Neagu Djuvara | |
|---|---|
 Djuvara in 2008 | |
| Born | Marcel Djuvara-Neagu-Bunea (1916-08-18)August 18, 1916 |
| Died | January 25, 2018(2018-01-25) (aged 101) Bucharest, Romania |
| Resting place | Bellu Cemetery, Bucharest |
| Occupation |
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| Language | Romanian |
| Alma mater | University of Paris |
| Notable awards | Prix Broquette-Gonin Order of the Star of Romania |
Neagu Bunea Djuvara (Romanian pronunciation:[ˈne̯aɡudʒjuˈvara]; 18 August 1916 – 25 January 2018) was a Romanian historian, essayist, philosopher, journalist, novelist, and diplomat.[1]
A native ofBucharest, he was descended from an aristocraticAromanian family.[2][3] His father, Marcel, a graduate of theTechnische Hochschule in Charlottenburg (nowTechnische Universität Berlin) and a captain in theRomanian Royal Army's Engineer Corps, died of theSpanish flu in 1918;[2][3] his mother, Tinca, was the last descendant of theGrădișteanu family ofboyar origins (according to Djuvara, she was related to all boyar families inWallachia).[2][3] Djuvara's unclesTrandafir andAlexandru Djuvara were notable public figures.[2][3] Djuvara was born duringWorld War I; as an infant, he was taken by his family into refuge inIași after theoccupation of southern Romania by theCentral Powers, and then, throughImperial Russia, into Belgium, where Trandafir Djuvara wasMinister Plenipotentiary.[3]
He attendedlycée inNice, France, and graduated in Letters (1937) and Law (1940) from theUniversity of Paris (his Law thesis dealt with theantisemitic legislation passed by the governments ofKingCarol II in Romania).[3][4] Djuvara later stated that, at the time, his political sympathies veered towards the far right: he became a supporter of the Romanian fascist movement, theIron Guard, and took part in theFebruary 1934 riot against the FrenchRadical-Socialist government ofÉdouard Daladier.[3]
DuringWorld War II, he returned to Romania, where he married and fathered a daughter.[3][5] He joined theRomanian Armed Forces and was stationed inPloiești under the Iron Guard'sNational Legionary government.[3]
Following the establishment ofIon Antonescu's dictatorship and the start ofOperation Barbarossa (seeRomania during World War II), as anofficer cadet, he fought on theEastern Front, saw action inBassarabia andTransnistria, before being wounded in the arm during theBattle of Odessa (1941).[2][3][6] He stated that he gave up his interest in the far right after a 1943 dialog with fellow diplomatVictor Rădulescu-Pogoneanu, who convinced Djuvara to become "a supporter ofparliamentary democracy".[3]
Subsequently, Djuvara decided to apply for office in thediplomatic corps, won the competition, and was sent byForeign MinisterMihai Antonescu as adiplomatic courier to Sweden, on the very day Ion Antonescu was toppled by a coup d'état and Romania pulled out of theAxis powers to join theAllies (23 August 1944).[2][3][7] In this capacity, he was instructed to communicate to the Romanian Ambassador inStockholm,Frederic Nanu, that he was to ask the Soviet representativeAlexandra Kollontai whether earlier terms advanced byJoseph Stalin in regard to peace with Romania were still valid (Nanu was also told not to inform theWestern Allies of these talks).[7]
Speaking in retrospect, he argued against claims made by Nanu, according to which Ion Antonescu had thus indicated his willingness to step down and hand leadership of Romania toKingMihai I.[7] According to Djuvara, the last Soviet offer for Antonescu made only minor concessions – the entire country was to be occupied by theRed Army, with the exception of a random westerncounty (to function as a provisional administrative center), and 15 days were given to the Romanian government to reach anarmistice withNazi Germany[3] (Djuvara considered this latter expectation particularly unrealistic, as it involved Germany consciously abandoning Romanian territory to its enemy).[3] Furthermore, Djuvara indicated, "Neither I nor Nanu were mandated to sign any document, to launch into any peace process".[3]
AppointedLegation Secretary in Stockholm by theConstantin Sănătescu executive, Djuvara was dismissed by the newRomanian Communist Party officials uponAna Pauker's appointment as Foreign Minister (1947).[3][6]
Having been implicatedin absentia in the series ofshow trials inaugurated in the wake ofCommunist Romania by theTămădău Affair, accused of being a spy,[3] he decided to remain abroad.[2][3] He left for Paris and was subsequently involved in advocacy ofanti-communist political causes and the rallying of exiled intellectuals.[3] Briefly employed by theInternational Refugee Organization, Djuvara became involved with the body of Romanian exiles, theRomanian National Committee, and helped organise American-assisted drops of voluntaryparatroopers in support of theRomanian anti-communist resistance (most of whom were captured by theSecuritate).[3] He renounced his position by 1951,[3] and subsequently worked for the exile magazineCasa Românească.[2]
In 1961, he settled inNiger, serving as an adviser for the country'sForeign Ministry (extending a two-year contract until 1984),[2] and was a professor ofInternational Law andEconomic History at theUniversity of Niamey. Djuvara was an acquaintance ofPresidentHamani Diori, and notably accompanied him on official duty toAddis Ababa, attending the opening session of theOrganisation of African Unity (1963).[2] Having already begun to further his studies of philosophy in Paris, he received aSorbonnedoctorat d'État in thePhilosophy of history (with the thesisCivilisations et lois historiques, guided byRaymond Aron).[6][8] He was later awarded a diploma in Philology fromINALCO.
After 1984, he returned to Europe, resuming his activities withCasa Românească and other Romanian cultural institutions in exile.[2] Djuvara was an active contributor toRadio Free Europe,[8] and divided his time between Paris andMunich (occasionally traveling to Canada and the United States).[8]
Djuvara returned to his native country soon after theRomanian Revolution of 1989. Between 1991 and 1998, he was anassociate professor at theUniversity of Bucharest. During the early 1990s, he was a noted critic of Romanian political developments, and especially of theMineriad and theNational Salvation Front government.[2][8]
He later joined theNational Liberal Party,[9] and expressed his concern thatPresidentTraian Băsescu was unable to complete planned reforms in the wake ofRomania's accession to theEuropean Union, as well as his belief that the formerSecuritate was still in a position of power.[9] He also took a conservative stance on European affairs, being a vocal critic of Europe'smulticulturalism.[9] In August 2016, Djuvaraturned 100, and upon the occasion was made a knight of theOrder of the Star of Romania.[10] His last public appearance was on 5 December 2017, when in an interview, he expressed his grief over the demise ofKing Michael.[11] He died from pneumonia inBucharest on 25 January 2018, at the age of 101 years and 147 days,[12][13] and was buried atBellu Cemetery.[14]
Djuvara was survived by his daughter, granddaughters, and great-granddaughters.[5] Most of his works inRomanian were published byHumanitas.[citation needed]
Most of Djuvara's work concerns thehistory of Romania and that of theRomanian people, although he published significant works pertaining to thephilosophy of history, particularly questioning the existence of what he called "truthful history".[15]
RegardingRomanian history, Djuvara advocated continued and extensive research into what he believed was still unexplored territory. His views were often seen as undermining a Romanian national identity, mainly because of his doubts on the scientific accuracy of most historic research done in Romania since theGreat Union of 1918, and putting forward controversial hypotheses concerning theorigin of the Romanians, such as advancing the theory that the vast majority of the nobility in the medieval states that made up the territory of modern-day Romania was ofCuman origin.[16][17]
He also published extensively regarding the relationship between his native Romania and Europe, placing the country politically and culturally "between East and West",[18][19][20] citing it as the "last to enter what is commonly called theEuropean concert",[17] referring not to Romania's 2007 accession to theEuropean Union, but to the country's change of orientation towards adopting a Western political and cultural model. He had also voiced his concern regardingmulticulturalism in Europe, a policy which he viewed as detrimental to stability within the EU.[9]
He was a critic of what he perceived to be an excessively pro-Western attitude inRomanian politics, suggesting that Romanian society andculture could not be classified as Western, citingOrthodoxy as the predominant religion, the presence of many non-Latin elements in the modernRomanian language and the country's history in the past centuries as arguments.[17]
He also wrote about what he called the "Americanhegemony" and its premises, analysing the influence which the United States and its foreign policy have had on the world and, more specifically, on Europe. He characterised the efforts of the United States to establish what resembles a hegemony in Europe and other parts of the world as a "Seventy-Seven Year War" waged throughout most of the 20th century.[21]
Djuvara can be seen as a populariser and "de-mystifier" of history, having published books aimed a younger audience as well as books seeking to explain the historical basis for mythical figures such asDracula orNegru Vodă. He also published memories from his exile, recounting his life and work in Paris, France, andNiamey, Niger.[22]
Djuvara claimed that RomanianmarshalIon Antonescu, who ruled Romania during World War II, was in fact anAlbanian of Romania or, as he called him, anarnăut.[23] Romanian historian Ion Teodorescu agrees with this view.[24]
