Ogaden National Liberation Front Jabhadda Waddaniga Xoreynta Ogaadeeniya الجبهة الوطنية لتحرير أوجادين | |
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| Abbreviation | ONLF |
| Leader | Mohammed Omar Osman (1998 - 2018) |
| Founded | 15 August 1984 |
| Split from | Western Somali Liberation Front |
| Ideology | Somali nationalism |
| Political position | Center-left |
| Colors | Green,Blue,Red |
| Party flag | |
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| Website | |
| http://onlf.org/ | |
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Judiciary |
TheOgaden National Liberation Front, abbreviatedONLF, (Somali:Jabhadda Waddaniga Xoreynta Ogaadeeniya, JAWXO;Arabic:الجبهة الوطنية لتحرير أوجادين,romanized: Al-Jabhat al-wataniat litahrir 'Awjadin, ALJAWLA) is a SomaliPolitical andMilitary organization which aims for theself-determination of theSomali people in theOgaden Region.
The ONLF, established in 1984, demanded for the autonomy of this region and began an insurgency in 1994 aimed at Ethiopian forces in the area, which the government considers a region under the new federal system.
The ONLF is composed mainly of members of the somaliOgaden clan.[1] The armed wing of the ONLF was the Ogaden National Liberation Army (ONLA). Supporters of the ONLF generally aspire to create an independent, sovereign Somali-majority state consisting primarily of what is now Ethiopia'sSomali Region. ONLF supporters generally refer to the entire area of this future state asOgaden orOgadenia even though the name is controversial among some groups because of its clan-affiliation. The ONLF ostensibly exists to allow the inhabitants of Ethiopia'sSomali Region the ability to freely determine their own future and has thus has taken few public positions with regards to how a future state ofOgadenia would be administered. That said, the ONLF has fostered the creation of a national consciousness among Ethiopia's Somali inhabitants by adopting a national flag forOgadenia and promoting anOgaden national anthem, Qaran (before the adoption of Qaran, the Ogaden national anthem used by some separatists was Abab).[2] Furthermore, the ONLF has an official political programme in which it commits to, among other things, protecting freedom of religion, democratic activity, and the women, children, and minorities ofOgaden.[3]
The ONLF mostly recruits from theOgaden (clan) of Somali people, which constitutes roughly 2/3 of the regional population.[4] However, many other Somali clans and sub-clans reside in the area, and animosity between the pro-ONLF Ogadenis and other Somali clans in the area remains very deeply rooted. For many, calling the region "Ogaden" is "rightly or wrongly, associated with majority rule by the Ogaden clans, respectively with their claim for power within the Somali Regional State".[5] The Ethiopian government has exploited these rivalries by arming minority Somali militias to fight the majority ONLF.[4] Yet, some Ogaden members have pushed for other Somali clans getting represented in the regional government.[6] Writer Mohamed Mohamud Abdi argues that the territory has been under occupation since theScramble for Africa, and that the inhabitants have been unable to choose their own nameOgadenia for the land.[7][self-published source?]
The Somali struggle forself-determination in the Ogaden has been ongoing since Ethiopian EmperorMenelik II's invasions during the late 1880s. During early 1900, the anti-colonial SomaliDervish movement fought against the expansion of theEthiopian Empire. The first organized post-Somali independence began with Nasrallah during the1963-1965 rebellion. Nasrallah served as the foundation of theWestern Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) which was formed in the early 1970s.
Following the 1977-1978Ogaden War, many supporters of the Western Somali Liberation Front became disillusioned with the organizations increasing reliance on Mogadishu and were frustrated by international portrayals of the struggle in the Ogaden as merely a border matter between Ethiopia and Somalia. The ONLF was founded in 1984 by six disaffected members of the WSLF:Abdirahman Mahdi, Mohamed Ismail Omar,Sheikh Ibrahim Abdallah Mohamed, Abdi Ibrahim Ghehleh, Abdirahman Yusuf Magan andAbdulahi Muhammed Sa'adi. The organization was immediately banned by the government ofSiad Barre.[8]
In 1988, the Barre andMengistu regimes came to an accord not to support insurgencies in each others territories. TheWSLF, ONLF, and other liberation groups issued public declarations condemning the Somali governments new stance on theOgaden. After putting significant pressure against the WSLF, the Somali government effectively dismantled it that same year. To the ONLF and many Somalis in the region, the agreement confirmed that the Somali government was no longer sincere about the liberation struggle. Consequently, the 1988 accord improved the organizations prospects for mobilization.[9] As the Somali state collapsed at the end of 1990, the US government had resolved to avoid a similar fate in Ethiopia post-Mengistu. On 27 May 1991, the US invited theEthiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF),Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) andOromo Liberation Front (OLF) to talks in London. The ONLF requested to participate, but was turned down by the US.[10]
From 1984 to 1992, the organization lacked effective formal structures of its own, and was instead represented by different Ogaden groups under the ONLF banner that supported the groups ideals.[8] On 17 January 1992, at Garigo'an nearGarbo, a central committee led by Sheikh Ibrahim Abdallah was elected. This would lay the foundation for an organized and cohesive organization.[11]
To take part in the upcoming 1992 regional elections the two existing Somali political entities in the Ogaden, the ONLF andAl-Itihaad Al-Islamiya (AIAI), organized themselves into different constituencies across the Ogaden. Later that year the Ethiopian government forces attacked AIAI's headquarters in the region killing several high ranking figures. Following the attack, Al-Itihaad quickly regrouped and declared ajihad against the Ethiopian military presence in the region. As fighting between AIAI and the Ethiopian military raged throughout 1992, a serious internal debate and two factions emerged within the ONLF over whether to join the war. One wing argued that it was clear that the new Ethiopian government was not serious about self-rule and democracy, so the armed struggle should be resumed.[12] The opposing side argued that the government should still be given a chance considering the upcoming regional elections slated for December 1992. It was also noted that the organization only possessed a small military wing. Eventually the argument to refrain from joining the war and struggle through democratic means prevailed, and the government's war against AIAI ended in a ceasefire soon before the elections.[12][13]
By the time Mengistu regime fell, the ONLF had significantly consolidated its position among ethnic Somalis in Ogaden, and joined theTransitional Government. The ONLF announced elections in December 1992 for District Five (what became theSomali Region) in Ethiopia, and won 80% of the seats of the local parliament. Though the war between Al-Itihaad and the government had ended before the election, AIAI did not participate.[12] ONLF nominated Abdullahi Muhumed Sa'di for the Region's presidency, and other members for the vice-presidency and the Executive body; the regional parliament elected them in a majority vote. ONLF elected officials ruled the territory until the transitional government ended with the adoption ofa new constitution. At that time the rulingEthiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front pushed for a new partner in the region, which led to the founding of theEthiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL) atHurso in 1993.
Since 1992, theTigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated EPRDF sought to curb Somali demands forself-determination by influencing politics in the region. To this end the central government portrayed the ESDL as a pan-Somali organization in contrast to theOgaden clan dominated ONLF. While many Somalis saw the ESDL as a merely an extension of the Ethiopian government, the strategy put the ONLF under greater pressure.[14] Despite an agreement between the central government and the ONLF to cooperate on security and administration in the lead up to the 1992 elections, a mutual suspicion existed. Following the 1992 attack onAl-Itihaad, mistrust of the EPRDF within the ONLF greatly deepened.[13] The1995 general elections were boycotted by the majority of the ONLF,Al-Itihaad and large segments of the Ogaden population due to governments heavy handed interference in the political process. Some ONLF members who opposed the boycott participated in the elections, and performed poorly.[14][15] Major discontent was provoked by the EPRDF led government after it had moved the state capital fromGode toJigjiga in 1994. Following the boycott, the government went so far as to form another organization called 'New ONLF'. The 'New ONLF' and ESDL won the 1995 elections and then merged into theSomali People's Democratic Party (SPDP).[15]
In 1994, fighting between Ethiopian forces and the ONLF began atWerder, resulting in several days of clashes.[14] Post-1995, armed conflict in theOgaden sharply increased. During military confrontations between the ONLF and the military, government forces enacted brutal measures that includedsummary executions, extensive detentions without prosecution, disappearances and torture in a bid to crush the insurgency. In response to heavy handed measures, the ONLF began reaching out to theOromo Liberation Front (OLF) and theAfar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF). Agreements to coordinate activities with both groups were signed. In response to this development, the EPRDF intensified operations and began labelling these groups 'terrorists'.[16] In a bid to gain control of the region, different Somali leaders were imprisoned or assassinated by the central government.[17]
Despite an intensive government military campaign against the ONLF from 1994 to 1996, the organization survived and grew in strength. While the ONLF was effectively composed of numerous differing groups, the governments political interference and brutalcounterinsurgency measures led many Somalis in the Ogaden to rally behind it. Previous internal fractures within the organization greatly dissipated in this period, resulting in the ONLF becoming a more cohesive force than it had ever previously been.[18] Until the late 1990s the ONLF was diplomatically isolated, with no ties to outside groups. While the organization had proved to be an effective military force, its armed wing was relatively small for the organizations size and was severely underequipped. In 1998, the organization held its second conference where a new leader, Admiral Mohamed Omar Osman, was elected. His tenure would see the ONLF's military wing greatly expand in strength over the following years. Significantly he also brought the organization out of diplomatic isolation by forging connections regionally and internationally.[19]
As theEritrean–Ethiopian War was ongoing, the ONLF opened offices inEritrea during 1999. Eritrea backed the ONLF until the peace deal hosted by Eritrea inAsmara ended the insurgency in 2018.[20]
In 2001, ONLF training camps were operational in Eritrea and by 2002 training began for the first contingent of ONLF female fighters.[20] Over the early 2000's the ONLF's military capabilities expanded and the organization began stepping up attacks against Ethiopian military positions in the Ogaden, with a significant escalation in armed conflict occurring during 2005.[19] The Ethiopian government took advantage of theWar on Terror to routinely label opposition movementsterrorists,[21] and accused the ONLF of being associated with and linked toAl-Qaeda.[17]
On 21 May 2006 the ONLF entered into an alliance with five different Ethiopian opposition groups in an effort to strengthen the resistance to theTPLF dominated central government. Included were theEthiopian People's Patriotic Front, theOromo Liberation Front, and theSidama Liberation Front.[19][22]
Direct links between the ONLF and Islamic organizations within Somalia, in particularAl-Itihaad Al-Islamiya, long predates the events of the mid-2000s.[21] The ONLF had a covert relationship with and was supported by theIslamic Courts Union (ICU) which had risen to power in Somalia during 2006.[23] The ICU was seen as a 'natural ally'.[21] TheOgaden/Somali Region was at the heart of the dispute between the ICU and the Ethiopian government. A high ranking ICU official had declared following their rise to power that, "The land taken by Ethiopia cannot be forgotten because it is attached to our blood...Ethiopia mistreats the Somalis under their administration."[24]
On 23 July 2006, the ONLF announced the downing of an Ethiopian military helicopter heading for Somalia and publicly warned that ENDF movements in the region pointed towards an imminent large scale operation.[25] The Ethiopian military campaign against the ONLF, along with widespread atrocities committed against civilians associated with it, drove hundreds of men (thousands according to some estimates) from the Ogaden to Mogadishu in order to answer the ICU's call to arms against the Ethiopian invasion.[26] On 12 August 2006, the Ethiopian government claimed 13 members of the ONLF were killed and several commanders captured as they crossed into Ethiopia from Somalia.[27] In a 26 November 2006 press release, the organization rejected government claims of an ONLF military presence in Somalia, and further warned that it would not allow Ethiopian troops to stage into Somalia from their territories:
...the ONLF categorically denies assertions by theTPLF led regime in Ethiopia and members of the media that ONLF military personnel are in Somalia. As a matter of principle the ONLF has never been and does not intend to be a party to the conflict in Somalia. We wish to affirm that the scope of our military operations is and will continue to be limited toOgaden and Ethiopia. We further wish to make clear that the Ogaden cause in not a territorial dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia but rather a legitimate struggle for the self-determination of the Somali people of Ogaden...the ONLF wishes to affirm that we will not allow our territory to be used as a launching pad for an Ethiopian invasion of Somalia without stiff resistance from our armed forces.[28]
On December 23, the ONLF reported attacking Ethiopian military column that was heading to Somalia, destroying several vehicles and driving the convoy back.[29] The collapse of the Islamic Courts Union government was viewed as a significant blow to the ONLF's ambitions for independence.[21] At the start of 2007, the group publicly condemned theEthiopian invasion of Somalia, stating thatMeles Zenawi's invasion demonstrated that his government had been an active participant in theSomali conflict with a clear agenda aimed at undermining the Somali sovereignty.[30] ONLF forces started escalating their attacks on Ethiopian military forces during early 2007 in reaction to the invasion.[31]
On January 15, ONLF rebels attacked Ethiopian soldiers inKebri Dahar,Gerbo, andFiq. Five Ethiopian soldiers and one ONLF rebel were reported killed.[32]
On April 24, 2007, members of the ONLF attacked a camp for employees ofZhongyuan Petroleum Engineering, a Chineseoil exploration company contracted on behalf of theMalaysian oil & gas giantPetronas[33] in Abole (Obale),Somali Region, killing approximately 65 Ethiopians and 9 Chinese nationals.[34] The ONLF claimed it had "completely destroyed" the camp.[30] Most of the Ethiopians killed in the attack were daily laborers, guards and other support staff. Some members of the Ethiopian security officials were also killed during the surprise attack however those killed by the ONLF included 30 civilians, the ONLF attack was perpetuated as the ONLF has a policy of not allowing the Ethiopian government to extract resources as this will not be shared with the impoverished and suppressed population of the Ogaden, the Ogaden is largely a marginalized region as rebels have battled successive governments claiming discrimination and most recently crimes against humanity this was backed by a human rights watch report into alleged abuses.[35] It was the most deadly single attack by the ONLF.[36]
Shortly after the attack, theEthiopian Army launched amilitary crackdown in Ogaden with the help ofLiyu Police. The latest action of this crackdown resulted in the death of foreign relations chief Dr.Mohamed Sirad Dolal at the town ofDanan as he met with other ONLF members.[37] Reportedly this has led to the ONLF splitting into two factions, with one group allied to current ONLF chairman Mohammed Omar Osman, and the other led by senior leaderAbdiwali Hussein Gas, who appointedSalahudin Ma'ow as the new ONLF chairman and declared that he will "bring Mohammed Omar Osman to court".[38]
In April 2007, theEthiopian government imposed a total commercial trade embargo on the war-affected area of theSomali Region (theFiq,Degehabur,Gode,Korahe, andWerder Zones, where the Ogadeni Somali live), prohibiting all commercial truck movement in the region and across the border intoSomalia, as well as the free movement of livestock by foot.[39] A tightly restricted and monitor tour by western journalist in the embattled region on the invitation of the regional administration reported on more alleged crimes by theEthiopian government. A report by aNewsweek reporter detailed howEthiopian military troops stormed a village southeast of Degahabur, accused the villagers of sympathizing with the ONLF, then razing the village and torturing and murdering many of the inhabitants.[40] In a communique, the ONLF claimed to have captured seven towns in the Somali Region on 10 November 2009 after two days of heavy fighting. The ONLF reported these towns as: Obolka, nearHarar; Hamaro, east of Fiq; Higlaaley and Gunogabo near Degehabur; Yucub, 40 kilometers fromWerder; Galadiid, 35 kilometers from Kebri Dahar; and Boodhaano nearGode.[41] Bereket Simon denied to Reuters that the ONLF had succeeded in capturing any towns, adding, "Their attacks last week were simply the desperate act of a dying force and about 245 of their fighters were killed."[42]
The ONLF continues to operate in the Ogaden as of 2011[update]. The Ethiopian military has stepped up its actions against ONLF following the organizations stated that it would attack the Malaysian oil companyPetronas, which plans to extract oil from theOgaden Basin.[43]
In 2018, the Ethiopian government launched a number of reforms, part of which were removing the ONLF from its list of banned movements and offering the rebels more attractive peace deals. The ONLF declared a ceasefire in August and signed an official peace deal in October, promising to disarm and transform into a political party.[44]
During fighting between the ENDF and ONLF both sides were accused of war crimes and human rights violations.[1] In their 2008 report 'Collective Punishment'Human Rights Watch made a catalogue ofwar crimes andcrimes against humanity by theEthiopian government in its fight against the ONLF.[1] According to theChicago Tribune, "As of 2007,human rights groups and media reports accuseEthiopia – a key partner inWashington'sbattle against terrorism in the volatileHorn of Africa – of burning villages, pushing nomads off their lands and choking off food supplies in a harsh new campaign of collective punishment against a restive ethnicSomali population in theOgaden, a vast wilderness of rocks and thorns bordering chaoticSomalia".[45] The Ethiopian governments regional security chief for the Ogaden region,Abdi Mohammed Omar, asserted that over a two month period, some 200 civilians had been killed by the ONLF.[46] In May 2007, a grenade attack by ONLF rebels in the Somali region of Ethiopia claimed the lives of at least 11 Somalis.[47] During a national holiday ceremony held at the Ogaden town ofJijiga, the grenade thrown at the podium of the stadium also wounded Somali regional presidentAbdulahi Hassan Mohammed in the leg.Bereket Simon, an adviser to Prime Minister Meles, blamed the ONLF as well as Eritrea since it arms the ONLF. However, the ONLF denied the accusations.[48] An ONLF grenade attack on a cultural gathering in Jijiga killed four middle school students on May 28, 2007. In a separate attack, fifty civilians were injured, including the regional president Abdullahi Hassan, and three artists were killed on May 28, 2007 by the ONLF.[35] An ONLF attack on the town of theDebeweyinworeda in theKorahe Zone also left ten civilians dead, including two schoolteachers and a pregnant woman. A second attack on the town ofShilavo left five civilians dead, while an ONLF-planted landmine nearAware in the Degehabur Zone exploded, killing three civilians traveling by automobile. Another ONLF unit struck in the district of Lahelow near the Ethiopia-Somalia border, reportedly targeting members of the Isma'il Gum'adle sub-clan, twelve of whom were slain.[35]
The ONLF declared a unilateral ceasefire on 12 August 2018.[49] Despite the ceasefire holding years later and the ONLF being a legally recognized party, in September 2024 Ethiopian military chief Field MarshallBirhanu Jula accused the front of being an 'enemy of the state' which had been allegedly created by Egypt.[50] During October 2024, the ONLF announced announced it is reassessing the 2018 agreement, citing a lack of progress on key provisions.[51][52]
During October 2024 leaders of the ONLF claimed that only 20% of the 2018 peace agreement’s commitments, such as reintegrating former fighters and resettling displaced communities, have been met. The group’s spokesperson, Abdiqadir Hassan Hirmooge (Adani), voiced frustration with Ethiopian government inaction, declaring, 'We maintained peace as agreed, but the government’s failure to uphold its obligations raises serious questions about its dedication to lasting reconciliation.' The ONLF also claims cultural suppression in the Somali region, alleging that Somali elders face pressure to renounce their identity and expressing concern over rumors that Ethiopia might alter the region's official name and flag, perceiving this as a threat to Somali cultural identity.[53] On 20 October 2024, the ONLF withdrew from the Ethiopian National Dialogue commission.[54][55]
The rebels recruit most of their fighters from the Ogaden clan, who account for about 2/3 of the region's population. But the authorities are exploiting bitter clan rivalries and arming local militias to fight the ONLF.
