| Long title | Joint Resolution to Provide for Annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States (1898) |
|---|---|
| Enacted by | the55th United States Congress |
| Effective | July 7, 1898 |
| Citations | |
| Statutes at Large | 30 Stat. 750 |
| Legislative history | |
| |
TheNewlands Resolution, 30 Stat. 750, was ajoint resolution passed on July 7, 1898, by theUnited States Congress toannex the independentRepublic of Hawaii. In 1900, Congress created theTerritory of Hawaii.
The resolution was drafted by RepresentativeFrancis G. Newlands of Nevada, a member of the Silver Party. Annexation was a highly controversial political issue, along with the similar issue of theacquisition of the Philippines in 1898.
In 1897, US PresidentWilliam McKinley signed a treaty of annexation for theRepublic of Hawaii which lacked two-thirds support in the Senate, and thus never went into effect. In April 1898, theUS went to war with Spain. The Republic of Hawaii decided not to support the war effort and declared its neutrality. However, according to Ralph S. Kuykendall, "The Hawaiian government threw aside its neutrality and did all it could to aid the Americans....Honolulu became a mid-ocean stopover for the United States troops that were sent across the Pacific to follow up Dewey's victory. The American soldiers were enthusiastically welcomed and given a taste of Hawaiian hospitality."[1] This demonstrated Hawaii's value as a naval base in wartime, and the American colony on Hawaii won widespread American approval for its help.[2] With the opposition weakened by this strategic importance, Hawaii was annexed through the Newlands Resolution, a joint resolution of Congress with executive assent, which required only a majority vote in both houses. Most of the bill's support came from Republicans. It passed the house by a vote of 209 to 91, with 182 of the votes in favor from Republicans. In the event, it passed the Senate by 42–21, with exactly two-thirds in favor. It was approved on July 6, 1898, and signed on July 7 by President McKinley. QueenLiliʻuokalani sent a letter of protest to the US House of Representatives in attempt to return control of her homeland to native Hawaiians, stating her throne had been taken illegally.[3] On August 12, 1898, a ceremony was held on the steps ofʻIolani Palace to signify the official transfer of Hawaiianstate sovereignty to the US. None of the former Hawaiian leadership attended.[4]
This account illustrates the popular response to the ceremony: "An event of this magnitude would ordinarily call for gala celebrations that night. However, there were no celebrations as there was too much sadness, too much bitterness and resentment prevalent in the atmosphere and the authorities were afraid of riots by the unhappy frustrated Hawaiians."[5]
The resolution established a five-member commission to study the laws that were needed in Hawaii. The commission included Territorial GovernorSanford B. Dole (R-Hawaii Territory), SenatorsShelby M. Cullom (R-IL) andJohn T. Morgan (D-AL), RepresentativeRobert R. Hitt (R-IL) and former Hawaii Chief Justice and later Territorial GovernorWalter F. Frear (R-Hawaii Territory). The commission's final report was submitted to Congress, resulting in a debate that lasted over a year. Congress raised objections that establishing an elected territorial government in Hawaii would lead to the admission of a state with a non-white majority. Annexation allowed duty-free trade between the islands and the mainland, although this had mostly already been accomplished through a reciprocity trade agreement KingDavid Kalakaua had made with the US in 1875, which had also given the US Navy a long term lease of Pearl Harbor as a naval base.
The creation of the Territory of Hawaii was the final step in a long history of dwindling Hawaiian sovereignty, and divided the local population. The annexation was opposed among the Polynesian population, and occurred without a referendum of any kind.[6] Between September 11 and October 2, 1897, the Hui Aloha 'Aina and Hui Kulai'aina groups organised a mass petition drive that obtained 21,269 signatures on the "Petition Against Annexation"—more than half of the 39,000 native Hawaiians.[3] TheHawaiian sovereignty movement still disputes thelegality of the acquisition of Hawaii under theUnited States Constitution.[7][8][9] However, the US Supreme Court gave tacit recognition to the legitimacy of Hawaii's annexation inDeLima v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 1, 196 (1901).[10]
The US assumed $4 million in Hawaiian debt as part of the annexation.David R. Barker of theUniversity of Iowa stated in 2009 that unlike theAlaska Purchase, Hawaii has been profitable for the country, with net tax revenue almost always exceeding non-defense spending. He estimated aninternal rate of return for the annexation of more than 15%.[11]

Multiple viewpoints in the US and in Hawaii were raised for and against annexation from 1893 to 1898. HistorianHenry Graff wrote that at first, "Public opinion at home seemed to indicate acquiescence.... Unmistakably, the sentiment at home was maturing with immense force for the United States to join the great powers of the world in a quest for overseas colonies."[12]
PresidentGrover Cleveland, on taking office in March 1893, rescinded the annexation proposal. His biographer Alyn Brodsky argued that it was a deeply personal conviction on Cleveland's part against immoral action against the little kingdom:
Cleveland had to mobilize support fromSouthern Democrats to fight the treaty. He sent former Georgia RepresentativeJames H. Blount as a special representative to Hawaii to investigate and to provide a solution. Blount was well known for his opposition to imperialism. Blount was also a leading advocate forwhite supremacy, whicheffectively ended the right to vote for southern Blacks in the 1890s. Some observers had speculated that he would support annexation on the grounds of the inability of Asiatics to govern themselves. Instead, Blount opposed imperialism, called for the US military to restore Queen Liliuokalani, and argued that the Hawaii natives should be allowed to continue their "Asiatic ways."[14]
Blount seemingly was unaware of the written policy set for Hawaii in Cleveland's first term by his Secretary of StateThomas F. Bayard for Hawaii. Bayard sent written instructions to the American minister George W. Merrill that in the event of another revolution in Hawaii, it was a priority to protect American commerce, lives, and property. Bayard specified that "the assistance of the officers of our Government vessels, if found necessary, will therefore be promptly afforded to promote the reign of law and respect for orderly government in Hawaii." In July 1889, during a small-scale rebellion, Merrill landed Marines to protect Americans, an action that the State Department explicitly approved. Stevens had read those 1887 instructions and followed them in 1893.[15][16]
A vigorous nationwide anti-expansionist movement, organized as theAmerican Anti-Imperialist League, emerged. Prominent anti-imperialists includedCarl Schurz, Democratic leaderWilliam Jennings Bryan, industrialistAndrew Carnegie, authorMark Twain, sociologistWilliam Graham Sumner, and many prominent intellectuals and politicians who came of age during the Civil War.[17] The anti-imperialists opposed territorial expansion, believing thatimperialism violated the fundamental principle that just,republican government derives from "consent of the governed." The League argued that such activity would necessitate the abandonment of American ideals of self-government andnon-intervention that were expressed in the Declaration of Independence,George Washington's Farewell Address, and Lincoln'sGettysburg Address.[18]
However, they could not stop the even more energetic forces of imperialism, which were led by Secretary of StateJohn Hay, naval strategistAlfred T. Mahan, Republican SenatorHenry Cabot Lodge, Secretary of WarElihu Root, and the young politicianTheodore Roosevelt. Those expansionists had vigorous support from newspaper publishersWilliam Randolph Hearst andJoseph Pulitzer, who whipped up popular excitement. There was deep concern that Japan would force Hawaii intoits colonial empire, which was believed to pose a serious threat to the West Coast.[19] Mahan and Roosevelt designed a global strategy calling for a competitive modern navy, Pacific bases, an isthmian canal through Nicaragua or Panama, and (above all) an assertive role for the United States as the largest industrial power.[20] McKinley's position was that Hawaii could never survive on its own but would quickly be gobbled up by Japan, as about a quarter of the islands' population was already ethnically Japanese, and that this would allow Japan to dominate the Pacific and undermine American hopes for large-scale trade with Asia.[21]