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TheNgarrindjeri people are the traditionalAboriginal Australian people of the lowerMurray River, easternFleurieu Peninsula, andthe Coorong of the southern-central area of the state ofSouth Australia. The termNgarrindjeri means "belonging to men",[1] and refers to a "tribal constellation". The Ngarrindjeri actually comprised several distinct if closely related tribal groups, including theJarildekald,Tanganekald,Meintangk andRamindjeri,[2] who began to form a unifiedcultural bloc after remnants of each separate community congregated atRaukkan, South Australia (formerly Point McLeay Mission).
A descendant of these peoples, Irene Watson, has argued that the notion of Ngarrindjeri identity is a cultural construct imposed by settler colonialists, who bundled together and conflated a variety of distinct Aboriginal cultural and kinship groups into one homogenised pattern, now known as Ngarrindjeri.[3]
Sources disagree as to who the Ngarrindjeri were.[4] The missionaryGeorge Taplin chose the term, spelling it asNarrinyeri,[5] as a genericethnonym to designate a unified constellation of several distinct tribes, and bearing the meaning of "belonging to people", as opposed tokringgari (whites).[6] Etymologically, it is thought to be an abbreviation ofkornarinyeri ("belonging to men/human beings", formednarr (linguistically plain or intelligible) andinyeri, a suffix indicating belongingness.[7] It implied that those outside the group were not quite human.[6] Other terms were available, for example,Kukabrak,[a] but Taplin's authority popularised the other term.[8]
Laterethnographers andanthropologists have disagreed with Taplin's construction of the tribal federation of 18lakinyeri (clans).[7][9]Ian D. Clark has called it a"reinvention of tradition".Norman Tindale andRonald Murray Berndt in particular were critical both of Taplin and of each other's reevaluation of the evidence.[4] According to Tindale, a close evaluation of his material suggests that his data pertains basically to the Jarildekald/Yaralde culture,[10] and he limited their borders toCape Jervis, whereas Berndt and his wifeCatherine Berndt argued that the Ramindjeri component lived in proximity toAdelaide.[4] The Berndts argued that, despite cultural links, there was no political unity to warrant the "nation" or "confederacy".[11]
According to David Horton's map "Aboriginal Australia", the Ngarrindjeri lands lie along theCoorong coastline, fromVictor Harbor on the southernFleurieu Peninsula in the north, toCape Jaffa in the south.[12] According to the map, the lands extend inland just north ofMurray Bridge, receding to a 15-to-20 km (9.3-to-12.4 mi) wide coastal strip west of theMurray River lower lakes, but extending further inland in the south to a point near the state border atCoonawarra. The lands include both of the Murray lower lakes,Lake Alexandrina andLake Albert.
Archaeology, particularly in excavations conducted atRoonka Flat, which affords one of the most outstanding sites for investigating "pre–European contact Aboriginal burial populations in Australia", has revealed that the traditional territory of the Ngarrindjeri has been inhabited since theHolocene period, beginning around 8,000 BCE down to around 1840 CE.[13]
Whalers andsealers had been visiting the South Australian coast since 1802 and by 1819 there was a permanent camp on Karta,Kangaroo Island. Many of these men were escaped convicts, sealers, and whalers who had brought Tasmanian Aboriginal women with them but they also raided the mainland for women, particularlyRamindjeri. Originally the most heavily populated area in Australia, asmallpox epidemic had travelled down the River Murray beforecolonisation by Britain, possibly killing a majority of the Ngarrindjeri. Funeral rites and cultural practices were disrupted, family groups merged and land use became altered. Songs from the time tell of the smallpox that came out of theSouthern Cross in the east with a loud noise like a bright flash. In 1830 the first exploratory expedition reached the Ngarrindjeri lands andCharles Sturt noted that the people were already familiar with firearms.[14]
Numbering only 6000 at the time of colonisation in 1836 due to the epidemic, they are the only Aboriginal cultural group in Australia whose land lay within 100 km (62 mi) of a capital city to have survived as a distinct people with a population still living on the former mission at Raukkan (formerly Point McLeay).[citation needed]Pomberuk (Ngarrindjeri for crossing place), on the banks of the Murray inMurray Bridge was the most significant Ngarrindjeri site. All 18 lakinyeri (tribes) would meet there forcorroborees. Around 22 km (14 mi) further down the river wasTagalang (Tailem Bend), a traditional trading camp where lakinyeri would gather to tradeochre, weapons and clothing. In the 1900s, Tailem Bend was assigned as a government ration depot supplying the Ngarrindjeri.
The Ngarrindjeri were the firstSouth Australian Aboriginal people to work with Europeans in large-scale economic operations, working as farmers, whalers and labourers.[15] As early as 1836 it was reliably reported that Aboriginal crews were working at the whaling station atEncounter Bay, and that some boats were worked by entirely Aboriginal crews, and the Ngarrindjeri were employed in the processing of whale oil in exchange for meat, gin and tobacco, and reportedly treated as equals.[16]
George Taplin created theRaukkan mission on behalf of theAborigines' Friends' Association (whose stated object was "the moral, spiritual, and physical well-being of the natives ofthis Province"[17]) in 1859. This established a settlement of the Ngarrindjeri people of theCoorong region at the mission, with some escaping thefrontier wars that had decimated their population. The land was small,[b] but the Ngarrindjeri people thrived for a generation by the use of commerce. They mastered a series of trades, such assaddlery,blacksmithing, carpentry,stonemasonry, and baking, and also established a fishing enterprise and a wool-washing plant. Many Aboriginal people became Christians during their settlement.[18] They also survived by working seasonally in pastoral properties and received donations.[19] The community eventually struggled to survive due the subdivision of pastoral properties for farms, which resulted in a shortage of seasonal work, and the refusal of theSouth Australian Government to acknowledge their ownership of the land and to raise the size of their reserve. In 1890, the wool-washing plant closed due a newirrigation scheme built on the upperMurray River, that reduced the river's downstream flow.[19]
Following thecolonisation of South Australia and the encroachment of Europeans into Ngarrindjeri lands,Pomberuk remained until the 1940s, the last traditional campsite with the remaining Aboriginal occupants forced to leave in 1943 by the new land owners, theHume Pipe Company, and resettled by the local council and South Australian government.[20]
After hearing that the Aboriginal settlement was to be cleared,Ronald and his wifeCatherine Berndt, who were researching Aboriginal culture in the area, approached the lastChief Protector of Aborigines,William Penhall, and obtained a verbal promise that the clearance would not proceed as long as the senior Ngarrindjeri elder, 78-year-old Albert Karloan (Karloan Ponggi), was living. Shortly after the Berndts left to return toSydney, Karloan was given an eviction order effective immediately. Adamant that only death would separate him from his land, Karloan travelled toAdelaide to seek help, but returned to his former home in Pomberuk on 2 February 1943. He died the following morning.[21]
Now known as the Murray Bridge Railway Precinct and Hume Reserve, the Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority seeks the renaming of Hume Reserve to Karloan Ponggi Reserve (after Albert Karloan) in honour of the old people who fought to retain the old ways. They have presented a development and management plan to preserve and develop the site as a memorial and an educational aid to reconciliation.[20]
The Ngarrindjeri achieved a great deal of publicity in the 1990s due to theiropposition to the construction of a bridge fromGoolwa toHindmarsh Island, which resulted in aRoyal Commission and aHigh Court case in 1996. The Royal Commission found that claims of "secret women's business" on the island had been fabricated.[22] However, in a case brought by the developers seeking damages for their losses, Federal Court judge MrJohn von Doussa took issue with the findings of the Royal Commission, and in rejecting the claims, stated that he foundDoreen Kartinyeri to be a credible witness.[23]
The evidence received by the Court on this topic is significantly different to that which was before the Royal Commission. Upon the evidence before this Court I am not satisfied that the restricted women's knowledge was fabricated or that it was not part of genuine Aboriginal tradition.[24]
As a result of the Australia-wide1995–2009 drought, water levels in Lakes Albert and Alexandrina dropped to the extent that traditional burial grounds, which had been under water, were then exposed.[25]
The first linguistic study ofNgarrindjeri dialects was conducted by the Lutheranmissionary H.A.E. Meyer in 1843.[26] He collected 1750 words, mainly from the Ramindjeri dialect atEncounter Bay. Taplin gathered many more words from several dialects, including Yaraldi and Portawalun, from the people who congregated around thePoint MacLeay mission (now Raukkan) onLake Alexandrina, and his dictionary had 1668 English entries. Other linguistic data gleaned since has enabled the compilation of a modern Ngarrindjeri dictionary containing 3,700 items.[27] It is now classified, together with Yaralde, as one of the five languages of theLower Murray Areal group.[28]
Many sites ofDreaming significance are located along the River Murray. Near the confluence of the Murray River withLake Alexandrina isMurungun (Mason's Hill), home to abunyip calledMuldjewangk. An ancestral hero namedNgurunderi chased an enormousMurray cod namedPondi from a stream in centralNew South Wales. In fleeing, Pondi created the River Murray, and contiguous lagoons from its flailing tail.Kauwira (Mannum) is whereNgurunderi forcedPondi to turn sharply south. The straight section of river toPeindjalong (near Tailem Bend) resulted fromPondi fleeing in fear after being speared in the tail. The twin peaks, large permanent sandhills of Mount Misery on the eastern shore of Lake Alexandrina are known asLalangenggul or Lalanganggel (two watercraft) and represent whereNgurunderi brought his rafts ashore to make camp.Ngurunderi cut upPondi at Raukkan, throwing the pieces into the water, where each piece became a species of fish.[29]
While an established Dreaming existed, the various family groups each had their own variations. For example, some saidNgurunderi created the fish on the coast, other family groups believe he created them where the river enters Lake Alexandrina and some said that it was where the fresh water meets the salt. They also shared some Dreaming stories with tribes in New South Wales and Victoria.[30]
In the late 1980s, the Dreaming stories were collected and one related to a creation story involvingThukabi, a turtle. There was no mention ofThukabi in the anthropological record and this example was later used as evidence for the survival of Ngarrindjeri stories that were unknown to anthropologists in support of thesecret women's business.[31]
Thebunyip appears in Ngarrindjeri dreaming as a water spirit called the Mulyawonk, which would get anyone who took more than their fair share of fish from the waterways, or take children if they got too close to the water. The stories conveyed practical messages to ensure long-term survival of the Ngarrindjeri, embodying care for country and its people.[32]
The Ngarrindjeri have their own language group and, apart from groups living along the river, share no common words with neighbouring peoples. Theirpatrilineal culture and ritual practices were also distinct from that of the surrounding people which has been attributed by Aboriginal historianGraham Jenkin to their enmity with theKaurna to the west, who practisedcircumcision[c] and monopolised redochre, the Merkani (Ngarrindjeri for "enemy") to the east, who stole Ngarrindjeri women and were reputed to be cannibals[33]and to the north theNgadjuri who were believed to sendmulapi ("clever men", sorcerers) and, although not sharing a border, theNukunu, who were thought to be sorcerers, incestuous and prone to commit rape.[34]
By way of contrast and due to a shareddreaming, the relationship between the Ngarrindjeri and theWalkandi-woni (the people of the warm north-east wind), their collective name for the various groups living along the River as far asWentworth inNew South Wales, was of significant mutual importance and the groups regularly met atWellington,Tailem Bend,Murray Bridge,Mannum orSwan Reach to exchange songs and conductceremonies.[34] In 1849 the Rev.George Taplin observed a mustering of 500 Ngarrindjeri warriors, and was told by another resident that as many as 800 had gathered seven years earlier.[35]
Each of the eighteen lakinyeri had their own specific funeral customs; some smoke dried bodies before being placed in trees, on platforms, in rock shelters or buried depending on local custom. Some placed bodies in trees and collect the fallen bones for burial. Some removed the skull, which was then used for a drinking vessel.[36] Some family groups peeled the skin from their dead to expose the pink flesh. The body was then calledgrinkari, a term that they used to refer to the Europeans in the first years of settlement.[37]
Differing from most Australian Aboriginal communities, the fertility of their land allowed the Ngarrindjeri and Merkani to live a semi-sedentary life, moving between permanent summer and winter camps.[36] In fact, one of the major problems encountered by Europeans was the determination of the Ngarrindjeri to rebuild their camps on land claimed for grazing. Unlike the rest of Australia, theLetters Patent establishing the Province of South Australia of 1836, following theSouth Australia Act 1834 (orFoundation Act), which together enabled the province of South Australia to be established, acknowledged Aboriginal ownership and stated that no actions could be undertaken that would "affect the rights of any Aboriginal natives of the said province to the actual occupation and enjoyment in their own persons or in the persons of their descendants of any land therein now actually occupied or enjoyed by such natives".[38] This effectively guaranteed theland rights of Aboriginal people under force of law; however, this was interpreted by the colonists as simply meaning Aboriginal peoples could not be dispossessed of sites they permanently occupied. In May 1839, theProtector of AboriginesWilliam Wyatt announced publicly, "it appeared that the natives occupy no lands in the especial manner" described in the instructions. Bowing to the interests of prominent colonists and the Resident Commissioner who wanted to survey and sell the land without hindrance, Wyatt never recorded that sites were permanently occupied in his reports on Aboriginal culture and practices.[36]
Thebulrushes,reeds andsedges were used forbasket-weaving or makingrope, trees provided wood forspears, andstones were fashioned into tools.[32] The Ngarrindjeri were widely known as "outstanding craftsmen" specialising inbasketry, matting and nets with records indicating that nets of more than 100 metres (330 ft) long were used to catchemus. It was claimed by colonists that the nets they made for fishing were superior to those used by Europeans.[39] The nets, made by chewing the roots ofbulrush (Typha shuttleworthii) until only the fibre remained which was spun into threads by the women to be then woven into nets by the men, were "considered to be a sort of fortune to its owner".[40]
The people were sustained by the flora and fauna forfood andbush medicine. Before colonisation, there were extensiveswamps andwoodlands on the Fleurieu Peninsula, which provided habitat and food sources for a range of birds, fish, and other animals, includingsnake-necked turtles,yabbies,rakali, ducks andblack swans. Flora included the nativeorchid (leek orchid),guinea flower andswamp wattle (Wirilda).[32]
The Ngarrindjeri were well known to Europeans for their cooking skills and the efficiency of their camp ovens, the remains of which can still be found throughout the River Murray area. Some species of fish, birds and other animals considered easily caught were reserved by law for the elderly and infirm, an indication of the abundance of food in Ngarrindjeri lands.[39] In the early years of the colony, Ngarrindjeri would volunteer to catch fish for the "white fellow men".[41]
A wide range of foods were subject tongarambi (taboo) prohibitions. In regards to ngaitji (family group totems), eating them was not ngarambi but depended on the family groups' own attitude. Some family groups banned eating them, some could eat them only if they had been caught by members of another family group and some had no restrictions. Once dead the animal was no longer considered ngaitji which is Ngarrindjeri for "friend". A ngaitji was not actually sacred in the western sense but considered a "spiritual advisor" to the family group. Other foods were ngarambi but had no supernatural sanctions and these relied on attitudes to the species. Male dogs were friends of the Ngarrindjeri so were not eaten while female dogs were not eaten because they were "unclean". Snakes were not eaten because of the "feel of their skin". Some bird species considered to act cruelly to other animals were ngarambi andmagpies were because they warned other birds to flee if any were killed. Some bird species were ngarambi because they were the spirits of people who had died. Birds became narambi during nesting season and themalleefowl was ngarambi because its eggs were considered more valuable for food although there were no penalties for violation. Foods with supernatural sanctions were limited tobats,white owls and certain foods that were ngarambi only to women or to pregnant women. A separate category of ngarambi was young boys going through initiation. They were themselves considered ngarambi and any food they caught or prepared was ngarambi to all women who were even forbidden to see or smell it. Violation, whether accidental or deliberate, resulted in physical punishments including spearings that applied not only to the woman but to her relatives. Taplin in 1862 noted that ngarambi prohibitions were regularly being broken by children due to European influence and in the 1930s Berndt recorded that most ngarambi had been forgotten and if known, ignored.[42]
According to Taplin, there were eighteen territorial clans orlakalinyeri that constituted the Ngarrindjeri "confederacy" or "nation", each of which was administered by about a dozen elders (tendi). Each clan'stendi in turn would convene to elect arupulli, or chieftain of the entire Ngarrindjeri confederacy. Taplin construed this as a centrally administered, hierarchical government representing tribal estates (ruwe), and one which was delegated to administer eighteen independent territories.[43]
Taplin's list of 18lakinyeri[7][9][d] – each with its ownnga:tji/ngaitji[e] – was further finessed byAlfred William Howitt, drawing on information he obtained from Taplin, and listing 20.[44] The following reproduces Howitt's version of that list with, where possible, the location andtotem.
| Clan name | Location | Native word / English meaning | Totem (ngaitji) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Ramindjeri. | Encounter Bay;[f] | rumaii (the west) | wirulde/tangari.wattle gum |
| Tanganarin. | Goolwa to the Coorong.[45] | (where shall we go?) | manguritpuri.pelican ornori. |
| Kandarlindjeri. | West side of theMurray Mouth.[46] | (whales) | kandarliwhale |
| Lungundaram. | East side of Murray Mouth | (seaside men) | tyellityellitern |
| Turarorn | Mundoo Island in Lake Alexandrina | coot men | turi/tettituri.coot |
| Pankindjeri[g] | Coorong east ofLake Albert | (deep water) | butterfish) |
| Kanmerarorn. | Coorong between the Pakindjeri and Ngrangatari | (mullet men) | kanmeri (mullet). |
| Kaikalabindjeri. | Southern/ eastern shores ofLake Albert | (watching) | (a)ngulgar-indjeribull ant;(b)pingi, water-weed |
| Mungulindjeri | Eastern side of Lake Albert | (thick or muddy water) | wanyichocolate sheldrake |
| Rangulindjeri. | Western shore of Lake Albert | (howling dog) | turiit-pani (dark-coloureddingo) |
| Karatinderi. | Eastern side of Lake Alexandrina around Point Malcolm | (signal smoke) | turiit-pani (light-coloureddingo) |
| Piltindjeri. | eastern side of Lake Alexandrina | (ants) | (a)maninki. (leeches); (b)pomeri, (cat-fish).[h] |
| Talk-indyeri | ((a(fulness) (b)Artemis sp. | (a)? leech/? catfish? (b)tiyawi lace lizard. | |
| Wulloke | (wood sparrow) | ?leech, ?catfish? lace lizard? | |
| Karowalli | North of Lake Alexandrina | (gone over there) | wayiwhipsnake |
| Punguratpula. | Western side of Lake Alexandrina aroundMilang | (place of bulrushes) | peldi.musk duck |
| Welindjeri. | Northern shore of Lake Alexandrina | (belonging to, or by, itself) | nakareblack duck;ngumundired belly black snake |
| Luthindjeri | River Murray | (belonging to the sun rising) | kungariblack swan;ngeraki;kikinummi grey bellied black snake |
| Wunyakulde | River Murray | corruption ofwalkande (north) | nakkare black duck |
| Ngrangatari /Gurrungwari | Lacepede Bay; | (at the southeast/southwest) | waukawiyekangaroo rat |
Every member of a lakinyeri is related by blood and it is forbidden to marry another member of the samelakinyeri. A couple also may not marry a member of another lakinyeri if they have agreat-grandparent (or closer relation) in common.[citation needed]
Norman Tindale's research in the 1920s andRonald andCatherine Berndt's ethnographic study, which was conducted in the 1930s, established only 10 lakinyerar. Tindale worked with Clarence Long (a Tangani man) while the Berndts worked with Albert Karloan (a Yaraldi man).[47]
Some lakinyeri may have disappeared and others may have merged as a result of population decline following colonisation. Additionally, family groups within the lakinyerar would use the local dialect or their own family groups name for lakinyeri names, also leading to confusion. For example, Jaralde, Jaraldi, Jarildekald and Jarildikald were separate family groups names as were Ramindjari, Ramindjerar, Ramindjeri, Ramingara, Raminjeri, Raminyeri. Several of these are also used as names for the lakinyerar.[47] Family groups could also change their lakinyeri, Berndt found that two Tangani family groups who lived close to a Yaraldi family group had picked up their dialect and were thus now considered to be Yaraldi.[49]
The Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority (NRA) is the peak representative body of the Ngarrindjeri people.[50]It is made up of representatives from 12 grassroots Ngarrindjeri organisations, plus four additional elected community members. Its purpose is to:
Source:Hobson 2010, p. 398
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