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Neo-fascism is apost-World War IIfar-right ideology which includes significant elements offascism. Neo-fascism usually includesultranationalism,ultraconservatism,racial supremacy,right-wing populism,authoritarianism,nativism,xenophobia, andanti-immigration sentiment, as well as opposition tosocial democracy,parliamentarianism,Marxism,communism,socialism,liberalism,neoliberalism,[1] andliberal democracy.[2]
According toJean-Yves Camus andNicolas Lebourg, neo-fascism emerged in 1942 afterNazi Germanyinvaded the USSR and decided to reorient itspropaganda on a Europeanist ground.[3] Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned previous theories of racial inequalities within the white race to share a commoneuro-nationalist stance after World War II, embodied inOswald Mosley'sEurope a Nation policy.[4] The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation before 1919; the historical experience offascism between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-fascism from 1942 onward.[3]
Drawing inspiration from theItalian Social Republic, institutional neo-fascism took the form of theItalian Social Movement (MSI). It became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right until the late 1980s,[5] and "the best (and only) example of a Neofascist party", in the words of political scientistCas Mudde.[6] At the initiative of the MSI, theEuropean Social Movement was established in 1951 as a pan-European organization of like-minded neo-fascist groups and figures such as theFrancoistFalange,Maurice Bardèche,Per Engdahl, andOswald Mosley.[7] Other organizations likeJeune Nation called in the late 1950s for an extra-parliamentarian insurrection against the regime in what amounts to a remnant of pre-war fascist strategies.[8] The main driving force of neo-fascist movements was what they saw as the defense of a Western civilization from the rise of both communism and theThird World, in some cases the loss of the colonial empire.[9]
In 1961, Bardèche redefined the nature of fascism in a book deemed influential in the European far-right at large entitledQu'est-ce que le fascisme? (What Is Fascism?). He argued that previous fascists had essentially made two mistakes in that they focused their efforts on the methods rather than the original "idea"; and they wrongly believed that fascist society could be achieved via the nation-state as opposed to the construction of Europe. According to him, fascism could survive the 20th century in a newmetapolitical guise if its theorists succeed in building inventive methods adapted to the changes of their times; the aim being the promotion of the core politico-cultural fascist project rather than vain attempts to revive doomed regimes:[10] In addition, Bardèche wrote: "The single party, the secret police, the public displays of Caesarism, even the presence of aFührer are not necessarily attributes of fascism. ... The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will continue to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the idea which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. ... With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do not recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the Order of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living."[11]
In the spirit of Bardèche's strategy of disguise through framework change, the MSI had developed a policy ofinserimento (insertion,entryism), which relied on gaining political acceptance via the cooperation with other parties within the democratic system. In the political context of theCold War,anti-communism began to replaceanti-fascism as the dominant trend in liberal democracies. In Italy, the MSI became a support group in parliament for the Christian Democratic government in the late 1950s–early 1960s, but was forced back into "political ghetto" after anti-fascist protests and violent street clashes occurred between radical leftist and far-right groups, leading to the demise of the short-lived fascist-backedTambroni Cabinet in July 1960.[12]
Thepsychologist David Pavón-Cuéllar, of theUniversidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, has argued that the emergence ofneoliberalism in the late-twentieth century prompted neoliberalist politicians to utilize neo-fascism as a means to remove all limits to capital (includinglabor laws,social rights andtariffs). According to Pavón-Cuéllar, this is done by employing theaestheticization of politics and by using thenarcissism of small differences to find atarget for hate, maintain asocial hierarchy instead of protecting all individuals.[13]
A number of historians and political scientists have pointed out that the situations in a number of European countries in the 1980s and 1990s, in particular France, Germany and Italy, were in some significant ways analogous to the conditions in Europe in the period between World War I and World War II that gave rise to fascism in its many national guises. Constant economic crises including high unemployment, a resurgence of nationalism, an increase in ethnic conflicts, and the geo-political weakness of national regimes were all present, and while not an exact one-to-one correspondence, circumstances were similar enough to promote the beginning of neo-fascism as a new fascist movement. Because intense nationalism is almost always a part of neo-fascism, the parties which make up this movement are not pan-European, but are specific to each country they arise in; other than this, the neo-fascist parties and other groups have many ideological traits in common.[14]
While certainly fascistic in nature, it is claimed by some that there are differences between neo-fascism and what can be called "historical fascism", or the kind of neo-fascism which came about in the immediateaftermath of World War II. Some historians claim that contemporary neo-fascist parties are not anti-democratic because they operate within their country's political system. Whether that is a significant difference between neo-fascism and historical fascism is doubted by other scholars, who point out thatHitler worked within the existing political system of theWeimar Republic to obtain power, although it took an anti-democratic but constitutional process in the form of presidential appointment rather than election through the Reichstag. Others point to the current neo-fascists not being totalitarian in nature, but the organization of their parties along the lines of theFührerprinzip would seem to indicate otherwise. HistorianStanley G. Payne claims that the differences in current circumstance to that of the interwar years, and the strengthening of democracy in European countries since the end of the war prevents a general return of historical fascism, and causes true neo-fascist groups to be small and remain on the fringe. For Payne, groups like theNational Front in France are not neo-fascists in nature, but are merely "right radical parties" that will, in the course of time, moderate their positions in order to achieve electoral victory.[15]
The problem of immigrants, both legal and illegal or irregular, whether called "foreigners", "foreign workers", "economic refugees", "ethnic minorities", "asylum seekers", or "aliens", is a core neo-fascist issue, intimately tied to theirnativism,ultranationalism, andxenophobia, but the specifics differ somewhat from country to country due to prevailing circumstances. In general, the anti-immigrant impetus is strong when the economy is weak or unemployment is high, and people fear that outsiders are taking their jobs. Because of this, neo-fascist parties have more electoral traction during hard economic times. Again, this mirrors the situation in the interwar years, when, for instance, Germany suffered from incrediblehyperinflation and many people had their life savings swept away. In the wake of the2008 financial crisis, some neo-fascist groups likewise argued for aThird Position as an alternative tomarket capitalism.[16]
In contemporary Europe, mainstream political parties see the electoral advantage the neo-fascist and far-right parties get from their strong emphasis on the supposed problem of the outsider, and are then tempted to co-opt the issue by moving somewhat to the right on the immigrant issue, hoping to slough off some voters from the hard right. In the absence in post-war Europe of a strong socialist movement, this has the tendency to move the political centre to the right overall.[17]
While both historical fascism and contemporary neo-fascism are xenophobic, nativist and anti-immigrant, neo-fascist leaders are careful not to present these views in so strong a manner as to draw obvious parallels tohistorical events. BothJean-Marie Le Pen of France's National Front andJörg Haider'sFreedom Party of Austria, in the words of historianTony Judt, "revealed [their] prejudices only indirectly". Jews would not be castigated as a group, but a person would be specifically named as a danger who just happened to be a Jew.[18] The public presentation of their leaders is one principal difference between the neo-fascists and historical fascists: their programs have been "finely honed and 'modernized'" to appeal to the electorate, a "far-right ideology with a democratic veneer". Modern neo-fascists do not appear in "jackboots and brownshirts", but in suits and ties. The choice is deliberate, as the leaders of the various groups work to differentiate themselves from the brutish leaders of historical fascism and also to hide whatever bloodlines and connections tie the current leaders to the historical fascist movements. When these become public, as they did in the case of Haider, it can lead to their decline and fall.[19][18]
In 1951, theNew European Order (NEO) neo-fascist European-wide alliance was set up to promotepan-European nationalism. It was a more radical splinter group of theEuropean Social Movement. The NEO had its origins in the 1951Malmö conference, when a group of rebels led byRené Binet andMaurice Bardèche refused to join the European Social Movement as they felt that it did not go far enough in terms ofracialism andanti-communism. As a result, Binet joined withGaston-Armand Amaudruz in a second meeting that same year inZürich to set up a second group pledged to wage war oncommunists andnon-white people.[20]
SeveralCold War regimes and international neo-fascist movements collaborated in operations such as assassinations andfalse flag bombings.Stefano Delle Chiaie, who was involved in Italy'sYears of Lead, took part inOperation Condor; organizing the 1976 assassination attempt onChilean Christian DemocratBernardo Leighton.[21]Vincenzo Vinciguerra escaped toFranquist Spain with the help of theSISMI, following the 1972 Peteano attack, for which he was sentenced to life.[22][23] Along with Delle Chiaie, Vinciguerra testified inRome in December 1995 before judgeMaría Servini de Cubría, stating that Enrique Arancibia Clavel (a former Chilean secret police agent prosecuted for crimes against humanity in 2004) and US expatriateDINA agentMichael Townley were directly involved in GeneralCarlos Prats' assassination. Michael Townley was sentenced in Italy to 15 years of prison for having served as intermediary between the DINA and the Italian neo-fascists.[24]
The regimes ofFrancoist Spain,Augusto Pinochet's Chile andAlfredo Stroessner'sParaguay participated together inOperation Condor, which targeted political opponents worldwide. During the Cold War, these international operations gave rise to some cooperation between various neo-fascist elements engaged in a "Crusade against Communism".[25] Anti-Fidel Castro terroristLuis Posada Carriles was condemned for theCubana Flight 455 bombing on 6 October 1976. According to theMiami Herald, this bombing was decided on at the same meeting during which it was decided to target Chilean former ministerOrlando Letelier, who was assassinated on 21 September 1976. Carriles wrote in his autobiography that "we the Cubans didn't oppose ourselves to an isolated tyranny, nor to a particular system of our fatherland, but that we had in front of us a colossal enemy, whose main head was in Moscow, with its tentacles dangerously extended on all the planet."[26]
The March 2015 International Russian Conservative Forum organized by pro-PutinRodina-party has been described as a neo-Fascist event by multiple sources.[27][28][29][30] The event was attended by fringe groups likeNordic Resistance Movement from Scandinavia but also by more mainstreamMEPs fromGolden Dawn andNational Democratic Party of Germany. In addition to Rodina,Russian Imperial Movement andRusich Group were also in attendance. The event was attended by several notable American white supremacists includingJared Taylor andBrandon Russell.[31][32][33]
In Finland, neo-fascism is often connected to the 1930s and 1940s fascist and pro-NaziPatriotic People's Movement (IKL), its youth movementBlues-and-Blacks and its predecessorLapua Movement. Post-war fascist groups such asPatriotic People's Movement (1993),Patriotic Popular Front,Patriotic National Movement,Blue-and-Black Movement and many others consciously copy the style of the movement and look up to its leaders as inspiration. AFinns Party councillor and police officer in Seinäjoki caused small scandal wearing the fascist blue-and-black uniform.[34][35][36]
Suomen Sisu has been identified as neo-fascist and members of Suomen Sisu have given statements understood as condoning fascism such asJuho Eerola saying "a lot can be learned" from Mussolini.[37][38] Members of Suomen Sisu have risen to prominent positions:Jussi Halla-aho is Speaker of the Parliament andOlli Immonen is the General Secretary of the Finns Party.[38][39]
Neo-fascist "Awakening" conference is held annually in Finland, attracting some hundreds of white supremacists from around the globe. The event has been attended by fascists from around the world;Jared Taylor ofAmerican Renaissance,Kevin MacDonald, representatives of theNational Corps and others.[40][41][42]
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In France, the far-rightNational Rally party is of neo-fascist origin and is frequently accused of promoting anti-semitism and xenophobia.[43][44] The party was founded in 1972 to unify the French nationalist movement byHolocaust denier[45][46]Jean-Marie Le Pen, who was its leader until his resignation in 2011. Jean-Marie Le Pen's daughter,Marine Le Pen, has also been the party's leader and Marine Le Pen's niece,Marion Maréchal has repeated anti-Islam rhetoric such as "We know what we are and we know what we are not. We are not an Islamic nation."[47]Pierre Bousquet, a co-founder, was in the NaziWaffen-SS duringWorld War II.[48][49]
SinceGerman reunification there has been an increase of support for fascism inGermany, primarily led by theNational Democratic Party of Germany andAlternative for Germany.[50] Both parties support the concept ofethnic nationalism such as the deportations of German citizens who belong to certain ethnicities.[51][52][53]
After the onset of theGreat Recession and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as theGolden Dawn, widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats inGreece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leaderNikolaos Michaloliakos and other Golden Dawn members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization. Golden Dawn after emerging as a major political was engaged in numerous murder and criminal trials, such as themurder of Pavlos Fyssas. Following years long legal investigationsentenced its leaders to prison.[54][55]
In October, 2020, the court declared Golden Dawn to be a criminal organization, convicting 68 members of various crimes including murder. However, far-right politics continue to be strong in Greece, such asIlias Kasidiaris'National Party – Greeks, an Ultranationalist party. In 2021, Greek neo-Nazi youth attacked a rival group at a school in Greece.[56] Following the collapse of Golden Dawn, various neo-Fascist political parties emerged includingthe Spartans.
Italy was broadly divided into two political blocs following World War II: theChristian Democrats, who remained in power until the 1990s, and theItalian Communist Party (PCI), which was very strong immediately after the war and achieved a large consensus during the 1970s. With the beginning of theCold War, theAmerican andBritish governments turned a blind eye to the refusal of Italian authorities to honor requested extraditions ofItalian war criminals toYugoslavia, which they feared would benefit the PCI. With no event such as theNuremberg trials taking place for Italian war crimes, the collective memory of the crimes committed by Italian fascists was excluded from public media, from textbooks in Italian schools, and even from the academic discourse on the Western side of theIron Curtain throughout the Cold War.[57][58] The PCI was expelled from power in May 1947, a month before the Paris Conference on theMarshall Plan, along with theFrench Communist Party (PCF).
In 1946, a group ofItalian fascist soldiers founded theItalian Social Movement (MSI) to continue advocating the ideas ofBenito Mussolini. The leader of the MSI wasGiorgio Almirante, who remained at the head of the party until his death in 1988. Despite attempts in the 1970s towards a "historic compromise" between the PCI and the DC, the PCI did not have a role in executive power until the 1980s. In December 1970,Junio Valerio Borghese attempted, along with Stefano Delle Chiaie, theBorghese Coup which was supposed to install a neo-fascist regime. Neo-fascist groups took part in variousfalse flag terrorist attacks, starting with the December 1969Piazza Fontana massacre, for whichVincenzo Vinciguerra was convicted, and they are usually considered to have stopped with the 1980Bologna railway bombing.
In 1987, the reins of the MSI party were taken byGianfranco Fini, under whom in 1995 it was dissolved and transformed into theNational Alliance (AN). The party led by Fini distanced itself from Mussolini and fascism and made efforts to improve its relations with the Jewish community, becoming a conservative right-wing party until its merger withSilvio Berlusconi'sForza Italia into thecentre-right partyThe People of Freedom in 2009. Neo-fascist parties in Italy include theTricolour Flame (Fiamma Tricolore), theNew Force (Forza Nuova), theNational Social Front (Fronte Sociale Nazionale), andCasaPound.[59][60] The national-conservativeBrothers of Italy (FdI), main heirs of MSI and AN, has been described as neo-fascist by several academics,[61][62] and it has some neo-fascist factions within their internal organization.[63][64] The results of the2022 Italian general election, in which FdI became the first party, have been variously described as Italy's first far-right-led government in the republican era and its most right-wing government since World War II.[65][66][67] TheRussia-Ukraine war has divided the Italianfar right, including neo-fascists, into three clusters: the pro-Western andAtlanticist extreme right (e.g.CasaPound), nostalgic and pro-Putin neo-fascism (New Force), and an ideologically evolving collection ofNational Bolshevik andEurasianist militants.[68] Recent studies have studied the geopolitical role of Italian neofascism with some groups participating with CIA-backing in the Strategy of Tension during the Cold War where terrorists actions were aimed to keep Italy in NATO and prevent the Communist Party from coming to power[69]
After the fall of authoritarianism inPortugal after theCarnation Revolution of 1974, several neo-fascist groups arose such as theNew Order (Portugal) which was created in 1978. A report by the European Parliament defined the ideology of the New Order as revolutionary fascist and hyper-nationalist.[70] The group also had connections toFuerza Nueva in Spain. The New Order was disbanded in 1982, however its activities continued to as late as 1985.
In Romania, the ultra-nationalist movement which allied itself with theAxis powers and German National Socialism was theIron Guard, also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael. There are some modern political organisations which consider themselves heirs of Legionarism, this includesNoua Dreaptă and theEverything For the Country Party, founded by former Iron Guard members. The latter organisation was outlawed in 2015. Aside, from these Romanian organisations, theSixty-Four Counties Youth Movement representing ultra-nationalism from the Hungarian minority is also present, especially inTransylvania.[71] Other nationalistic and irredentist groups such as theGreater Romania Party do not originate from Legionarism, but in fact grew out ofnational communist tendencies from the era ofNicolae Ceaușescu (the party was founded by his "court poet"Corneliu Vadim Tudor).[72]
TheRomanian Hearth Union (UVR), which had around 4 million supporters in 1992, has been described as neofascist.[73] Its political branch was theRomanian National Unity Party,[74] but had also ties to theSocial Democracy Party of Romania (PDSR),[75]Greater Romania Party (PRM) and theDemocratic Agrarian Party of Romania (PDAR).[76] One of the founders of the UVR was the Romanian PresidentIon Iliescu,[74] who was still its member in 2005.[77]
In 1990,Vladimir Zhirinovsky founded theLiberal Democratic Party of Russia. Its leader opposes democratic values, human rights, a multiparty system, and the rule of law.Encyclopedia Britannica considers Zhirinovsky to be a neo-fascist.[78] Zhirinovsky endorsed the forcible re-occupation of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, and suggestednuclear waste should be dumped there.[79] During theFirst Chechen War in the mid-1990s, he advocated hitting someChechen villages withtactical nuclear weapons.[80]
TheRussian National Unity was a paramilitary organization which was founded byAlexander Barkashov in 1990. It used a left-pointedswastika and emphasizes the "primary importance" of Russian blood. ConcerningAdolf Hitler, the organizations's leader Barkashov declared: "I consider [Hitler] a great hero of the German nation and of all white races. He succeeded in inspiring the entire nation to fight against degradation and the washing away of national values."[78] Before it was banned in 1999, and breakup in late 2000, the group estimated to have had approximately 20,000 to 25,000 members.[81] Alexander Barkashov along with other members of the Russian National Unity have engaged in religious activities and pro-Russian activism in theRussian-Ukrainian War.[82][83][84][85]
A neo-fascist organization in Serbia wasObraz, which was banned on 12 June 2012 by theConstitutional Court of Serbia.[86][87][88]
Earlier, on 18 June 1990,Vojislav Šešelj organized theSerbian Chetnik Movement (SČP) though it was not permitted official registration due to its obvious Chetnik identification. On 23 February 1991, it merged with the National Radical Party (NRS), establishing theSerbian Radical Party (SRS) with Šešelj as president andTomislav Nikolić as vice president.[89] It was a Chetnik party,[90] oriented towards neo-fascism with a striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia.[89][91]
Kotleba – People's Party Our Slovakia is a far-right political party with views that are considered extremist and fascist. The Party's leader,Marian Kotleba, is a formerneo-Nazi,[92] who once wore a uniform modelled on that of theHlinka Guard, the militia of the1939–45 Nazi-sponsored Slovak State. He opposesRomani people,[93] immigrants,[94] theSlovak National Uprising,[95]NATO, theUnited States, and theEuropean Union.[96] The party also endorses theclerical fascist war criminal and former Slovak PresidentJozef Tiso.[97]
In 2003, Kotleba founded the far-right political party Slovak Community (Slovak:Slovenská Pospolitosť). In 2007, the Slovak interior ministry banned the party from running and campaigning in elections. In spite of this ban, Kotleba's party got 8.04%[98] of votes in the Slovak 2016 parliamentary elections. As of December 2022, voter support has dropped significantly to about 3.1%, under the 5% threshold required to enter parliament.[99]
Grey Wolves is a Turkishultranationalist[100][101][102] and neo-fascist[103][104][105][106][107][108][109] youth organization. It is the "unofficial militant arm" of theNationalist Movement Party.[110] The Grey Wolves have been accused ofterrorism.[103][105][106] According to Turkish authorities,[who?] the organization carried out 694 murders during thelate-1970s political violence in Turkey, between 1974 and 1980.[111]
The nationalist political partyMHP founded byAlparslan Türkeş is also sometimes described as neo-fascist.[112][page needed]
TheBritish National Party (BNP) is anationalistparty in the United Kingdom which espoused the ideology offascism[113][114][115][116] andanti-immigration.[117] In the2009 European elections, it gained twomembers of the European Parliament (MEPs), including former party leaderNick Griffin.[118] Other British organisations described as fascist or neo-fascist include theNational Front,[119][120]Combat 18,[121] theEnglish Defence League,[122] andBritain First.[123][124]
In Argentina, a notable advocate of neo-fascism was presidentMaría Estela Martínez de Perón, who appliedanti-communist policies under the fascist police organizationTriple A andeconomic market opening policies.[125][126][127] Perón made a direct apology to fascism by performing theRoman salute in an appearance on the national radio network.[128] TheNational Reorganization Process is also considered a neo-fascist or fascist dictatorship.[129][130][131][132]
The Brazilian government ofJair Bolsonaro is cited as the rising point of neo-fascism in South America in the 21st century,[133][134][135][136][137][138][139] based on thedenial of science, bellicose rhetoric and authoritarian measures that withdraw rights from the population linked to a stronglyneoliberal economic policy.[140][141][142][143][139] As a result of factors such asopposition to Workers' Party, fear and reaction to the2013 protests, as well as the2008 financial crisis and2014 Brazilian economic crisis, Jair Bolsonaro emerged as a viable option, not because of a well-defined strategic project, but almost accidentally.[144][145] In this way, the multiplicity of groups that make up the Bolsonarism, the different wings (military, ideological, religious, capital, etc.) present pragmatic disagreements, strategies, objectives and distinct methods.[12] The core of this Brazilian neo-fascism converged its interests and rhetoric withPentecostalreligious fundamentalism and both allied themselves with military sectors and liberalthink tanks,[140] so that withinbolsonarism there is a power bloc made up of non-fascist conservatives andfar-right neo-fascists; although still without the support of the broad and fanatical mass movement which was the basis of European fascism.[140]
Groups which are identified as neo-fascist in theUnited States generally includeneo-Nazi organizations and movements such as theProud Boys,[146] theNational Alliance, and theAmerican Nazi Party. TheInstitute for Historical Review publishesnegationist historical papers which are oftenantisemitic.[147] Thealt-right—a loosely connected coalition of individuals and organizations which advocates a wide range offar-right ideas, fromneo-reactionism towhite nationalism—is often included under theumbrella term "neo-fascist" because alt-right individuals and organizations advocate a radical form of authoritarianultranationalism.[148]
Brenton Harrison Tarrant, theAustralian perpetrator of theChristchurch mosque shootings atAl Noor Mosque andLinwood Islamic Centre inChristchurch,New Zealand, was an admitted fascist who followedeco-fascism and admiredOswald Mosley. Mosley was the leader of theBritish fascist organization called theBritish Union of Fascists (BUF) in the 1930s, and he is quoted in the shooter's manifestoThe Great Replacement (named afterthe French far-right theory of the same name).[149][150]
TheEconomic Freedom Fighters are a self-describedpan-Africanistpolitical party founded in 2013 by the expelled formerAfrican National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) PresidentJulius Malema, and his allies.[151] Malema and the party have frequently courted controversy for engaging inanti-White[152][153] andanti-Indianracism.[154] In November 2019, the Professor of International Relations atUniversity of the Witwatersrand, Vishwas Satgar, defined them as a manifestation of a new phenomenon, 'Black Neofascism'.[155]
Adolf Hitler's propaganda which advocated the hegemony of "Greater Germany" inspired similar ideas of "Indonesia Mulia" (esteemedIndonesia) and "Indonesia Raya" (great Indonesia) in the formerDutch colony. The first fascist party was the Partai Fasis Indonesia (PFI).Sukarno admiredNazi Germany under Hitler and its vision of happiness for all: "It's in the Third Reich that the Germans will see Germany at the apex above other nations in this world," he said in 1963.[156] He stated that Hitler was 'extraordinarily clever' in 'depicting his ideals': he spoke about Hitler's rhetorical skills, but denied any association withNazism as an ideology, saying that Indonesian nationalism was not as narrow as Nazi nationalism.[157]
In Israel, various fascist movements exist. Notably,Kahanism gained influence as the conflict between Israel and Palestine continues to persist.[158][159] The kahanist partyOtzma Yehudit ("Jewish Power") has widely been described as fascist. Noted Israeli sociologistEva Illouz has described the party leader of Otzma Yehudit,Itamar Ben-Gvir, as representative of Jewish fascism.[160] Ben-Gvir once kept a portrait of the Israeli terrorist and mass murdererBaruch Goldstein in his living room, sparking outrage.[161] In 1980, theJournal of Palestine Studies published an article describing the rise of fascist movements in Israel and support from governmental institutions.[162]
After World War II, neo-fascism and ultra-nationalism were ostracized from mainstream politics in Germany, while inJapan, they were partially related to major right-wing conservative politics.[163][164] Since 2006, all prime ministers of Japan'sLDP have been members of far-right ultranationalistNippon Kaigi.[165]
WithMongolia located between the larger nationsRussia andChina, ethnic insecurities have driven many Mongolians to neo-fascism,[166] expressing nationalism centered aroundGenghis Khan andAdolf Hitler. Groups advocating these ideologies include Blue Mongolia,Dayar Mongol, and Mongolian National Union.[167]
Pakistan'sTehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan is considered fascist by some analysts because of its engagement inIslamic extremism.[168][169]
The National Socialism Association (NSA) is a neo-fascist political organization founded inTaiwan in September 2006 by Hsu Na-chi (許娜琦), a 22-year-old female political science graduate ofSoochow University. The NSA viewsAdolf Hitler as its leader and often uses the slogan "Long live Hitler". This has brought them condemnation from theSimon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights centre.[170]
Informational notes
Citations
Previous research has established that there is a connection between economic crises and the emergence of fascism, and that the critique of neo-liberalism and market economy constitutes a central feature of neo-fascist groups.
We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right to reconnect with its fascist legacy, and to develop and innovate crisis-related policy proposals and practices. The crisis shapes the groups' self-understanding and its practices of identity building, both in terms of collective rediscovery of the fascist regime's legislation, and in terms of promotion of the fascist model as a 'third way' alternative to market capitalism. Even more importantly, thefinancial crisis plays the role of the enemy against which the fascist identity is built, and enables neo-fascist movements to selectively reproduce their identity and ideology within its practices of protest, propaganda, and consensus building.
The St. Petersburg summit of conservative sympathizers with Russia has morphed into a gathering of fringe elements that are considered fascists even among the West's extreme right
In march 2015 fascist groups from across Europe were invited to Saint Petersburg to the International Russian Conservative Forum.
Fanatically patriotic neo-fascists from different countries attend international rallies [like] the International Russian Conservative Forum
In 2015 while in St. Petersburg, [Russell] met with Taylor of American Renaissance and the leaders of the Nordic Resistance Movement of Sweden, the National Action group of Germany, CasPound of Italy, and Golden Dawn of Greece.
In March 2015, several well-known American white supremacists, including Jared Taylor, spoke at the International Russian Conservative Forum in St. Petersburg. The event was organized by the Rodina party and heavily attended by RIM.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)the RNE was of substantial organizational strength before its breakup in late 2000 and was estimated to have had, on the eve of its fracture, approximately 20,000 to 25,000 members
RNE volunteer troops were closely linked with the Russian Orthodox army
Russian National Unity underwent an internal coup d'etat in 2000. Several regional leaders decided to exclude Alexander Barkashov from his position as leader of the party, splitting up into multiple factions, none of which was able to step in to play a unifying role.... Barkashov, who had legal troubles for "hooliganism" in 2005, created a new party bearing his name in December of the following year but had no real success.
In 1992, when it emerged again as the MHO, it supported the government's military approach regarding the insurgency by the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK) in southeast Turkey and opposed any concessions to Kurdish separatists. .... The Grey Wolves, the unofficial militant arm of the MHP, has been involved in street killings and gunbattles.
On March 24, 1976, the Argentine military staged a coup d'état and established a fascist dictatorship that perpetrated genocide for seven years.
It was a sacrifice of some questionable lives to preserve the Proceso, the National Process of Reorganization to make Argentina conform to a right-wing fascist version of Catholicism.
The Last Military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983) was many things. Outside its concentration camps it presented the facade of a typical authoritarian state. Within them, however, it was fascist.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)É necessário ter em mente que todas as "alas" da base deste e de outros governos é ideológica e isso, em si, não é um problema. Afirmar o contrário apenas indica que alguns comportamentos ideológicos de muitos agentes do governo Bolsonaro se tornaram senso comum, sendo naturalizados a ponto de, mesmo ideológicos, não serem percebidos dessa maneira.
Often explicitly antiwhite in its rhetoric, it [the EFF] would expropriate without compensation white-owned property...
Several events added fuel to the fire: the increasing popularity of Julius Malema's antiwhite political party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)...
Carrying the legacy of Japanese fascism, the LDP (and particularly Nippon Kaigi) is the knowing driver of both this growing racism and nationalism and Japan's swelling military fervor. The synthesis of remilitarization with reactionary politics is embodied in the party's longtime leader, Shinzō Abe, Japan's longest-serving prime minister, who retired only last year due to his declining health.
As the French judge at the trial, Henri Bernard, noted, Japan's wartime atrocities 'had a principal author [Hirohito] who escaped all prosecution and of whom in any case the present defendants could only be considered accomplices.' The result was that whereas ultranationalism became toxic in post-war Germany, in Japan neo-fascism — centred around the figure of the emperor — retained its allure and became mainstream albeit sotto voce within Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party.
Bibliography
Further reading
Quotations related toNeo-fascism at Wikiquote
Media related toNeofascism at Wikimedia Commons