TheNew Left was a broadpolitical movement that emerged from thecounterculture of the 1960s and continued through the 1970s. It consisted of activists in theWestern world who, in reaction to the era's liberal establishment, campaigned for freer lifestyles on a broad range of social issues such asfeminism,gay rights,drug policy reforms, and gender relations.[1] The New Left differs from the traditional left in that it tended to acknowledge the struggle for various forms ofsocial justice, whereas previous movements prioritized explicitly economic goals. However, many have used the term "New Left" to describe an evolution, continuation, and revitalization of traditionalleftist goals.[2][3][4]
Some who self-identified as "New Left"[5] rejected involvement with thelabor movement andMarxism's historical theory ofclass struggle;[6] however, others gravitated to their own takes on established forms of Marxism, such as theNew Communist movement (which drew fromMaoism) in theUnited States or theK-Gruppen[a] in theGerman-speaking world. In the United States, the movement was associated with theanti-war college-campus protest movements, including theFree Speech Movement.
The origins of the New Left have been traced to several factors. Prominently, the confused response of theCommunist Party of the USA and theCommunist Party of Great Britain to theHungarian Revolution of 1956 led someMarxist intellectuals to develop a more democratic approach to politics, opposed to what they saw as the centralised and authoritarian politics of the pre-World War II leftist parties. The Marxists who became disillusioned with the authoritarian nature of Communist Parties eventually formed the "new left".
Initially, the movement was composed of dissentingCommunist Party intellectuals and campus groups in theUnited Kingdom; later it incorporated student radicals in theUnited States and in theWestern Bloc.[8] The termnouvelle gauche was already current in France in the 1950s. It was associated withFrance Observateur, and its editorClaude Bourdet, who attempted to form a third position, between the dominantStalinist andsocial democratic tendencies of the left, and the two Cold War blocs. It was from this French "new left" that the "First New Left" of Britain borrowed the term.[9]
The German critical theoristHerbert Marcuse is referred to as the "Father of the New Left".[7] He rejected the orthodox Marxist view of the revolutionary proletariat; instead, he labeled the 1960sBlack Power and student movements as the new challengers of capitalism. In a speech atUC Berkeley in 1971, Marcuse said: "I still consider the radical student movement and the Black and Brown militants as the only real opposition we have in this country."[10] According toLeszek Kołakowski, noted critic of Marxist thought, Marcuse argued that since "all questions of material existence have been solved, moral commands and prohibitions are no longer relevant". He regarded the realization of man's erotic nature, orEros, as the true liberation of humanity, which inspired the utopias ofJerry Rubin and others.[11] However, Marcuse also believed the concept ofLogos, which involves one's reason, would absorbEros over time.[12] Prominent New Left thinkerErnst Bloch believed that socialism would prove the means for all human beings to become immortal and eventually createGod.[13]
The writings ofsociologistC. Wright Mills (1916–1962), who popularized the term 'New Left' in a 1960 open letter,[14] also inspired the movement. According to biographer Daniel Geary, Mills' works such asWhite Collar (1951),The Power Elite (1956), andThe Sociological Imagination (1959) had a "particularly significant impact on New Left social movements of the 1960s".[15]
As a result ofNikita Khrushchev'sSecret Speech denouncingJoseph Stalin, many abandoned theCommunist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and began to rethinkorthodox Marxism. Some joined variousTrotskyist groupings or theLabour Party.[16]
The Marxist historiansE. P. Thompson andJohn Saville of theCommunist Party Historians Group published a dissenting journal within the CPGB calledReasoner. Refusing to discontinue the publication at the behest of the CPGB, the two were suspended from party membership and relaunched the journal in the summer of 1957 asThe New Reasoner.
Thompson was especially important in bringing the concept of a "New Left" to the United Kingdom in the summer of 1959 with aNew Reasoner lead essay, in which he described
a generation which never looked upon theSoviet Union as a weak but heroic Workers' State; but rather as the nation of theGreat Purges andStalingrad, of Stalin'sByzantine Birthday and of Khrushchev'sSecret Speech; as the vast military and industrial power which repressed theHungarian rising and threw the firstsputniks into space....
A generation nourished on1984 andAnimal Farm, which enters politics at the extreme point of disillusion where the middle-aged begin to get out. The young people... are enthusiastic enough. But their enthusiasm is not for the Party, or the Movement, or the established Political Leaders. They do not mean to give their enthusiasm cheaply away to any routine machine. They expect the politicians to do their best to trick or betray them. ... They prefer the amateur organisation and amateurish platforms of theNuclear Disarmament Campaign to the method and manner of the left wing professional. ... They judge with the critical eyes of the first generation of the Nuclear Age.[17]
Later that year, Saville published a piece in the same journal which identified the emergence of the British New Left as a response to the increasing political irrelevance of socialists inside and outside the Labour Party during the 1950s, which he saw as being the result of a failure by the established left to come to grips with the political changes that had come to pass internationally after World War II, specifically, theeconomic expansion and the socio-economic legacy of theAttlee ministry:
The most important single reason for the miserable performance of the Left in this past decade is the simple fact of its intellectual collapse in the face of full employment and the welfare state at home, and of a new world situation abroad. The Left in domestic matters has produced nothing of substance to offset the most important book of the decade – Crosland's "The Future of Socialism" – a brilliant restatement ofFabian ideas in contemporary terms. We have made no sustained critique of the economics of capitalism in the 1950s, and our vision of a socialist society has changed hardly at all since the days ofKeir Hardie. Certainly a minority has begun to recognise our deficiencies in the most recent years, and there is no doubt that the seeds which have already been sown will bring an increasing harvest as we move along the sixties. But we still have a long way to go, and there are far too many timeless militants for whom the mixture is the same as before.[18]
In 1960,The New Reasoner merged with theUniversities and Left Review to formNew Left Review. a publication aimed at making the ideas of culturally oriented theorists available to an undergraduate reading audience. These early New Left journals attempted to forge aMarxist revisionist position of "socialist humanism", departing fromorthodox Marxist theory. In a 2010 retrospective,Stuart Hall wrote, "I was troubled by the failure of orthodox Marxism to deal adequately with either 'Third World' issues of race and ethnicity, and questions of racism, or with literature and culture, which preoccupied me intellectually as an undergraduate."[9]
During the late 1950s–early '60s period, many New Leftists were involved in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), which formed in 1957. According toRobin Blackburn, "The decline of CND by late 1961, however, deprived the New Left of much of its momentum as a movement, and uncertainties and divisions within the Board of the journal led to the transfer of the Review to a younger and less experienced group in 1962."[19]
Under the long-standing editorial leadership ofPerry Anderson,New Left Review popularised theFrankfurt School,Antonio Gramsci,Louis Althusser, and other forms of Marxism.[19] Other periodicals likeSocialist Register, started in 1964, andRadical Philosophy, started in 1972, have been associated with the New Left, and published a range of important writings in this field.
As the campus orientation of the American New Left became clear in the mid to late 1960s, the student sections of the British New Left began taking action. TheLondon School of Economics became a key site of British student militancy.[20] The influence of protests against theVietnam War and of theMay 1968 events in France were also felt strongly throughout the British New Left—some responded by joining theInternational Socialists, which later becameSocialist Workers Party, while others got involved with groups such as theInternational Marxist Group.[21][22] The politics of the British New Left can be contrasted withSolidarity, which focused on industrial issues from alibertarian perspective.
Another significant figure in the British New Left wasStuart Hall, a black cultural theorist in Britain. He was the founding editor ofNew Left Review in 1960. In an obituary following his death in February 2014,Robin Blackburn wrote inNew Left Review: "His exemplary investigations came close to inventing a new field of study, 'cultural studies'; in his vision, the new discipline was profoundly political in inspiration and radically interdisciplinary in character."[23]
Numerous Black British scholars attributed their interest in cultural studies to Hall, includingPaul Gilroy,Angela McRobbie,Isaac Julien, andJohn Akomfrah. In the words of Indian literary theoristGayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Academics worldwide could not think 'Black Britain' before Stuart Hall. And in Britain the impact of Cultural Studies went beyond the confines of the academy."[24]
In the United States, "New Left" was the name loosely associated with radical, Marxist political movements that arose during the 1960s, primarily among college students. At the core of these movements was theStudents for a Democratic Society (SDS).[25] Noting the perversion of "the older Left" by "Stalinism", in their 1962 Port Huron Statement the SDS eschewed "formulas" and "closed theories". Instead they called for a "new left ... committed to deliberativeness, honesty [and] reflection".[26] The New Left that developed in the following years was "a loosely organized, mostly white student movement that advocated for democracy, civil rights, and various types of university reforms, and protested against the Vietnam war".[27]
The term "New Left" was popularised in the United States in an open letter, entitledLetter to the New Left, written in 1960 bysociologistC. Wright Mills.[14] He argued for a revampedleftist ideology, moving away from the ("Old Left") focus on issues solely pertinent to labor (whose entrenched union leadership in the U.S. supported theCold War and pragmatic establishment politics) into a broader set of issues such as opposingalienation,anomie, andauthoritarianism. Mills argued for a shift from traditional leftism toward the values of thecounterculture, and he emphasized the movement's international perspective.[28] According to David Burner, Mills claimed that the proletariat (collectively, the working class as defined by Marxism) were no longer the revolutionary force; the new agents of revolutionary change were young intellectuals around the world.[29]
Astudent protest called theFree Speech Movement took place during the 1964–1965 academic year on the campus ofUC Berkeley under the informal leadership of studentsMario Savio,Jack Weinberg, Brian Turner,Bettina Aptheker, Steve Weissman, Art Goldberg,Jackie Goldberg, and others. In protests unprecedented in scope at the time, students insisted that the university administration lift the ban on campus political activities and acknowledge the students' right tofree speech andacademic freedom. On 2 December 1964 on the steps ofSproul Hall,Mario Savio delivered a speech with these famous passages:
[T]he faculty are a bunch of employees, and we're the raw material! But we're a bunch of raw material[s] that don't mean to have any process upon us, don't mean to be made into any product, don't mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We're human beings! ... There's a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious—makes you so sick at heart—that you can't take part. You can't even passively take part. And you've got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop. And you've got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you're free, the machine will be prevented from working at all.[30][31]
The New Left opposed what it saw as the prevailing authority structures in society, which it termed "The Establishment", and those who rejected this authority became known as the "anti-Establishment". The New Left focused onsocial activists and their approach to organization, convinced that they could be the source for a better kind ofsocial revolution.
The New Left in the United States also included anarchist,countercultural, andhippie-related radical groups such as theYippies (who were led byAbbie Hoffman), theDiggers,[32]Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers, and theWhite Panther Party. By late 1966, the Diggers openedfree stores which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away money, organized free music concerts, and performed works of political art.[33] The Diggers took their name from the original English Diggers led byGerrard Winstanley[34] and sought to create a mini-society free of money andcapitalism.[35] On the other hand, the Yippies (the name allegedly coming from Youth International Party) employed theatrical gestures, such as advancing a pig ("Pigasus the Immortal") as a candidate for president in 1968, to mock the social status quo.[36] They have been described as a highly theatrical,anti-authoritarian, and anarchist[37] youth movement of "symbolic politics".[38] According toABC News, "The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists'."[39] Many of the "old school"political left either ignored or denounced them.
Many New Left thinkers in the United States were influenced by theVietnam War and theChinese Cultural Revolution. Some in the U.S. New Left argued that since the Soviet Union could no longer be considered the world center for proletarian revolution, new revolutionary Communist thinkers had to be substituted in its place, such asMao Zedong,Ho Chi Minh andFidel Castro.[40]Todd Gitlin inThe Whole World Is Watching in describing the movement's influences stated, "The New Left, again, refused the self-discipline of explicit programmatic statement until too late—until, that is, the Marxist–Leninist sects filled the vacuum with dogmas, with clarity on the cheap."[41]
Isserman (2001) reports that the New Left "came to use the word 'liberal' as a political epithet".[42] Historian Richard Ellis (1998) says that the SDS's search for their own identity "increasingly meant rejecting, even demonizing, liberalism".[43] As Wolfe (2010) notes, "no one hated liberals more than leftists".[44]
Other elements of the U.S. New Left were anarchist and looked tolibertarian socialist traditions of Americanradicalism, theIndustrial Workers of the World and union militancy. This group coalesced around the historical journalRadical America. AmericanAutonomist Marxism derived from this stream, for instance, in the thought ofHarry Cleaver.Murray Bookchin was also part of the anarchist strain in the New Left, as were the Yippies.[45]
The U.S. New Left drew inspiration first from thecivil disobedience of thecivil rights movement, particularly theStudent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and then from black radicalism, particularly theBlack Power movement and the more explicitlyMaoist and militantBlack Panther Party. The Panthers in turn influenced other similar militant groups, like theYoung Lords, theBrown Berets and theAmerican Indian Movement. Students immersed themselves into poor communities building up support with the locals.[46] The New Left sought to be a broad-based, grass-roots movement.[47]
TheVietnam War conducted by liberal PresidentLyndon B. Johnson was a special target across the worldwide New Left. Johnson and his top officials became unwelcome on American campuses. Theanti-war movement escalated the rhetorical heat, as violence broke out on both sides. The climax came at the1968 Democratic National Convention.
The New Left also helped set in motion the rebirth offeminism.[48] With sexism being rampant in certain sections of the New Left,[49][50] women reacted to the lack of progressive gender politics with their own social intellectual movement.[51] In addition, the New Left was an incubator for the modernenvironmentalist movement, which clashed with the Old Left's disregard for environmental matters in favor of preserving jobs ofunion workers. Environmentalism also gave rise to various other social justice movements such as theenvironmental justice movement, which aims to prevent the toxification of the environment of minority and disadvantaged communities.[2]
By 1968, however, the New Left coalition began to split. The anti-war Democraticpresidential nomination campaign ofKennedy andMcCarthy brought the central issue of the New Left into the mainstream liberal establishment. The 1972 nomination ofGeorge McGovern further highlighted the new influence of Liberal protest movements within the Democratic establishment. Increasingly, feminist andgay rights groups became important parts of the Democratic coalition, thus satisfying many of the same constituencies that were previously unserved by the mainstream parties.[1] This institutionalization took away all but the most radical members of the New Left. The remaining radical core of the SDS, dissatisfied with the pace of change, incorporated violent tendencies towards social transformation. After 1969, theWeathermen, a surviving faction of SDS, attempted to launch a guerrilla war in an incident known as the "Days of Rage". Finally, in 1970 three members of the Weathermenblew themselves up in a Greenwich Village brownstone trying to make a bomb out of a stick of dynamite and an alarm clock.[52]Port Huron Statement participantJack Newfield wrote in 1971 that "in its Weathermen, Panther and Yippee incarnations, [the New Left] seems anti-democratic, terroristic, dogmatic, stoned on rhetoric and badly disconnected from everyday reality".[53] In contrast, the more moderate groups associated with the New Left increasingly became central players in the Democratic Party and thus in mainstream American politics.
The hippiesubculture was originally ayouth movement that arose in the United States during the mid-1960s and spread to other countries around the world. The Beats adopted the termhip, and early hippies inherited the language andcountercultural values of theBeat Generation and mimicked some of the current values of the BritishMod scene. Hippies created their own communities, listened topsychedelic rock, embraced thesexual revolution, and some used drugs such ascannabis,LSD, andpsilocybin mushrooms to explorealtered states of consciousness.
TheYippies, who were seen as an offshoot of the hippie movements parodying as a political party, came to national attention during their celebration of the 1968spring equinox, when some 3,000 of them took overGrand Central Terminal in New York, resulting in 61 arrests. The Yippies, especially their leadersAbbie Hoffman andJerry Rubin, became notorious for their theatrics, such as trying to levitate the Pentagon at the October 1967 war protest, and such slogans as "Rise up and abandon the creeping meatball!" Their stated intention to protest the1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August, including nominating their own candidate, "Lyndon Pigasus Pig" (an actual pig), was also widely publicized in the media at this time.[54] In Cambridge, hippies congregated each Sunday for a large "be-in" at Cambridge Park with swarms of drummers and those beginning the Women's Movement. In the United States the hippie movement started to be seen as part of the "New Left" which was associated with anti-war college campus protest movements.[1]
The organization that came to symbolize the New Left in the U.S. was the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). By 1962, the SDS had emerged as the most important of the new campus radical groups; soon it would be regarded as virtually synonymous with the "New Left".[55] In 1962,Tom Hayden wrote its founding document, thePort Huron Statement,[26] which issued a call for "participatory democracy" based on non-violent civil disobedience. This was the idea that individual citizens could help make "those social decisions determining the quality and direction" of their lives.[56] The SDS marshaled antiwar, pro-civil rights andfree speech concerns on campuses, and brought together liberals and more revolutionary leftists.
The SDS became the leading anti-war organization on college campuses during theVietnam War. As the war escalated, SDS membership increased greatly, with more students willing to scrutinise the nation's political decisions in moral terms, and to protest the war with heightenedmilitancy.[57] As opposition to the Vietnam War grew stronger, the SDS became a nationally prominent political organization. Ending the war was its overriding concern, overshadowing many of the original issues that inspired the formation of the SDS. By 1967, the Port Huron Statement was superseded by a new call for militant action,[58] which would inevitably lead to the destruction of the SDS.
In 1968 and 1969, as its radicalism reached a fever pitch, the SDS began to split under the strain of internal dissension and an increasing turn towardsMaoism.[59] Along with adherents known as theNew Communist Movement, some extremist illegal factions also emerged, such as theWeather Underground organization.
The SDS suffered the difficulty of wanting to change the world while "freeing life in the here and now". This caused confusion between short-term and long-term goals. The sudden growth due to the successful rallies against the Vietnam War meant there were more people wanting action to end the Vietnam War, whereas the original New Left had wanted to focus on critical reflection.[60] In the end, it was the anti-war sentiment that dominated the SDS.[61]
Stung by the criticism that they were "high on analysis, low on action", and in "the year of the 'discovery of poverty'" (Michael Harrington's 1962 bookThe Other America[62] "was the rage"), the SDS launched the Economic Research and Action Project (ERAP).[63] Conceived byTom Hayden as forestalling "white backlash", community-organizing initiatives would unite Black, Brown, and White workers around a common program for economic change. However, the ERAP leadership commitment was sustained barely two years. With no early indications in neighborhoods of an interracial movement that would "collectivize economic decision making and democratize and decentralize every economic, political, and social institution in America", many SDS organizers were induced by the escalating U.S. commitment in Vietnam to abandon their storefront offices, and heed the anti-war call to return to campus.[64]
In certain ERAP projects, such as JOIN ("Jobs or Income Now") in uptown Chicago, SDSers were replaced by white working-class activists (some bitterly conscious that their poor backgrounds had limited their acceptance within "the Movement"). In community unions such as "Rising Up Angry", "Young Patriots", and JOIN in Chicago; "White Lightening" in the Bronx; and the "4 October Organization" in Philadelphia, white radicals—acknowledging the debt they believed they owed to SNCC and the Black Panthers—continued to organize rent strikes, health and legal clinics, housing occupations, and street protests against police brutality.[65]
While city-hall and police harassment was a factor, internal tensions ensured that these radical community-organizing efforts did not long survive the '60s.[64]Kirkpatrick Sale recalls that the most dispiriting feature of the ERAP experience was that, however much they might talk at night about "transforming the system", "building alternative institutions", and "revolutionary potential", the organizers knew their credibility on the doorstep rested on an ability to secure concessions from, and thus to develop relations with, the local power structures. Far from erecting parallel structures, the ERAP projects were built "around all the shoddy instruments of the state". ERAP members were caught in "a politics of adjustment".[66]
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The European New Left appeared first inWest Germany andWest Berlin, which became a prototype for European student radicals.[67] West Berlin, anAllied-occupied island within socialistEast Germany to which young men from both German states had moved to avoid conscription, in particular became a center of critical dissent from the rival social-democratic and communist party traditions. At the beginning of the 1960, an early grouping was Subversive Action (Subversiven Aktion), conceived as the German branch of theSituationist International.[68] Associated with the charismatic East German emigre, and student of theFrankfurt School,Rudi Dutschke, it became a leasing faction within the German Socialist Students' Union (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund, SDS).[69]
Dutschke and his faction had an important ally in Michael Vester, SDS vice-president and international secretary. Vester, who had studied in the US in 1961–62, and worked extensively with the American SDS (Students for a Democratic Society), introduced the theories of the American New Left and supported the call for "direct action" andcivil disobedience.[70] The theory as expounded by Dutschke in relation to protests against the Vietnam War, which soon dominated the agenda, was that "systematic, limited and controlled confrontations with the power structure" would "force the representative 'democracy' to show openly its class character, its authoritarianism, ... to expose itself as a 'dictatorship of force'". The awareness produced by such provocations would free people to rethink democratic theory and practice.[71][72] Dutschke was also influenced byProvo, a Dutch counterculture movement in the mid-1960s that focused on provoking violent responses from authorities using non-violent bait.
In France theSituationist International reached the apex of its creative output and influence in 1967 and 1968, with the former marking the publication of the two most significant texts of the situationist movement,The Society of the Spectacle byGuy Debord andThe Revolution of Everyday Life byRaoul Vaneigem. The expressed writing and political theory of these texts, along with other situationist publications, proved greatly influential in shaping the ideas behind theMay 1968 student and worker strikes and demonstrations in France; quotes, phrases, and slogans from situationist texts and publications were ubiquitous on posters and graffiti throughout France during the unrest.[73]
Another West Berlin manifestation of a new left wasKommune 1 or K1, the first politically motivatedcommune in Germany. It was created on 12 January 1967, inWest Berlin and finally dissolved in November 1969. During its entire existence, Kommune 1 was infamous for its bizarre staged events that fluctuated betweensatire andprovocation. These events served as inspiration for the "Sponti" movement and other leftist groups. In the late summer of 1968, the commune moved into a deserted factory on Stephanstraße in order to reorient. This second phase of Kommune 1 was characterized by sex, music, and drugs. All of a sudden, the commune was receiving visitors from all over the world, among themJimi Hendrix, who turned up one morning in the bedroom of Kommune 1.[74]
The student activism of the New Left came to a head around the world in 1968. TheMay 1968 protests in France temporarily shut down the city of Paris, while theGerman student movement did the same inBonn. Universities were simultaneously occupied in May in Paris, in theColumbia University protests of 1968, and inJapanese student strikes. Shortly thereafter, Swedish studentsoccupied a building at Stockholm University. However, all of these protests were shut down by police authorities without achieving their goals, which caused the influence of the student movement to lapse in the 1970s.
In Australia, the New Left was engaged in debates concerning the legitimacy ofheterodox economics andpolitical economy in tertiary education.[75] This culminated in the establishment of anindependent department of political economy at theUniversity of Sydney.[76][77]
TheWorkers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT) is considered the main organization to emerge from the New Left in Brazil. According to Manuel Larrabure, "rather than taking the path of the old Latin American left, in the form of the guerrilla movement, or theStalinist party", PT decided to try something new, while being aided byCUT and other social movements. Its challenge was to "combine the institutions ofliberal democracy withpopular participation by communities and movements". However, PT has been criticized for its "strategic alliances" with the right wing afterLuiz Inácio Lula da Silva waselected president of Brazil. The party has distanced itself from social movements and youth organizations and for many it seems the PT's model of a new left is reaching its limits.[78]
The New Left inLatin America can be loosely defined as the collection ofpolitical parties, radical grassroots social movements (such as indigenous movements,student movements, mobilizations of landless rural workers,afro-descendent organizations andfeminist movements), guerilla organizations (such as the Cuban andNicaraguan revolutions) and other organizations (such as trade unions,campesino leagues and human rights organizations) that constituted the left between 1959 (with the beginning of theCuban Revolution) and 1990 (with thefall of the Berlin Wall).[80]
Influential Latin American thinkers such asFrancisco de Oliveira argued that the United States used Latin American countries as "peripheral economies" at the expense of Latin American society and economic development, which many saw as an extension ofneo-colonialism andneo-imperialism.[81]
The New Left in Latin America sought to go beyond existingMarxist–Leninist efforts at achieving economic equality and democracy to include social reform and address issues unique to Latin America such as racial and ethnic equality, indigenous rights, the rights of the environment, demands forradical democracy,international solidarity,anti-colonialism,anti-imperialism and other aims.[80]
From 1962 to 1963 a tentative and transitional magazine, of more restricted scope, appeared, with Perry Anderson as editor.
In 1969, the American organization ruptured into two factions, one Maoist and one proterrorist.
