New Flemish Alliance Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | N-VA |
| Chairperson | Valerie Van Peel |
| Deputy Chairperson | |
| Founder | Geert Bourgeois |
| Founded | 13 October 2001; 24 years ago (2001-10-13) |
| Split from | People's Union |
| Headquarters | Koningsstraat 47, bus 6 BE-1000 Brussels |
| Youth wing | Jong N-VA |
| Membership(2018) |  45,000[1] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right[2] toright-wing[3] |
| Regional affiliation | Christian Group[4] |
| European affiliation | European Free Alliance |
| European Parliament group | Greens/EFA (2009–2014) ECR Group (since 2014) |
| International affiliation | International Democracy Union |
| Colours | Gold Black |
| Slogan | De verandering werkt. ('Change works')[5] Voor Vlaanderen. Voor Vooruitgang. ('For Flanders. For Progress') (2019)[6] |
| Chamber of Representatives | 24 / 87 (Flemish seats) |
| Senate | 9 / 35 (Flemish seats) |
| Flemish Parliament | 31 / 124 |
| Brussels Parliament | 2 / 17 (Flemish seats) |
| European Parliament | 3 / 12 (Flemish seats) |
| Flemish Provincial Councils | 48 / 175 |
| Benelux Parliament | 4 / 21 (Belgian seats) |
| Party flag | |
 | |
| Website | |
| n-va.be | |
TheNew Flemish Alliance (Dutch:Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie[ˌniuˈvlaːmsəʔɑliˈjɑn(t)si]ⓘ,N-VA) is aFlemish nationalist,[7][8]conservative,[13] andliberal-conservative[14][15][16]political party inBelgium. The party was established in 2001 by the right-leaning faction of the centrist-nationalistPeople's Union (VU).[17]
The N-VA is aregionalist[18] andconfederalist[19] movement that self-identifies with the promotion ofcivic nationalism.[20] Within the Flemish Movement, the party strives for the peaceful and gradual transformation ofBelgium into a confederal country. In recent years it has become the largest party of Flanders as well as of Belgium as a whole, and it participated in the2014–18 Belgian Government until 9 December 2018.[21]
On 3 February 2025, at the end of the2024–2025 Belgian government formation, former N-VA Chairman and then Mayor of AntwerpBart De Wever becameprime minister of Belgium, becoming the first member of a Flemish nationalist party to head the country's government.
The N-VA was established as acentre-right party with the main objective of working towards furthering Flemish autonomy and redefining Belgium as aconfederal country through gradually obtaining more powers for both Belgian communities separately with the belief that this will pave the way for eventual Flemish independence.[22] During its early years, the N-VA mostly followed the platform of the former VU by characterising itself as abig tent[23] party with Flemish nationalism as its central theme. Furthermore, it emphasized a pragmatic and non-revolutionary image (as opposed to thefar-right character of the other main Flemish pro-separatist partyVlaams Belang) in order to legitimise increased Flemish autonomy. The party also espoused non-interventionalist and pro-individual freedom messages in its original platform.[24] In subsequent years, the N-VA moved to the right and adopted a distinctlyconservative identity under the leadership ofBart De Wever, who succeeded the founding leaderGeert Bourgeois. The party used to bepro-Europeanist,[25][26] and previously advocated deepening ties with theEuropean Union (EU) which the N-VA regarded as an important means to give Flanders more international influence,[27] but has since shifted to a "Eurorealist" or "Eurocritical" stance by calling for more democratic transparency within the EU, opposing a Federal Superstate and wants reforms made to the Eurozone and common EU asylum policy.[28][26] The party is known for its insistence on the exclusive use ofDutch, Flanders' sole official language, in dealings with government agencies.[20] The N-VA advocateseconomic liberalism and immediate tax reductions to stimulate the economy. It also supports stricter law and order and controlled immigration policies, with stronger measures to integrate immigrants in Flanders.[29][30]
A leading member of theEuropean Free Alliance (EFA), since the2014 European Parliament election, the N-VA has sat with theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)parliamentary group in theEuropean Parliament.
The party announced the creation of aWalloon branch in 2024, although it didn't manage to win any seats in the Belgian elections of that same year.[31][32]
The N-VA stems from the right-leaning faction of thePeople's Union (Dutch:Volksunie, VU), a Belgianpolitical party and broad electoral alliance ofFlemish nationalists from both sides of the political spectrum with the N-VA's founders largely encompassing the more centre-right and pro-independence wing of the VU.
Towards the end of the 20th century, with a steadily declining electorate and the majority of the party'sfederalist agenda implemented, friction between several wings of the People's Union emerged. In the beginning of the 1990s,Bert Anciaux became party president and led the party in an ever moreprogressive direction, combining thesocial-liberal and social democratic ideas of his iD21-movement with theregionalist course of the People's Union. These experiments were opposed by the more traditional right-wing party base. Many of the VU's more ardent national-conservative members defected to theVlaams Blok after becoming disgruntled with direction of the party, prompting a further decline in support. Around this time, VU memberGeert Bourgeois, de facto leader of the VU's traditionalist and centre-right nationalist wing, put together the so-called "Oranjehofgroep" (which would go on to become the bedrock of the N-VA) which included fellow VU membersFrieda Brepoels,Eric Defoort,Ben Weyts andBart De Wever. The Oranjehofgroep opposed the direction in which the party was being taken by Anciaux and wanted the VU to pursue a more conservative,Flemish nationalist and separatist direction, while the wing helmed by Anciaux was looking to merge the Volksunie with its progressive programme with another political party.[33]
Tension rose towards the end of the decade, asGeert Bourgeois was elected chairman by party members, in preference to the incumbent and progressivePatrik Vankrunkelsven who belonged to the iD21 wing. Factions subsequently clashed multiple times, over the future course of the party and possible support for currentstate reform negotiations. On 13 October 2001, the party openly split into three factions: the progressive wing aroundBert Anciaux, which would later become theSpirit party; the conservative nationalist wing aroundGeert Bourgeois; and a centrist group opposing the imminent split. An internal referendum was held on the future course of the party. The right wing gained a substantial plurality of 47% and inherited the party infrastructure.[34] Since no faction got an absolute majority, however, the nameVolksunie could no longer be used under Belgian constitutional law and the VU was dissolved. The centre-right orientated faction of the VU went on to found the N-VA while the remaining centre-left faction reorganized itself asSpirit and the centrist-liberal wing mostly folded into theOpen VLD.
In the autumn of 2001, the New Flemish Alliance (Dutch:Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, N-VA) was officially registered. Seven members of parliament from the People's Union joined the new party. The new party council created a partymanifesto and a statement of principles. The first party congress was held in May 2002, voting on a party program and permanent party structures.Geert Bourgeois was elected chairman. The N-VA initially continued some of the VU's former policies.
The party participated in elections for the first time in the2003 federal elections, but struggled with theelection threshold of 5%. This threshold was only reached inWest Flanders, the constituency ofGeert Bourgeois. With only one federal representative and no senator, the party lost government funding and faced irrelevance.
In February 2004, the N-VA entered into anelectoral alliance, commonly known in Belgium as acartel, with theChristian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) party, the traditionally largest party, which was then in opposition. They joined forces in theregional elections in 2004 and won. Both parties joined the new Flemish government, led by CD&V leaderYves Leterme.Geert Bourgeois became a minister, andBart De Wever became the new party leader in October 2004.
The cartel was briefly broken when the former right-wing liberalJean-Marie Dedecker left theOpen Flemish Liberals and Democrats (Open VLD) and entered the N-VA on behalf of the party executive. However, the party congress did not put Dedecker on the election list, instead preferring to continue the cartel with CD&V, who had strongly opposed placing him on a joint cartel list. Dedecker saw this as a vote of no confidence, and left the party after only 10 days, to form his own party,List Dedecker (LDD). Deputy leader Brepoels, who supported Dedecker, stepped down from the party board afterwards.
In the Belgian federal election of 2007, the CD&V/N-VA cartel won a major victory again, with a campaign focusing on good governance, state reform and the division of the electoral districtBrussels-Halle-Vilvoorde. The N-VA won five seats in theChamber of Representatives and two seats in theSenate.Yves Leterme initiated coalition talks, which repeatedly stalled (see2007–2008 Belgian government formation). On 20 March 2008, a new federal government was finally assembled. N-VA did not join this government, but gave its support pending state reform.
The cartel ended definitively on 24 September 2008, due to lack of progression in state reform matters and a different strategy on future negotiations. N-VA left the Flemish Government and gave up its support of Leterme at the federal level.
In theregional elections of June 2009, N-VA won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections, along with their old cartel partner CD&V. N-VA subsequently joined the government, led byKris Peeters (CD&V).Bart De Wever chose to remain party leader and appointedGeert Bourgeois andPhilippe Muyters as ministers in theFlemish Government andJan Peumans as speaker of theFlemish Parliament.
Ahead of the2010 Belgian federal election, all of the other Belgian parties distanced themselves from the N-VA resulting in De Wever accusing the Belgian political establishment of plotting a newcordon sanitaire against his party. In its election program, the N-VA advocatedconfederalism for Belgium maximum authority and responsibility for the different regions of the country, whereby the Flemish and Walloon regions and communities are rewarded for good policies and punished for bad policies. The party also campaigned for revisions to Belgium's finance laws and reforms to the health and education systems. De Wever also called on all the Flemish parties to work together to push for confederalism and campaigned for the idea that no government formation in Belgium should exclude a Flemish majority.[35]
The N-VA made a major breakthrough and won the elections with just under 28% of the Flemish votes in the Chamber (31% in the Senate), making it the largest party in Flanders and Belgium. The party acquired 27 seats in the Chamber. As a result, N-VA became the dominant political formation in the Flemish political landscape and took the place that CD&V had occupied for decades as the largest Flemish party. After the election, some media commentators attributed the party's result to the style of De Wever while others argued the N-VA was able to win over conservative and Flemish nationalist supporters of the Vlaams Belang who had supported the VB out of necessity as the main Flemish separatist party but regarded it as extreme by offering a moderate alternative, as well as voters of the Open VLD and CD&V who felt those parties had moved to the left and had not performed well in government.[36][37]
The N-VA also performed strongly during the 2012 Belgian local elections but was criticized by political opponents for featuring former Vlaams Belang and Vlaams Blok politicians such asJurgen Ceder andKarim Van Overmeire on their local lists. De Wever responded by stating that only a small number of VB politicians were running as N-VA candidates. The N-VA emerged as the largest party inAntwerp with De Wever being elected as mayor.[38]
During the2014 Belgian federal election, the N-VA again emerged as the largest party in both Flanders and Belgium as a whole. In the aftermath of the election, KingPhilippe nominated De Wever asinformateur tasking him with forming a government.[39]
After five months of discussions, a coalition between CD&V, Open Vld, MR and N-VA was formed on 7 October 2014, with Walloon MR politicianCharles Michel appointed as Prime Minister of Belgium.
In December 2018, a political crisis emerged over whether to sign theGlobal Compact for Migration; N-VA was against this, whereas the other three parties in the federal government supported it. On 4 December 2018, Charles Michel announced that the issue would be taken to parliament for a vote.[40] On 5 December, parliament voted 106 to 36 in favor of backing the agreement.[41] Michel stated that he would endorse the pact on behalf of parliament, not on behalf of the divided government.[42] Consequently, N-VA quit the federal government; the other three parties continued as a minority government (Michel II).
During the2019 federal elections, the party again polled in first place in the Flemish region. However, it also saw a decline in vote share for the first time, falling to 25.6% of the Flemish vote with commentators arguing this was due to a revival of the Vlaams Belang.[43]
Ahead of the2024 federal elections, the N-VA announced it would run candidates inWallonia for the first time.[44] The party did not see any candidates elected in French-speaking districts, but it remained in first place in the Flemish region in the Federal Parliament despite polls indicating it would be overtaken by Vlaams Belang while it finished joint-first with the VB in the Flemish Parliament.
Early 2025,Bart De Wever becameBelgian Prime Minister, after whichSteven Vandeput was appointed as interim president until the next party elections.
The New Flemish Alliance is a relatively young political party, founded in the autumn of 2001. Being one of the successors of thePeople's Union (Volksunie) party which existed from 1954–2001, it is, however, based on an established political tradition. The N-VA works towards the same goal as its Volksunie predecessor: to redefine Flemish nationalism in a contemporary setting. The N-VA's leader Bart De Wever calls himself a conservative and a nationalist.[45] In its early years, the N-VA argued for a Flemish Republic as a member state of a democraticEuropean confederation. In its initial mission statement, the party stated that the challenges of the 21st century can best be answered by strong communities and by well-developed international co-operation, a position which reflected in their tagline: "Necessary in Flanders, useful in Europe." (Dutch:Nodig in Vlaanderen, nuttig in Europa.)
Presently, the N-VA is generally characterised by political scientists and journalists asconservative,[9]conservative liberal, andeconomically liberal and positioned towards theright-wing of the political spectrum with Flemish nationalism linked to the core of its policy ideas and messages.[2][46][47] The N-VA initially advocated deepening ties with theEuropean Union but in recent years it has been defined as moderatelyeurosceptic and growing more EU-critical.[48]
During the N-VA's early years, a label for the political orientation for the party was difficult to find. Although the N-VA articulated its ideology ascentre-right, it also borrowed from its Volksunie predecessor by presenting itself as abig tent or acatch-all party and asocially liberal nationalist movement that combined left- and right-wing policies but focused on Flemish issues above all else. The N-VA also summed up its initial platform with the mottoEvolution, not Revolution, arguing for a more pragmatic and less radical approach to Flemish nationalism. The N-VA first argued that a Flemish nationalist party was needed in theBelgian Federal Parliament both to represent the Flemish people and to work with politicians from all Belgian communities to redefine Belgium as aconfederal rather than a federal state by securing more autonomy and political powers for both the Flemish and Walloon regions of Belgium.[49] This strategy assumed that through successive transfers of powers from the federal level to both regions on the one hand, and the European Union on the other, the Belgian state will gradually become obsolete.
In its 2009 election programme, the N-VA described itself aseconomically liberal[30] andecologically green. The party supportedpublic transport,open source software,renewable energy and taxing cars by the number of kilometres driven. It wanted more aid for developing countries and more compulsory measures to require that immigrants learn Dutch. The party has generally been supportive of LGBT rights and backed same-sex marriage in Belgium.[50] It calls for measures to protect weaker members of society but also robust welfare reform and limits to welfare benefits to encourage people back into work and reduce unemployment.[30]
Within the decade of its founding, the N-VA has shifted from a big tent to a conservative party by basing some of its socio-economic policies on that of the BritishConservative Party.[51][52][53][54] Political scientist Glen Duerr has described the N-VA's current position as evolving to somewhere between that ofVlaams Belang andCD&V, defining itself as a nationalist and conservative party while rejecting radical populism.[55] The N-VA has also been described as part of the "sub-state nationalist" family of parties similar to theScottish National Party and the CatalanNational Call for the Republic andJunts parties with its regionalist platform while also differing from other independence movements in this category like the SNP which tend to hold progressive social and economic agendas since the N-VA promotes more neoliberal policies and stances on immigration and multiculturalism that are more in common with right-leaning European parties. Belgian professor Ico Maly has described the N-VA's current ideology as drawing on the intellectual beliefs of the party's leaderBart de Wever which he terms as "scientific nationalism" that distances the N-VA from the more far-right nationalism advocated by the Vlaams Belang, but on the other, leads the N-VA to use more cultural arguments compared to parties like the SNP such as defending Western values and an ethnically defined Flemish identity.[56]
Since 2014, the N-VA has been described as continuing to move ideologically further to the right under the influence of Bart De Wever andTheo Francken by adopting tougher stances on immigration, integration of minorities, requirements to obtain Belgian citizenship, law and order, national security and repatriation of foreign born criminals and illegal immigrants.[57][25] In 2015, German weeklyDie Zeit published a list of 39 successful radical political parties in Europe. The paper described N-VA asright-wing populist andseparatist because it reduces complex political problems to territorial issues.[58][54] N-VA responded that "foreign media find the party difficult to place, so they just label us as extremists." Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalistVlaams Belang.[59] In contrast to other Belgian parties, the N-VA is more critical of thecordon sanitaire placed on the Vlaams Belang party and recently has been more open to negotiating with the VB, although accepting former Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang members as defectors into the N-VA still remains controversial within some ranks of the party.[60][61]
The N-VA is part of the broaderFlemish nationalist movement and describes its beliefs as combining civic and cultural nationalism.[46][62] The party promotes what it calls inclusive nationalism not defined by revolutionary or racist sentiments in which newcomers can become part of the Flemish community through compulsory learning of the Dutch language, Flemish history and Western values.[62] In its current mission statement, the party claims that political divides in Belgium are not a xenophobic conflict but due to the political structure, arguing that Belgium has effectively been divided into two separate democracies since the 20th Century.[63] The N-VA believes the solution is to redefine the federal Belgian state as aconfederal union by means of transferring powers separately to both communities with a smaller government in Brussels that handles core issues like defense and security, while the Flemish and Walloon regions are given more decision making abilities. The N-VA argues that Flanders should pursue more independent economic, taxation and foreign policies which it believes will lead to gradual Flemish secessionism. The party also supports a review into financial transfers from Flanders toBrussels and the Wallonia region, arguing that such a policy threatens solidarity between different linguistic groups and has been a burden on Flemish tax payers.[62]
The party calls for more strict immigration policies and reforms to asylum laws on its platform, proritizing knowledge-based immigration similar to theCanadian model while significantly reducing unskilled immigration and including a compulsory "integration contract" for immigrants to learn Dutch and undergo a values and social skills test before receiving Belgian citizenship. The N-VA also argues that dual nationals should be stripped of their citizenship if they are convicted of terrorism and other serious crimes and for the removal of illegal immigrants. On asylum, the N-VA calls for a "humane but strict asylum and migration policy" giving more support for refugees closer to their home region while arguing that anyone who enters European territory illegally will automatically be denied asylum. The party also established a new government position of Minister for Integration in theFlemish Government after becoming the largest party in the Flemish Parliament.[64][65] In Federal politics, N-VA MPTheo Francken who served as Belgium's Secretary of State for Asylum and Migration sought to tighten laws on family migration and was noted for overseeing a record deportation of illegal immigrants and foreigners with criminal backgrounds.[66] This policy made him the most popular politician in public opinion polls.[67] The party is also critical ofmulticulturalism, arguing that it prevents inclusiveness and social cohesion among the population, and has accused French-speaking parties of pushing mass immigration and multicultural policies onto Flanders through Belgian state politics.[63] In 2018, the party opposed the UNGlobal Compact for Migration and subsequently withdrew its participation in the Belgian government in protest of its passing.[40] Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalistVlaams Belang, which also campaigned against the Migration Compact.[59] The N-VA also supports increased spending and resources for the police and border forces, as well as more resources for counter-terrorism and national security efforts.[68]
The party has a what it calls aecorealism stance, arguing for constructive methods and the use ofgreen technology and expandingBelgium's nuclear power stations to mitigate climate change.[69]
However, the N-VA voted at European level against the foundations of theEuropean Green Deal, namely against an extension of theEuropean Union Emissions Trading System to more sectors and against aEuropean carbon border tax.[70] At the Flemish level, the N-VA and the Flemish government are in favor of a 40% reduction in emissions by 2030, while the EU is calling for a 47% reduction, an objective for which Brussels and Wallonia do commit.[71]
In terms of foreign policy, the N-VA's stance on theEuropean Union began as stronglypro-European in character (which it regarded as an important means of gaining legitimacy for Flemish nationalism on an international stage); in 2010, the party called for "an ever stronger and more united Europe." However, the party has since moved in aEurocritical direction and takes an opposition stance towards EU integration by arguing EU member states should have the right to self-determination. The N-VA calls for less interference at national decision making levels and for the right for EU members to maintain their cultural identity, more democratic reform of the EU and rejecting a Federal EU Superstate, and arguing that economically unstable nations should leave theEurozone.[25][26][51] The party is critical of the EU's stance on illegal immigration (in particular its handling of the migrant crisis) and the role played byNGOs in picking up migrants. The N-VA argues that the EU should emulate theAustralian model of border protection to reinforce its external border and work with nations outside of Europe to stem the flow of illegal migrants arriving by sea.[72]
The N-VA supports continued Belgian participation inNATO and for military cooperation between European states.[73]
The party has supported sending military and humanitarian aid toUkraine following theRussian invasion of Ukraine and sent a delegation of members to meet with Ukrainian officials in 2022.[74][75]
On economic policy, the N-VA calls for reduced national debts and balanced budget in the Flemish and Federal Parliaments. It has generally advocated for free-market policies and limits on certain government spending. It also supports increased trade and business investment for Flanders.[76]
The N-VA also supports abolishing theBelgian Senate.[77]
At European level, the N-VA is part of theEuropean Free Alliance (EFA), aEuropean political party consisting ofregionalist, pro-independence andminority interest political parties, of which thePeople's Union was a founder member. Since the EFA tends to contain parties on the left, the N-VA stands out due to its more centre-right orientation. During the7th European Parliament of 2009–2014, the N-VA was a member ofThe Greens–European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA) group in the European Parliament. However, following the2014 European elections, the N-VA announced it was moving to a new group and chose the conservative and euroscepticEuropean Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)[78] over theAlliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe.[51] Since 2014, the N-VA has served on the bureau for the ECR group and sits alongside the CzechCivic Democratic Party, theSweden Democrats,Brothers of Italy, Poland'sLaw & Justice and formerly theBritish Conservative Party in the European Parliament.
The N-VA is a member of theInternational Democracy Union.
| Name | Portrait | From | To | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Geert Bourgeois |  | 2001 | 2004 |
| 2 | Bart De Wever |  | 2004 | 2025 |
| 3 | Steven Vandeput |  | 2025 | 2025 |
| 4 | Valerie Van Peel | 2025 | present | |
In thefederal elections in 2003, N-VA received 3.1% of the votes, but won only one seat in the federal parliament. In February 2004, they formed an electoral alliance (cartel) with theChristian Democratic and Flemish party (CD&V). The cartel won the elections for the Flemish Parliament. The N-VA received a total of 6 seats. However, on 21 September 2008 the N-VA lost its faith in the federal government and the following day ministerGeert Bourgeois resigned. In a press conference he confirmed the end of the CD&V/N-VA cartel.
In the2004 European elections, N-VA had one MEP elected as part of the cartel with CD&V.
In the 10 June 2007federal elections, the cartel won 30 out of 150 seats in theChamber of Representatives and 9 out of 40 seats in theSenate.
In theregional elections of 11 June 2009, N-VA (now on its own after the split of the cartel withCD&V) won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections along with their former cartel partner. In the2009 European elections held on the same day, the N-VA had one MEP elected.
In the2010 federal elections, N-VA became the largest party of Flanders and of Belgium altogether.
In the2014 federal elections, N-VA increased their dominant position, taking votes and seats from the far-rightFlemish Interest. In the simultaneous2014 regional elections and2014 European elections, the N-VA also became the largest party in theFlemish Parliament and in the Belgian delegation to theEuropean Parliament.
In the2019 federal elections, the party remained in first place in the Chamber of Representatives, European Parliament and Flemish Parliament, but saw a decline of their vote share for the first time, obtaining 16.03% of the votes in the Federal Parliament. With a decline of 24.7% of their votes compared to 2014, the N-VA suffered the biggest election defeat of any Flemish government party in the last fifty years.[79] The decline in votes was in part due to a sudden upsurge in support for theFlemish Interest.
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/- | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2003 | 201,399 | 3.1 | 1 / 150 | Opposition | |
| 2007[a] | 1,234,950 | 18.5 | 5 / 150 | 4 | Opposition |
| 2010 | 1,135,617 | 17.4 | 27 / 150 | 22 | Opposition |
| 2014 | 1,366,073 | 20.3 | 33 / 150 | 6 | Coalition(2014–2018) |
| Opposition(2018–2019) | |||||
| 2019 | 1,086,787 | 16.0 | 25 / 150 |  8 | Opposition |
| 2024 | 1,167,061 | 16.7 | 24 / 150 | 1 | Coalition |
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/- |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2003 | 200,273 | 3.1 | 0 / 71 | |
| 2007[a] | 1,287,389 | 19.4 | 2 / 71 | 2 |
| 2010 | 1,268,780 | 19.6 | 14 / 71 | 12 |
| 2014 | 12 / 60 | 2 | ||
| 2019 | 9 / 60 | 3 | ||
| 2024 | 10 / 60 | 1 | ||
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/- | Government | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| D.E.C. | Overall | |||||
| 2004[a] | 10,482 | 16.8 (#4) | 0 / 89 | Opposition | ||
| 2009 | 2,586 | 5.0 (#6) | 1 / 89 | 1 | Opposition | |
| 2014 | 9,085 | 17.0 (#4) | 3 / 89 | 2 | Opposition | |
| 2019 | 12,578 | 18.0 (#4) | 3 / 89 |  0 | Opposition | |
| 2024 | 9.571 | 11.9 (#3) | 2 / 89 | 1 | TBD | |
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/- | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004[a] | 1,060,580 | 26.1 (#1) | 6 / 124 | Coalition | |
| 2009 | 537,040 | 13.1 (#5) | 16 / 124 | 10 | Coalition |
| 2014 | 1,339,946 | 31.9 (#1) | 43 / 124 | 27 | Coalition |
| 2019 | 1,052,252 | 24.8 (#1) | 35 / 124 | 8 | Coalition |
| 2024 | 1,045,607 | 23.9 (#1) | 31 / 124 | 4 | Coalition |
| Election | List leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/- | EP Group | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| D.E.C. | Overall | ||||||
| 2004[a] | Jean-Luc Dehaene | 1,131,119 | 28.15 (#1) | 17.43 | 1 / 24 | New | EPP-ED |
| 2009 | Frieda Brepoels | 402,545 | 9.88 (#5) | 6.13 | 1 / 22 | 0 | Greens/EFA |
| 2014 | Johan Van Overtveldt | 1,123,363 | 26.67 (#1) | 16.79 | 4 / 21 | 3 | ECR |
| 2019 | Geert Bourgeois | 1,123,355 | 22.44 (#1) | 14.17 | 3 / 21 | 1 | |
| 2024 | Johan Van Overtveldt | 995,868 | 22.94 (#2) | 13.96 | 3 / 22 | 0 | |
 | This article needs to beupdated. Please help update this to reflect recent events or newly available information.(August 2020) |
N-VA holds three seats in thetenth European Parliament (2024-2029) for theDutch-speaking electoral college.
| European Parliament | ||
|---|---|---|
| Name | In office | Parliamentary group |
| Johan Van Overtveldt | 2019–present | European Conservatives and Reformists |
| Assita Kanko | 2019–present | |
| Kris Van Dijck | 2024–present | |
Belgian federal government De Wever (2025-present)
| Federal GovernmentDe Wever Incumbent | |
|---|---|
| Name | Function |
| Bart De Wever | Prime Minister of the Belgian Government |
| Jan Jambon | Federal Deputy Prime Minister Federal Minister of Finance , Pensions , responsible for the National Lottery and the Federal Cultural Institutions |
| Theo Francken | Federal Minister of Defence , responsible for Foreign Trade |
| Anneleen Van Bossuyt | Federal Minister for Asylum and Migration and Social Integration , responsible for Major Cities Policy |
| Senate (2024–2029) | |
|---|---|
| Type | Name |
| Community senator | Inge Brocken |
| Community senator | Arnout Coel |
| Community senator | Koen Dillen |
| Community senator | Andries Gryffroy |
| Community senator | Sander Loones |
| Community senator | Andy Pieters |
| Community senator | Nadia Sminate |
| Community senator | Karl Vanlouwe |
| Co-opted senator | An Capoen |
| Co-opted senator | Gilles Verstraeten |
| Flemish GovernmentDiependaele Incumbent | |
|---|---|
| Name | Function |
| Matthias Diependaele | Minister-President of the Flemish Government and Flemish Minister for Economy, Innovation, Industry, Foreign Affairs, Digitalisation and Facility Management |
| Ben Weyts | Vice minister-president of the Flemish Government and Flemish Minister for Budget and Finance, Flemish Periphery, Immovable Heritage, Animal Welfare |
| Zuhal Demir | Flemish Minister for Education, Employment, Justice and Enforcement |
| Annick De Ridder | Flemish Minister for Mobility, Public Works, Ports and Sport |
| Cieltje Van Achter | Flesmish Minister for Brussels and Media |
| Brussels Regional Parliament (2024–2029) | |
|---|---|
| Name | Notes |
| Cieltje Van Achter | |
| Matthias Vanden Borre | |
Media related toNieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie at Wikimedia Commons
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Other | |
