Ne Win founded theBurma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and overthrew the democraticUnion Parliament ofU Nu in the1962 Burmese coup d'état, establishing Burma as a one-party socialist state under theBurmese Way to Socialism ideology.[8] Ne Win was Burma'sde facto leader aschairman of theBSPP, serving in various official titles as part of his military government, and was known by his supporters asU Ne Win.[d][9][10] His rule was characterized by anon-aligned foreign policy,isolationism, one-party rule, economic stagnation, andsuperstition.[11] Ne Win resigned in July 1988 in response to the8888 Uprising that overthrew the Burma Socialist Programme Party, and was replaced by themilitary junta of theState Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). He held minor influence in the 1990s but was eventually placed under house arrest, under which he died in 2002. There was no state funeral, public eulogy or monument in his memory.[12]
Ne Win's date of birth is a subject of debate among various sources. The English-language publicationWho's Who in Burma, published in 1961 by People's Literature House, Rangoon, lists Ne Win's birthdate as 14 May 1911.[15] This date is also supported by Dr.Maung Maung in the Burmese version of his bookBurma and General Ne Win, also published in English, that Ne Win was born on 14 May 1911.[16] However, in a book written in Burmese titledThe Thirty Comrades, the author Kyaw Nyein gave Ne Win's date of birth as 10 July 1910.[17] While 24 May 1911 is widely cited as Ne Win's birthdate in many scholarly works and biographical references, the discrepancies among sources warrant acknowledgment. These conflicting accounts highlight the challenges in determining Ne Win's exact birthdate and may stem from differences in historical documentation or cultural interpretations. Therefore, while 24 May 1911 is commonly accepted, alternative dates cannot be disregarded entirely.[18]
Kyaw Nyein's date of 1910 can be considered as the more plausible date. First, Kyaw Nyein had access to historical records and he interviewed many surviving members of the Thirty Comrades when he wrote the book in the mid-to late 1990s.[19] (Ne Win was one of theThirty Comrades who secretly went to undergo military training in the early 1940s for the purpose of fighting for independence from the British).[20] In his book published around 1998, Kyaw Nyein lists the names of the surviving members of the Thirty Comrades whom he had interviewed, although Ne Win was not mentioned among them.[21] Secondly, when Ne Win died on 5 December 2002, the Burmese language newspapers that were allowed to carry a paid obituary stated the age of 'U Ne Win' to be '93 years'.[22] According to Burmese custom, a person's age is their age upon their next birthday.[23] Since Ne Win turned 92 in July 2002, when he died in December 2002 he was considered to be 93 years old.[24] Most Western news agencies, based on the May 1911 birth date, reported that Ne Win was 91 years old, but the obituary put up by his family (most probably his children) stated that he was 93 years old, which most likely stems fromEast Asian age reckoning.[25]
Early life and struggle for independence
Ne Win, born Shu Maung, was born into an ethnic Burman family in a small village nearPaungdale about 200 miles (320 km) north ofRangoon.[26] Research by renowned Burma scholar Robert Taylor finds rumors of Ne Win having full or partial Chinese ancestry unsubstantiated. His family and colleagues have repeatedly denied Ne Win had any Chinese ancestry.[27][page needed] He spent two years atRangoon University beginning in 1929, and took biology as his main subject with hopes of becoming a doctor. In 1931 he was expelled from the university after he failed an exam.[28] Ne Win eventually became "Thakin Shu Maung", or a member of the nationalist organisationDobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association). Other members of the group includedAung San andU Nu.[29] In 1941 Ne Win, as a member of the Ba Sein-Tun Ok (Socialist) faction of the Dobama, was one of thirty young men chosen for military training by the Japanese operative ColonelSuzuki Keiji.[30] Their leader was Aung San and they formed theBurma Independence Army (BIA).[citation needed] During military training, Shu Maung chose anom de guerre,Bo Ne Win (Commander Radiant Sun).[31] In early 1942 theJapanese Army and the BIA entered Burma in the wake of the retreating British forces. Ne Win's role in the campaign was to organize resistance behind the British lines.[32]
Following independence there wereuprisings in the army and amongethnic minority groups. In late 1948, after a confrontation between army rivals, Ne Win was appointed second in command of the army and his rival Bo Zeya, acommunistcommander and fellow member of theThirty Comrades, took a portion of thearmy intorebellion.[38] Ne Win immediately adopted a policy of creatingSocialistmilitiabattalions called 'Sitwundan' under his personal command with the approval ofU Nu.[39] On 31 January 1949, Ne Win was appointedChief of Staff of the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and given total control of the army, replacing GeneralSmith Dun, an ethnicKaren. He rebuilt and restructured the armed forces along the rulingSocialist Party's political lines, but the country was still split and the government was ineffective.[40] He wasMinister of Defense from April 1949 to September 1950.[41]
Interim prime minister
He was asked to serve asinterim prime minister from 28 October 1958 byU Nu, when the AFPFL split into two factions and U Nu barely survived a motion of no-confidence against hisgovernment inparliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as the "Ne Wincaretaker government".[42] Elections were held inFebruary 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to the victoriousU Nu on 4 April 1960.[43]
Shortly afterward, around 8 pm local time, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five-minuteradio speech which concluded with the statement: "If these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear".[46] On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left forAustria,Switzerland and theUnited Kingdom "for a medical check up".[47] All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.[48]
In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied involvement in the dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy BrigadierAung Gyi – who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and been dismissed – had given the order and that he had to take responsibility as a "revolutionaryleader" by giving thesword with sword and spear with spear speech.[49]
Ne Win withZhou Enlai andChen Yi during their visit to Burma on 31 May 1964
Ne Win oversaw a number of reforms after taking power. The administration instituted a system including elements ofnationalism,Marxism, andBuddhism,[50] though Ne Win lacked interest in either ideology or religion – terming this theBurmese Way to Socialism. He founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), which in 1964 was formally declared to be the only legal party.[51]
Following the 1962 coup, Ne Win's government began implementing policies highlighting the centrality of Burmese language, Burmese culture, and Burmese Buddhism to the unity of the country. Such policies focused on the school curriuculum, military recruitment, and the advancement of Burmese-centric popular culture. Ethnic schools and hospitals were nationalized, and new staff assigned from Rangoon. When ethnic minority areas did not comply, the communities were attacked by the military. Collectively these policies later became known as General Ne Win's "Burmanization" policies.[52]
A system of state hospitals and institutions was established in Burma; medical care was free. Private hospitals were brought underpublic ownership. A new system of public education was introduced. A campaign to liquidate illiteracy was carried out starting in 1965.[53] Between 1962 and 1965 important laws against landlords and usury were adopted. They aimed at protecting peasants' rights to land and property and to renting the land. These measures included the law abolishing rents on land.[54]
Ne Win with Chinese presidentLiu Shaoqi in June 1966
Ne Win's government nationalized theeconomy and pursued a policy ofautarky, which involved theeconomicisolation of Burma from the world. The ubiquitousblack market and rampantsmuggling supplied the needs of the people, while the central government slid slowly intobankruptcy.[56] Autarky also involved expelling foreigners and restricting visits by foreigners to three days, and after 1972, one week. The Burmanization of the economy included the expulsion of many Chinese (along with Indians).[57]: 141 Ne Win's government prohibited foreigners from owning land and practicing certain professions.[57]: 141 Even foreign aid organizations were banned; the onlyhumanitarian aid permitted was on an intergovernmental basis. Furthermore, heavy-handedpolitical oppression caused many in the educated workforce to emigrate.[58]
Ne Win also took drastic steps regarding thecurrency. In 1985, he issued a decree that 25, 35, and 75 kyat notes would cease to be legal tender, alleging that they were subject to hoarding byblack-marketeers and were also used to finance the various insurgencies. Though limited compensation was offered, this wiped out people's savings overnight. At least one insurgency, that of the ethnicKayan, was triggered by this act.[59]
In 1987, reportedly on the recommendation of anastrologer thatthe number nine was auspicious, Ne Win ordered the withdrawal of several large-denomination kyat notes while issuing new denominations of 45 and 90 kyats. Both 45 and 90 are divisible by nine, and their numerals add up to nine. Again, millions ofBurmese lost their life savings, and the demonetization also rendered about 75% of the entire kyat reserves completely useless.[60] This crippled the Burmese economy further still.[61] Ne Win was well known for his penchant foryadaya (traditional Burmese rituals performed in order to ward off misfortune).[62] When his soothsayer warned him that there might be a bloodbath, he would stand in front of a mirror and trample on meat to simulate the blood, then shoot his reflection to avert the possibility of anassassination attempt.[63]
Ne Win resigned as chairman of the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party on 23 July 1988 at the height of theuprising against his regime, and roughly one year after the United Nations declared Burma a "Least Developed Country".[64]
Student and worker riots
Sporadic protests against the government continued. Students led protests in 1965, December 1969, and December 1970.[65] These demonstrations took place mainly on campuses located in the cities ofRangoon,Mandalay andMoulmein and were often followed by the closure of universities and colleges. In June 1974, workers from more than 100 factories throughout the nation participated in a strike, to which the government reacted by shooting about 100 workers and students on 6 June 1974 at the Thamaing Textile Factory and the Sinmalaik Dock Yard in Rangoon.[66] Since Ne Win was inAustralia on an official visit at the time, responsibility for these shootings is unclear. On5 December 1974, students turned the funeral of formerUN Secretary GeneralU Thant into a demonstration, snatching the coffin on display at theKyaikkasan Race Course and erecting a makeshift mausoleum on the grounds of the former Student Union building in protest against the government for not honouring their famous countryman with a state funeral.[67] Themilitary stormed the campus on 11 December, killing some of the students, recovered the coffin and buriedU Thant at the foot of theShwedagon pagoda, next to the tomb ofThakin Kodaw Hmaing.[68][69]
Since Ne Win madeBurmese the medium of instruction, manyChinese-language schools had to be closed. When theChinese embassy inRangoon distributedMao's red books in Burma, many Chinese went out on the streets in support of the Cultural Revolution. They were attacked byBurmese citizens, the most violentriots taking place in 1967.[72] Beginning in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970s,anti-Chinese riots continued to flare up, as many elements in Burma tried to spread theCultural Revolution. Many believed they were covertly supported by the government.[73] Similarly,Chinese shops were looted and set on fire. Public attention was successfully diverted by Ne Win from the uncontrollableinflation, scarcity of consumer items and rising prices of rice. The 1982 Citizenship Law further restricted Burmese citizenship for Burmese Chinese (as it stratified citizenship into three categories: full, associate, and naturalized) and severely limited Burmese Chinese, especially those without fullcitizenship and those holding FRCs, from attending professional tertiary schools, includingmedical,engineering,agricultural andeconomicsinstitutions.[74][75] During this period, the country's failing economy and widespread discrimination accelerated an emigration of Burmese Chinese out of Burma.[76]
8888 Uprising, resignation, and military coup (1975–1988)
Students from universities throughoutRangoon demonstrated again in June 1975 in commemoration of the previous year's Labour Strike. Student-led demonstrations also occurred in March 1976, September 1987, March and June 1988.[77] In August and September 1988, these demonstrations turned into a nationwide uprising against BSPP rule in what is now known as the 'Four Eights Uprising'.[78]
The 8888 uprising was started by students inYangon (Rangoon) on 8 August 1988. Student protests spread throughout thecountry.[79][80] Hundreds of thousands ofmonks, children, university students, housewives, doctors andcommon people protested against the government.[81][82] Theuprising ended on 18 September after a bloodymilitary coup by theState Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Thousands of deaths have been attributed to the military during this uprising,[79][83][84] while authorities in Myanmar put the figure at around 350 people killed.[85][86]
At the height of theFour Eights Uprising against the BSPP, Ne Winresigned asparty chairman on 23 July 1988. In a truculent farewell speech to the BSPP Party Congress, he warned that if the "disturbances" continued the "army would have to be called and I would like to declare from here that if the army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."[87] TheTatmadaw troops shot, killed and maimed hundreds if not up to 3,000 or more demonstrators in various places throughoutBurma from the period of 8 to 12 August 1988 and again on 18 September 1988, proving that Ne Win's farewell speech was not an empty threat.[88][89]
On 18 September 1988 the military led bySenior GeneralSaw Maung dispelled any hopes fordemocracy by brutally crushing the uprisings. It is widely believed that Ne Win, though in apparent retirement, orchestrated the coup from behind the scenes.[90]
For about ten years, Ne Win kept a low profile but remained a shadowy figure exercising at least some influence on themilitary junta.[91] After 1998, Ne Win's influence on the junta began to wane.
Death and funeral
Still under house arrest, Ne Win died on 5 December 2002 at his lakeside house inYangon.[92] The death remained unannounced byBurmese media or the junta. The only mention of Ne Win's death was a paid obituary notice that appeared in some of the government-controlled Burmese language newspapers. Ne Win was not given astate funeral, and his former contacts or junior colleagues were strongly discouraged from attending a hastily arranged funeral, so that only thirty people attended the funeral.[93][94]
Ne Win's daughterSandar Win was temporarily released from house arrest to attend his funeral and cremation. She later dispersed her father's ashes into theHlaing River.[95]
Ne Win's grandsonAye Ne Win and Kyaw Ne Win were released in 2013.[96]
He was first married to Daw Than Nyunt, who bore him a son, Kyaw Thein.
He was second married to Tin Tin, who bore him two sons, Ngwe Soe and Aye Aung.
He then married Khin May Than (Katie Ba Than), daughter of ProfessorBa Than, the former dean ofRangoon medical school. The couple had two daughters and a son between them,Sandar Win, Kye Mon Win, and Phyo Wai Win. Khin May Than brought three daughters from her first marriage, Le Le Win and twins Thida Win and Thawdar Win, into the family. Khin May Than was Ne Win's favourite wife and her death in 1972 was a heavy blow to him.
He then married Ni Ni Myint, a university teacher, whom he divorced.
^Boudreau, Vincent (2004)Resisting Dictatorship: Repression and Protest in Southeast Asia Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK,pp. 37–39, 50–51,ISBN0-521-83989-0
^TheBurmese phrase is "dah go dah gyin, hlan go hlan gyin". Two different English translations of the speech can be read on the front page of the RangoonNation and the RangoonGuardian of 9 July 1962. Part ofThe Nation's headline of 9 July 1962 read 'General Ne Win States Give Us Time to Work: Obstructionists are Warned: Will Fight Sword with Sword').
^News items of Ne Win's trip to these countries for 'medical check up' can be found inThe Guardian andThe Nation of 14 July 1962
^Saw Eh Htoo and Tony Waters (2024) General Ne Win’s Legacy of Burmanization in Myanmar: The Challenge to Peace in the Twenty-First Century. Singapore: Palgrave MacMillan.
^Houtman, Gustaaf (1999).Mental culture in Burmese crisis politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. ILCAA.ISBN978-4-87297-748-6.
^Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang.Burma: Depoliticization of the Political. cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (1995).Political Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority.Stanford University Press.ISBN978-0-8047-2560-6
^Callahan, Mary. (2001).Burma: Soldiers as State Builders. ch. 17. cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (2001).Coercion and Governance: The Declining Political Role of the Military in Asia.Stanford University Press.ISBN978-0-8047-4227-6
^Murray,Chinese Education in South-East Asia, p. 190
^Murray,Chinese Education in South-East Asia, p. 191
^abMartin Smith (1991).Burma – Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London, New Jersey: Zed Books. pp. 39, 98,153–154,225–226.
Saw Eh Htoo and Tony Waters (2024). General Ne Win’s Legacy of Burmanization in Myanmar: The Challenge to Peace in the Twenty-First Century. Singapore: Palgrave MacMillan.