mode-subordinator:
    • subordinator: e-, gaa-, waa-
    • modal: ga[d]-, da-, daa-, ji-, ge[d]-.
  • tense-negativity
    • tense: a'- [e'-], gii'- [gaa'-], wii'- [waa'-].
    • negativity: aano-, bwaa-.
• class 2—directional prefix occurring on verbs
• class 3—relational prefix occurring on verbs (and on some nouns and particles): ako- [eko-], onji- [wenji-], izhi- [ezhi-], apiichi- [epiichi-], dazhi- [endazhi-], daso- [endaso-].
• class 4—lexical prefix occurring on verbs, nouns, or particles.
  • aspectual
  • manner, degree, quality/evaluative, quantitative/numeric

Preverbs, when they occur before a noun, are called aprenoun. Preverb class units when written are separated with a hyphen, with the exception of the class 4 preverb indicating manner, degree, quality/evaluative, or quantitative/numeric, which can also serve as functional part of a word stem as an initial. If several preverbs of the same class occur, they are written as a single block in order of rank of importance, with the most important preverb located closest to the word. Pronominal prefixes are written directly onto the head of the word group, so it may be found attached directly to the preverb if a preverb is present. When constructed, an Ojibwe word (in the example below, a verb) may have some or all of the pieces in the following form:

Example, usingnibaa, "to sleep"

Nouns distinguish plurality, animacy, obviation, and case with suffixes. Animacy is only overtly marked on plural nouns. There are no core cases to distinguish categories such as "subject" or "object", but rather variousoblique cases, including alocative (e.g.,wiisiniwigamig, "restaurant",wiisiniwigamigong, "in the restaurant") and avocative plural (e.g.,Ojibwedog, "(you) Ojibwes!"). Other suffixes are: pejorative (e.g.,jiimaan, "canoe",jiimaanish, "worthless canoe"), diminutive (e.g.,zhooniyaa, "money",zhooniyaans, "coin"), contemptive (e.g.,odaabaan, "car",odaabaanenh, "just some old car"), preterit (which marks a deceased or no-longer existent person or object, e.g.nookomis, "my grandmother",nookomisiban, "my late grandmother"), and preterit-dubitative (which marks a deceased or no-longer existent person or object which was never known by the speaker, e.g.a'aw mindimooyenh, "that old woman",a'aw mindimooyenyigoban, "that late old woman I never knew").

Some nouns are considered "dependent" and cannot be presented by themselves. Instead, these dependent nouns are presented with pronoun prefixes/suffixes attached to them. An example of a dependent noun isnookomis ("my grandmother") where the dependent root-ookomis- ("grandmother") must be presented with a pronoun affix, which in this case isn-.

Other nouns are derived from verbs by transforming them to their participle form. Of the choices, third person (and thus third person plural) is the most common form. Though each class of verbs may have their own participle-forming patterns, for simplicity, only the VAI neutral mode, positive participles are shown in the example, again, usingnibaa ("sleep").

Note: C, V, and VV are used in some of the tables below to indicate a genericconsonant, a generic shortvowel, and a generic long vowel, respectively.

* For participles, the word experiencesinitial vowel change.
¹ -nh inOdaawaa.

Verbs additionally can be transformed into nouns representing concepts by adding-win, or into nouns representing an object by adding-gan or-n, or if a VAI into a gerund by dropping the final vowel or if VAI2 by adding-o.

Plurals and obviative suffixes are the easiest to add to Ojibwe words. By examining the plural, one can generally determine the underlying root of the word. Generally, animate plurals end with-g, while inanimate plurals and obviatives end with-n. Often, a linking vowel is required to join the root to one of these endings. Underlying-w or-y or an augment may affect the choice of linking vowels. A few plurals do not follow this rule, for example,mishi,misan "piece(s) of firewood".

1 InCentral Ojibwa,Northwestern Ojibwa andWestern Ojibwa, singular obviative ends with " n " while plural obviative ends with " ' ". This distinction in obviative is not made in other Ojibwe language dialects.
2 InEastern Ojibwe language and in theOttawa language,contemptive plurals are CVVnyig and CVVnyin instead of CVVnyag and CVVnyan.
3 InOji-Cree language, this is a " j " and not a " d ".

Diminutives in Ojibwe express an idea of something that is smaller or younger version of the noun. All diminutives are treated as aConsonant Stem when made into one of the plural forms or into the obviative form, thus taking on the linking vowel-a-. Contemptives are formed in a similar fashion as diminutives and are used to express negative or depreciative attitude the speaker may have of the noun. Contemptive plurals and obviatives remain as contemptives, but can take on the linking vowel-i- to add a possible pejorative. Many words to express fauna are often in contemptive forms. In theOjibwemowin spoken inWisconsin and certain areas of northwesternOntario, often contemptives are reduced from-nh/-ny- forms to-ø/-y-; in Algonquin and in most Northwestern Ojibwe, the contemptives instead is reflected by-nzh. In Odaawaa, the frequency of contemptives in fauna are higher than in otherAnishinaabemowin dialects. For example, it is from theDaawaamwin wordjidmoonh ("red squirrel") where the English word "chipmunk" has its origins, while the same word inOjibwemowin isajidamoo. When contemptive suffix is added for terms of endearment, any other d, t, z and s in the word are changed to j, ch, zh and sh respectively.

Locatives indicate a location, and are indicated with-ng. Locatives do not take on any plurals or obviative suffixes, but obviation possessor or the number can be added before the locative suffix. Another set of affixes in the Anishinaabe language is indicated by the possessive theme-m or the obviative possessor theme-ni. Generally, dependent nouns and nouns ending with either-m or-n do not take the possessive theme-m. A small group of nouns also do not ever take the possessive theme suffix.

Rarely do either the possessive theme-m or the obviative possessor theme-ni stand by themselves. The above examples for the possessive theme-m were for the first person singular. For other persons or number, again using the possessive theme-m as an example, the word is conjugated as following:

¹ In theAlgonquin, the plural suffix remains as-an/-ag, rather than becoming-in/-ig.
² Terminal-n is not found in Algonquin language.
³ Terminal-n is not found inPotawatomi,Eastern Ojibwe andOttawa languages.
⁴ In thePotawatomi language
⁵-in is used in Algonquin andOji-Cree (Severn Ojibwe) languages
⁶ Only in Algonquin and in OjiCree is the inanimate possessed by an obviate marked.
⁷ Historically

Pejoratives, marked with the-sh suffix, generally indicates a stronger negative feelings a speaker may have than that of the contemptive. However, pejorative may also indicate a term of affection. Some words take on different meaning in the pejorative, such asaniibiish, which means "no good elm" but also means "leaf". In some dialects, some words are always shown in their pejorative forms, such asanimosh for "dog".

Vocative plurals mimic pejorative conjugation patterns. It is identified with the-dog suffix, which in the Ottawa dialect shows up instead as-dig suffix.

When the diminutive suffixens or the affective suffixis, is followed by the other, thes becomesz, as inizens orenzis. When the pejorative suffixish is added to the diminutive suffixens, combination yieldsenzhish, while adding the diminutive suffixens to the pejorative suffixish, just as with any other Consonant Stem patterns, yieldsishens. In Northwestern Ojibwe dialect when the pejorative suffixish is added, any otherd,t,z ands in the word are changed toj,ch,zh andsh respectively.

Singular vocatives do not follow a systematic pattern like plural vocatives do, with various strategies in achieving the vocative case:

However, many irregular forms of achieving the vocative case also exist, including in some dialects unchanged forms such asnoozhishenh! (my grandchild) used as a vocative, and vocative beyond the regular changed forms such asninge! (my mother).

Ojibwe has no adjectives per se but verbs that function as adjectives. Thus, instead of saying "the flower is blue," Ojibwe says something like to "the flower blues" (ozhaawashkwaa waabigwan) or "be a blueing flower" (waabigwan-ozhaawashkwaa). Ojibwe has acopula, in some situations, which has a verb (several, in fact) that can be translated as "to be" and used in situations to equate one thing with another. However, a copula is not always used in Ojibwe, such as ifdemonstrative pronouns are used (jiimaan o'ow, "this is a canoe").

Ojibwe language with itsiambic accent system and relatively atonal word stresses, has any nuance of expressing word emphasis, stress, mood, etc., being expressed by particles like these:

• mii — discourse sequencer, topical focuser
• (i)dash — topical shift indicator; may even appear as-sh
• (i)go — emphasises heightened assertiveness
• (i)sa — emphasises novelty
• (i)sha — emphasises contradiction
• (i)maa — emphasises cooperation (either actual or desired)
• (i)naa — emphasises evaluative information
• wii — unexpectedness indicator

The short initial 'i' is omitted typically when following a word or particle ending in a vowel or ending in 'n'.

Other particles may beinterjections like these:

• ambe — "come on..."
• (a)tayaa — "indeed"
• (a)was — "go away"
• boozhoo — "hello"
• enh — "yes"
• gaawiin — "no"
• (i)kawe — "hold on..."
• miigwech — "thank you"

The short initial vowel may be omitted typically in excited speech.

Ojibwe numbers are classified as abiquinarybase-10 system.

¹In theory
²Historically, eitherniizh midana orniizhidana.
³Many speakers omit the initialn (shown in parentheses).
⁴In Algonquin and Algonquin-influenced communities,new andnewin midana are used instead ofniiwin andniimidana, respectively.
⁵InNorthwestern Ojibwe,Oji-cree, andAlgonquin,o is used instead ofi as the connector vowel for the suffixes-midana and-midanaak.
⁶In some dialects, such as in parts ofEastern Ojibwe,zhaang is used instead ofzhaangaswi; the shorter form was historically recorded as being the more pervasive form, but it now is rarely used.
⁷Richard Rhodes reports that some Algonquin speakers use a connector,-di, before-swi,-somidana, and-somidanaak.
⁸(n)ingod is "one" inPotawatomi but "something" in Ojibwe.

Ojibwe initials of words may experience morphological changes under three modification strategies:initial consonant change,initial vowel change andinitial syllable reduplication.

Ojibwe consonants are divided into lenis and fortis values:

• lenis-fortis pairs:′ –h (if distinguished),b –p,d –t,g –k,j –ch,z –s,zh –sh
• unpaired fortis:h (if not distinguished),m,n,w,y

When either the past tense preverbgii'- or the desiritive future tensewii'- is added to a verb, if the verb begins with a lenis consonant, it may change to its fortis counterpart; it is common for many writers to omit the writing of the glottal stop, so they graphically indicate this consonant shift by writing the fortis consonant counterpart. In some dialects, such as with the Red Lake Ojibwe in Minnesota, this rule is suspended if the consonant in the verb's second syllable already contains a fortis consonant. In some dialects as in Odaawaa, this rule is not applied.

In general, verbs in Conjunct and Participial orders and nouns of Subjunctive order change the vowel quality of the first syllable in the manner shown in the table below.

However, in some words beginning indan-,dazh-,das-,dash- ordaa- instead take on the prefixen- to formendan-,endazh-,endas-,endash- orendaa-. The directional prefixbi-, meaning "over here," instead becomesba-.

Words typically conveying repetitive actions have their very first syllable experience reduplication. Reduplication may be found in both verbs and in nouns. Vowel syncope process Eastern Ojibwe and Odaawaa experiences happen after the word has gone through reduplication. The most general reduplication pattern for the initial syllable isC₁V₁ →C₁V₂C₂V₁ but the table below shows the most common reduplication strategies.

¹ayo- inAlgonquin.

In some words, the reduplicated consonant shifts from their lenis value to their fortis value. Yet in some stems, initialCw- retains the-w- while others do not. Those words experiencing the prefixen- may change toin- before experiencing reduplication. Other prefixes such asgino- (long) does not follow the typicalC₁V₁ →C₁V₂C₂V₁ pattern, and instead becomesgagaano-.

As Ojibwe is highly synthetic, word order and sentence structure is relatively free, since a great deal of information is already encoded onto the verb. The subject can go before or after the verb, as can the object; however, the subject and the object together cannot go before the verb. In general, whichever participant is deemed more important or in-focus by the speaker is placed first, before the verb, and the less important participant follows the verb. Ojibwe tends to prefer a VS order (verb–subject) when subjects are specified with separate nominals or pronouns (e.g.,bakade a'aw asabikeshiinh, be.hungry that.there.ANIMATE net.make.PEJORATIVE.CONTEMPTIVE, "that spider is hungry").

• Anishinaabe language

• Artuso, Christian (1998).Noogom gaa-izhi-anishinaabemonaaniwag: Generational Difference in Algonquin (MA thesis). University of Manitoba.
• Kegg, Maude (1990).Nookomis Gaa-inaajimotawid: What my grandmother Told Me. Bemidji, MN: Indian Studies Publications.
• Mithun, Marianne (1999).The Languages of Native North America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Nichols, John D., ed. (1988).An Ojibwe Text Anthology. London, ON: Centre for Research and Teaching of Canadian Native Languages.
• Nichols, John D.; Nyholm, Earl (1995).A Concise Dictionary of Minnesota Ojibwe. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
• Picard, Marc (1984). "On the Naturalness of Algonquian ɬ".International Journal of American Linguistics.50 (4):424–437.doi:10.1086/465851.
• Rhodes, Richard A. (1985).Eastern Ojibwa-Chippewa-Ottawa Dictionary. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
• Valentine, J. Randolph (2001). Written at The Ojibway Heritage Center, Walpole Island.Nishnaabemwin Reference Grammar. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.ISBN 0-8020-4870-6.

• Ojibwe Language Society
  • OLS Miinawaa — Yahoo Group extension of the Ojibwe Language Society
• Rand Valentine's introduction to Ojibwe
• Grammar, lessons, and dictionaries
• Odawa & Eastern Ojibwe Language resources at Algonquian Linguistic Atlas
• Ojibwe People's Dictionary ― on-line dictionary courtesy ofUniversity of Minnesota
• Freelang Ojibwe Dictionary — Freeware off-line dictionary, updated with additional entries periodically.
• Our Languages: Nakawē (Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre)
  • SICC | Saulteaux
• Native Languages: A Support Document for the Teaching of Language Patterns, Ojibwe and Cree

• Native American grammars
• Anishinaabe languages
• Ojibwe culture
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