National Liberation Front جبهة التحرير الوطني | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | FLN |
| Secretary-General | Abdelkrim Benmbarek[1] |
| Founded | 23 October 1954 (71 years, 30 days) |
| Preceded by | CRUA |
| Headquarters | Algiers |
| Newspaper | El Moudjahid |
| Armed wing | National Liberation Army (1954–1962) |
| Membership(2019) |  1,000,000[2] |
| Ideology | Algerian nationalism[3] Arab nationalism[4][5][6] Pan-Arabism[6] Arab socialism[5] Social democracy[7] Economic liberalism[8] Democratic socialism[4] Anti-imperialism[9][6] Anti-Zionism[10] Historical: Nasserism[11] Revolutionary socialism[12][13] Vanguardism[14] |
| Political position | Centre-left[15] Historical: Left-wing |
| International affiliation | Socialist International (until 2019) For the Freedom of Nations! (since 2024) |
| Colors | |
| Council of the Nation | 54 / 144 |
| People's National Assembly | 98 / 407 |
| People's Provincial Assemblies | 711 / 2,004 |
| Municipalities | 603 / 1,540 |
| People's Municipal Assemblies | 7,603 / 24,876 |
| Party flag | |
.svg) | |
| Website | |
| pfln | |
TheNational Liberation Front (Arabic:جبهة التحرير الوطني,romanized: Jabhat at-Taḥrīr al-Waṭanī;French:Front de libération nationale), commonly known by its FrenchacronymFLN,[a] is anationalistpolitical party inAlgeria. It was the main nationalist movement during theAlgerian War and the sole legal and ruling political party of the Algerian state until other parties were legalised in 1989.[16]
The FLN was established in 1954 following a split in theMovement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties from members of theSpecial Organisation paramilitary; its armed wing, theNational Liberation Army, participated in the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. After theÉvian Accords of 1962, the party purged internal dissent and ruled Algeria as aone-party state. After the1988 October Riots and theAlgerian Civil War (1991–2002) against Islamist groups, the FLN was reelected to power in the2002 Algerian legislative election, and has generally remained in power until 2007, when it started forming coalitions with other parties.
The background of the FLN can be traced back to the growing anti-colonialism and Algerian nationalist sentiments since the outbreak ofWWII. The repression against the Algerian Muslim population intensified asAbdelhamid Ben Badis was placed under house arrest andMarshal Pétain's government banned theAlgerian Communist Party andAlgerian People's Party.[17] As the war turned gradually more in favor of the Western Allies, given the US's global engagement and its ideological campaign against colonialism, the core sentiment amongst the Algerian nationalists was to use the victory in Europe to promote the independence of the country, which is reflected by the issuing of the Manifesto of the Algerian People byFerhat Abbas.[18] As this objective failed to materialize, a new partyMovement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTDL) founded by the just-releasedMessali Hadj started to gain momentum and took the lead in the nationalist movement.[19]
However, the Algerian Assembly's double electoral college system stipulated an equal number of 60 representation between the French settlers and the Muslim community while the Muslim community was significantly larger than the settlers.[20] The underrepresentation combined with the unfair election in 1948 limited the MTDL's ability to gain further political power.[21] Consequently, the Algerian nationalists veered to a more military approach as noted in their participation in theSpecial Organisation, which was a paramilitary component of the MTLD and included important figures in Algerian politics such asAhmed Ben Bella,Hocine Aït Ahmed, andMohammed Boudiaf.
Later in 1951, the capture of Ahmed Ben Bella and the subsequent dismantling of the Special Organisation temporarily subdued the nationalist movement but sparked a desire in the Special Organisation militants to form a new organization – theRevolutionary Committee of Unity and Action (CRUA).[22] It initially had a five-man leadership consisting ofMostefa Ben Boulaïd,Larbi Ben M'hidi,Rabah Bitat,Mohamed Boudiaf andMourad Didouche. They were joined byKrim Belkacem in August, and Hocine Aït Ahmed, Ahmed Ben Bella andMohamed Khider later in the summer.[23]
The FLN was established on 10 October 1954.[24] It succeeded the CRUA which had been formed earlier in the year[23] because the CRUA failed to provide unity within the MTLD Party.[22] On 1 November 1954, the FLN launched theAlgerian War after publishing theDeclaration of 1 November 1954 written by journalistMohamed Aïchaoui.[23] Didouche was killed on 18 January 1955, whilst both Ben Boulaïd and Bitat were captured by the French.Abane Ramdane was recruited to take control of the FLN's Algiers campaign, and went on to become one of its most effective leaders.[23] By 1956, nearly all the nationalist organizations in Algeria had joined the FLN, which had established itself as the main nationalist group by co-opting and coercing smaller organizations; the most important group that remained outside the FLN was Messali Hadj'sAlgerian National Movement (MNA). At this time the FLN reorganized into something like a provisional government, consisting of a five-man executive and legislative body, and was organized territorially into sixwilayas, following theOttoman-era administrative boundaries.[25]
The FLN's armed wing during the war was called theNational Liberation Army (ALN). It was divided intoguerrilla units fighting France and the MNA in Algeria (and wrestling with Messali's followers over control of theexpatriate community, in the "Café Wars" in France), and another, stronger component more resembling a traditional army. These units were based in neighbouring Arab countries (notably inOujda inMorocco, and Tunisia), and although they infiltrated forces and ran weapons and supplies across the border, they generally saw less action than the rural guerrilla forces. These units were later to emerge under the leadership of army commanderColonelHouari Boumediene as a powerful opposition to the political cadres of the FLN'sexile government, theGPRA, and they eventually came to dominate Algerian politics.
The Algerian war resulted in between 300,000 and 400,000 deaths. The FLN is considered responsible for over 16,000 civilians killed and over 13,000 disappeared between 1954 and 1962.[26] After the ceasefire of 19 March 1962, the FLN is thought to have massacred thousands ofharkis, Muslim Algerians who had served in the French army and whom the French, contrary to promises given, had denied a "repatriation" to France.[27][28] An example of an FLN massacre is thePhilippeville massacre.[29][28]
The war for independence continued until March 1962, when theFrench government finally signed theÉvian Accords, aceasefire agreement with the FLN.[30] In July of the same year, the Algerian people approved the cease-fire agreement with France in areferendum, supporting economic and social cooperation between the two countries as well. Full independence followed, and the FLN seized control of the country. Political opposition in the form of the MNA andCommunist organizations was outlawed, and Algeria was constituted as aone-party state. The FLN became its only legal and ruling party.
Immediately after independence, the party experienced a severe internal power struggle. Political leaders coalesced into two large camps: aPolitical Bureau formed by the radicalAhmed Ben Bella, who was assisted by the border army, faced off against the political leadership in the former exile government; Boumédiène's army quickly put down resistance and installed Ben Bella as president.[31] The single most powerful political constituency remained the former ALN, which had returned largely unscathed from exile and was now organized as the country'sarmed forces; added to this were regionally powerful guerrilla irregulars and others who jockeyed for influence in the party. In building his one-party regime, Ben Bella purged remaining dissidents (such asFerhat Abbas), but also quickly ran into opposition from Boumédiène as he tried to assert himself independently from the army.
In 1965, the tension between Boumédiène and Ben Bella culminated in a coup d'état, after Ben Bella had tried to sack one of the Colonel's closest collaborators, Foreign MinisterAbdelaziz Bouteflika (who was electedPresident of Algeria in 1999). A statist-socialist andanticolonial nationalist, Boumédiène ruled through decree and "revolutionary legitimacy", marginalizing the FLN in favor of his personal decision-making and the military establishment, even while retaining the one-party system. Boumédiène held tight control over party leadership until his death in 1978, at which time the party reorganized again under the leadership of the military's next candidate, Col.Chadli Bendjedid. The military remained well-represented on the FLN Central Committee and is widely thought to have been the real power-broker in the country. During the 1980s the FLN toned down the socialist content of its programme, enacting somefree-market reforms and purging Boumédiène stalwarts.
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It was not until 1988 thatmassive demonstrations and riots jolted the country towards major political reform. The riots led to theconstitution being amended to allow a multi-party system. The first multi-party elections were the1990 local elections, which saw the FLN heavily defeated by theIslamistIslamic Salvation Front (ISF), which won control of more than half the local councils; the FLN received just over a quarter of the vote, retaining control of a similar number of councils. The first round of theparliamentary elections the following year saw the ISF win 188 of the 231 seats, whilst the FLN won only 16, placing third behind theSocialist Forces Front. However, shortly afterwards, due to fears of the ISF forming anIslamic state, a militarycoup d'état cancelled the election process and forced presidentBendjedid to resign, sparking theAlgerian Civil War.
Algeria was under direct military rule for several years, during which the party remained in opposition to the government during the first part of the war, notably in 1995 signing theSant'Egidio Platform, which was highly critical of the military establishment. After internal power struggles and a leadership change, it returned to supporting the presidency. After formaldemocracy was restored, the FLN initially failed to regain its prominent position; in the1997 parliamentary elections it emerged as the third-largest party, receiving 14% of the vote and winning 69 of the 231 seats. However, it won a landslide victory in the2002 elections, winning 199 of the 389 seats.
The party nominatedAli Benflis as its candidate for the2004 presidential elections. He finished as runner-up to the incumbentAbdelaziz Bouteflika, but received only 6.4% of the vote. In 2005, the FLN formed the Presidential Alliance with theNational Rally for Democracy (RND) and theMovement of Society for Peace (MSP).
The2007 parliamentary elections saw the FLN reduced to 163 seats, although the FLN'sAbdelaziz Belkhadem remained Prime Minister. Bouteflika was the party's candidate in the2009 presidential elections, which he won with 90% of the vote.
In 2012, the MSP left the Presidential Alliance and joined theGreen Algeria Alliance. Despite that, the FLN remained the largest party following the2012 parliamentary elections, winning 208 of the 462 seats. Bouteflika was re-elected on the FLN ticket in the2014 presidential elections with 82% of the vote. The elderly and ailing Bouteflika is widely seen as a mere frontman for what has been often described as a "shadowy" group of generals and intelligence officers known to the Algerians collectively asle pouvoir ("the power") and whose individual members are calleddécideurs withThe Economist writing in 2012 "The most powerful man in the land may be Mohamed Mediène, known as Toufiq who has headed military intelligence for two decades".[32] GeneralMohamed Mediène, the chief of military intelligence from 1990 to 2015 was known to be a leadingdécideur withinle pouvior and for his secrecy withThe Economist reporting on 21 September 2013: "Despite his leading role in defeating Islamic militants in a brutal civil war between 1991 and 2000, and his less public role as kingmaker in thepouvoir, General Mediene's face remains unknown; it is said that anyone who has seen it expires soon after."[33] On 13 September 2015, it was announced that Mediène was retiring and President Bouteflika had appointed General Athmane Tartag to succeed him. Mediène's dismissal was viewed as the culmination of a long "behind-the-scenes power struggle" with Bouteflika, leaving the latter fully in charge and giving him more power to determine his own successor.[34]
In the2017 parliamentary elections, FLN won 164 of the 462 seats, thus losing 44 seats; however, thanks to the good performance of the RND (which won 100 seats), the Presidential Alliance was able to maintain a parliamentary majority and continue to rule the country.
Jews in Algeria were given French citizenship during the colonial era starting in 1870,[35] while Muslims were denied citizenship by the French. The Jews in Algeria were seen as a go-between for French-Muslim relations; however, the lack of citizenship on behalf of the Muslims created tension between the two groups.[35] During the Algerian War, Jews felt as if they were being forced to choose sides; they were either Algerian and fighting with the FLN for independence, or they were French and fighting with the French to keep Algeria as a colony. At the start of the Algerian War, the FLN offered Jews the opportunity to join their efforts, and in return Jews would be given Algerian citizenship when Algeria won independence. Most of the Jews in Algeria sided with the French government, much to the dismay of the FLN and their supporters.[36] During the course of the war, Jews in Algeria began to feel as if the FLN was targeting Jews and not just the French people living in Algeria. This led to increased tensions between Jews and Muslims in the area.[37] After the war, Algerian citizenship was only extended to Muslims whose fathers and grandfathers were Muslim at the time the FLN won independence from the French government and those who participated directly or indirectly in the national liberation movement.[38] Algerian Jews were no longer considered Algerian, but they still retained French citizenship. With their French citizenship, the majority of Jews in Algeria decided to emigrate to France, with a small number of Jews deciding to emigrate to Israel and an even smaller number of Jews deciding to stay in Algeria under the rule of the FLN. Between 1961 and 1962, 130,000 out of Algeria's 140,000 Jews left for France, while around 10,000 emigrated toIsrael.[39]
The FLN'sideology was primarily Algerian nationalist, understood as a movement within a widerArab nationalism and also apan-Arab solidarity. It essentially drew its political self-legitimization from three sources:Nationalism, and the revolutionary war against France;Socialism, loosely interpreted as a popular anti-exploitation creed;Islam, defined as the main foundation for the national consciousness, and a crucial factor in solidifying the Algerian identity as separate from that of French Algerians orpied-noirs.Frantz Fanon was an FLN member and an important influence on the party's ideology during the independence struggle.
As the name implies, it viewed itself as a "front" composed of different social sectors and ideological trends, even if the concept of a monolithic Algerian polity gradually submerged this vision. A separate party ideology was not well developed at the time of independence, except insofar as it focused on the liberation of Algeria. This latter aspect led to the denial of or refusal to deal with the separateBerber identity held by Algerian Berbers who made up about 20% of Algeria,[40] something which caused fierce opposition and led to the splintering of the movement immediately after independence, asHocine Aït Ahmed set up theBerberist and pro-democracySocialist Forces Front (FFS) inTizi Ouzou and began a rebellion inKabylia which was defeated by the government in 1965.
Anti-colonialism is widely considered as the core value in Algerian official discourse during its entire contemporary political and social history, especially during the formation of the FLN and later during theIslamist movement.[41] The Muslim population had been discriminated against at a constitutional level, as illustrated by the fact that French settlers formed up to 80% of the membership in three departmental councils in 1875; and at a local level, the metropolitan model composed of a major and municipal council only granted voting rights to 5% of the adult male Muslim population until 1919, when the number increased to 25%.[42] Therefore, its nationalist outlook was also closely interwoven with anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, something which would remain a lasting characteristic ofAlgerian foreign policy.
Islamism maintained its dominance inAlgerian politics because of the specific social contexts during different periods. The humiliating failure of theMokrani Revolt in 1871 facilitated the pro-Islamism sentiment in the society as people generally regarded Islam as the long-lasting and never-fading symbolic opposition towards the French rule; also theItalian invasion of Libya in 1911 provoked sympathy in the Muslim community and strengthened the Islamic cultural identity and these two events together consolidated the Islamism-Colonialism opposition rhetoric.[43]
The politicization of Islam started with the noticeable wave of Islamic discourse led by religious scholars such asJamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–97),Mohammed Abduh (1849–1905) andRashid Rida (1865–1935) that focused on resisting foreign economic control and establishing an Islamic country based on the sharia, which were the core values of theAlgerian Ulama.[44] The movement absolutely rejectedatheism and was notsecularist, contrary to widespread perception in the West, and Islamism was perhaps the most important mobilizing ideology during theAlgerian War. Still, after independence, the party would in practice assume a strongly modernist interpretation of Islam, supported the social transformation of Algerian society, the emancipation of women, etc., and worked only through secular institutions.
BeforeCol.Chadli Bendjedid came into power in 1971, the Islamic movement had been rather successfully monitored and subdued by the government during the previous 20 years, but theIranian Revolution rekindled the movement and posed a greater threat to the state.[45] Since Algerian independence, religion had been relegated to the role of legitimizing factor for the party-regime, especially under the presidency of Col.Houari Boumédiènne (1965–78), but even then Islam was considered the state religion and a crucial part of Algerian identity, as Boumédiènne himself took pride in hisQuranic training. His predecessorAhmed Ben Bella (1962–65) was more committed to the Islamic component of the regime, although always viewed as more of an Arab nationalist than an Islamic activist (and he remains far removed from what is today referred to as Algeria's Islamists). During the mid- to late-1980s, Bendjedid reintroduced religiously conservative legislation in an attempt to appease growing Islamist opposition. During and after theAlgerian Civil War, the party's position has remained that of claiming Algerian Islam as a main influence, while simultaneously arguing that this must be expressed as a progressive and modern faith, even if the party generally keeps in line with the conservative social mores of Algeria's population. It has strongly condemned the radical-fundamentalist religious teachings of theIslamic Salvation Front (FIS) and other Islamist groups, even while supporting the inclusion of non-violent Islamist parties in the political system and working with them.
Arab nationalism andPan-Arabism are considered core principles of the FLN andAlgerian nationalism.[46] Arab themes were glorified as the foundation of Algerian nationalism that would fit into Pan-Arabism.[47][48] A prominent member of the Algerian independence movement,Abdel-Hamid ibn Badis (1889–1940), emphasized theArab andMuslim character of Algeria through hisAssociation of Algerian Muslim Ulema,[49] and famously coined the often-cited phrase: "Islam is our religion, Algeria is our homeland, Arabic is our language", while his fellow 'alim Ahmad Tawfiq al-Madani (1889–1983) wrote extensive historical writings in Arabic celebrating the Muslim and Arab ancestors of Algeria.[50]
During the Algerian war of independence, the FLN emerged as the main socialist group after uniting with several smaller independence groups, and was strongly committed to Pan-Arabism.[51] A major supporter of the Algerian independence movement wasGamal Abdel Nasser, whose mixture of Arab nationalism and revolution appealed to the Arabs in North Africa.[52] He provided financial, diplomatic and military support to the FLN, and based theAlgerian provisional government inCairo.[52] This played a major role in France's decision to wage war against him during the 1956Suez Crisis.[53] Once Algeria gained independence in 1962, Arab nationalist leaderAhmed Ben Bella was elected president after winningelections with 99.6 per cent of the votes. He composed the Algerian constitution in October 1963, which asserted that Islam was the state religion, Arabic was the sole national and official language of the state, Algeria was an integral part of theArab world,[54] and thatArabization was the first priority of the country to reverse French colonization.[55]
Ben Bella was succeeded byHouari Boumédiène in 1965, who also pursuedArab socialist and Pan-Arabist policies. He drafted a new Algerian constitution in 1976 which declared "the unity of the Arab people is written in the community of the destinies of these people. When there will be the conditions for a unity based on the liberation of the popular masses, Algeria will engage itself in the promotion of the formulas of union, integration or fusion that may fully respond to the legitimate and deep aspirations of the Arab people".[56] Like Ben Bella, Boumédiène imposed Arab socialism as the state ideology and declared Islam the state religion.[57] He was more assertive than Ben Bella in carrying out Arabization, especially between 1970 and 1977. The year 1971 was declared the "year of Arabization".[58]Chadli Bendjedid had talks with Libyan leaderMuammar Gaddafi in 1988 about forming an Algeria-Libya Arab union. Instead theArab Maghreb Union was formed in 1989.[59]
A historical reference of socialist values is the implementation of theWarnier Law of 1873, which allowed the selling of community land at an individual base toppled the economic power of the Algerian indigenous elites; the elimination of class structure undertoned the later FLN populism and socialist agendas.[60] Suchegalitarianism, which implies a liberation struggle, reflects the FLN's militant socialism during Ben Bella's period, who considered the struggle was to invent a new society to release the peasantry's potential.[61]
This ideological construct of the FLN is controversial and disputed but can be analyzed through lenses of different socio-economic contexts. Given the global background of theCuban Missile Crisis and theCold War, Algeria was considered the entry point into theThird World in this ideological conflict; the FLN's ideologies under Ben Bella and Boumédiène were largely shaped by the fundamental needs of the country such as radical economic reforms, getting international aid and recognition, along with the domestic Islamic pressure.[62]
Facing the grave economic consequences of the Algerian War of Independence that included the destruction of 8,000 villages and millions of acres of land, a centralized authority, in this case, the FLN, was forced to act and redress the problem through a Leninist and corporatist framework.[63] In response, Ben Bella also experimented with the socialistautogestion among the Muslim workers who entered industrial and agricultural businesses that featured profit-sharing and equity.[64] Ben Bella and his supporters in the FLN believed in the harmony between religion and socialism and it was in their political interest to renew the FLN party by leading a popular revolution to integrate Islam and socialism.[65]
Despite being challenged by the Algerian Ulema and other domestic conservatives who criticized Ben Bella on the shallowness of his intentionally Islamism-leaning policies, the FLN kept its Marxist–Leninist organization principles that featured a secular institutional dominance over religion.[66] The later FLN's ideological change towards anti-socialism and anti-communism can be illustrated by Kaid Ahmed's opposition towards Boumédiène's leftist agenda, which featured the radical agrarian revolution that hurt rich landowners who defended themselves on religious grounds and fueled the Islamic movement, which gradually took over the national sentiment later in the century.[67] Starting in 1971 and ending in 1992, the government under Chadli Bendjedid was authoritative but collegial, less rigid on ideologies but more moderate on domestic and international issues, while Bendjedid and his advisers believed in socialism.[45]
The organization initially committed itself tosocialism, but understood this along the lines ofArab socialism, and opposed orthodoxMarxism. The existence of differentclasses in Algerian society was generally rejected, even if several of the party's top ideologues were influenced to varying degrees by Marxist analysis.
Borrowed Marxist terminology was instead commonly reinterpreted by party radicals in terms of the conflict with France, e.g. casting the colonizer in the role of economic exploiter-oppressor as well as national enemy, while the label of "bourgeoisie" was applied to uncooperative or pro-French elites. The FLN absorbed somecommunist activists into its ranks during the War of Independence for pragmatic reasons but refused to allow them to organize separately from the FLN after the war. The FLN then quickly moved to dissolve the pro-MoscowAlgerian Communist Party (PCA). However, since independent Algeria was set up as aone-party system under the FLN soon thereafter, many communist intellectuals were later co-opted into the regime at various stages. The cooperation occurred during the early Ben Bella and late Boumédiènne years when theSocialist Vanguard Party (PAGS), established in 1966, cooperated and tactically consulted with the FLN and recognized the FLN as the sole legitimate party in the country.[45]
During all periods of Algerian post-colonial history, except for a few years between 1990 and 1996, the FLN has been a pillar of thepolitical system and has primarily been viewed as a "pro-system" party. Its role as Algeria's liberators has remained the absolute cornerstone of the party's self-perception, and the defining feature of its otherwise somewhat fluid ideology. The FLN was close to formerpresidentAbdelaziz Bouteflika, who was made honorary chairman. It mixes its traditionalpopulist interpretations of Algeria's nationalist-revolutionary and Islamic heritage with a pro-systemconservatism, and support for gradualpro-market reform qualified bystatist reflexes. Since the breakdown of the one-party system and its detachment from the state structure in ca. 1988–1990, the FLN has been in favor ofmulti-party democracy, whereas it upheld itself as the only organization representing the Algerian people before this period.
The FLN was admitted intoSocialist International (SI) as a consultative member at the SI's spring congress on 4–5 February 2013.[68] It was expelled from the Socialist International during the2019 protests in Algeria.
| Election | Party candidate | Votes | % | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1963 | Ahmed Ben Bella | 5,805,103 | 99.6% | Elected Y |
| 1976 | Houari Boumediene | 7,976,568 | 99.5% | ElectedY |
| 1979 | Chadli Bendjedid | 7,736,697 | 99.4% | ElectedY |
| 1984 | 9,664,168 | 99.42% | ElectedY | |
| 1988 | 10,603,067 | 93.26% | ElectedY | |
| 1995 | Boycotted | |||
| 1999 | Abdelaziz Bouteflika | 7,445,045 | 73.8% | ElectedY |
| 2004 | Ali Benflis | 653,951 | 6.42% | Lost N |
| 2009 | Abdelaziz Bouteflika | 12,911,705 | 90.24% | ElectedY |
| 2014 | 8,332,598 | 81.53% | ElectedY | |
| 2019 | Did not run | |||
| 2024 | Support forAbdelmadjid Tebboune | |||
| Election | Party leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position | Governing? |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1962 | Ahmed Ben Bella | 5,267,324 | 99.7% | 196 / 196 | 196 | 1st | Sole legal party |
| 1964 | 4,493,416 | 87.0% | 196 / 196 |  | 1st | Sole legal party | |
| 1977 | Houari Boumediene | 6,037,537 | 75.84% | 261 / 261 | 65 | 1st | Sole legal party |
| 1982 | Chadli Bendjedid | 6,054,740 | 100% | 282 / 282 | 21 | 1st | Sole legal party |
| 1987 | 9,910,631 | 100% | 295 / 295 | 13 | 1st | Sole legal party | |
| 1997 | Boualem Benhamouda | 1,497,285 | 14.3% | 62 / 380 |  233 | 3rd | Yes |
| 2002 | Abdelaziz Bouteflika | 2.618.003 | 34.3% | 199 / 389 | 137 | 1st | Yes |
| 2007 | 1,315,686 | 22.98% | 136 / 386 | 63 | 1st | Yes | |
| 2012 | Abdelmalek Sellal | 1,324,363 | 17.35% | 208 / 462 | 72 | 1st | Yes |
| 2017 | Djamel Ould Abbes [fr] | 1,681,321 | 25.99% | 164 / 462 | 44 | 1st | Yes |
| 2021 | Abou El Fadhel Baadji | 287,828 | 22.61% | 98 / 407 | 66 | 1st | Yes |
The Front de Libération Nationale is an Algerian nationalist party that engaged in guerrilla warfare and terrorist attacks on the French colonial government to obtain independence for Algerian Arabs.
The war broke out because of conflict between the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), an Islamic fundamentalist party, and the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), an Algerian and Arab nationalist democratic socialist party.
During the late 1950s and early 1960s, radical Arab regimes had come to power in Syria, Iraq, and Algeria as well as in Egypt. Western-inspired liberal governments were indicted for the continuance of feudal societies in the Middle East. The Failure of liberal nationalism and the influence of Western capitalism and imperialism were denounced by the new regimes with promises of a social revolution to redress the profound socioeconomic inequities of their societies. Rejecting a "feudal past" and a Western capitalist present, the Baath Party in Syria and Iraq, the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) in Algeria, and Nasser in Egypt advocated an Arab nationalist/socialist future—Arab socialism.
Ideologically, the FLN sought Pan-Arab nationalism throughout Algeria using Islam to attain national consciousness and solidarity. The founding anti-imperialist doctrines of the FLN continued to remain at the core even after Algeria's independence and have affected the country's foreign policies.
The Algerian War for Independence began on November 1, 1954, when the FLN (Front de Liberation Nationale, or National Liberation Front), a group advocating for social democracy within an Islamic framework, called upon all Algerians to rise up against French authority and fight for total independence for Algeria.
Moreover, Algerian leaders asserted the glorious character of the victory over colonialisms, emphasizing the paucity of the FLN's resources and the power of the French state, to underscore the remarkable determination, courage and spirit of sacrifice of Algerian combatants. Houari Boumediene kept this spirit of resistance alive by adopting an anti-imperialist stance on the international scene; Algeria remained mobilized against the neocolonial temptations of France and the arrogance of the great powers.
After the 1967 War against Israel (also called the Six-Day War), nearly all the synagogues in Algeria were confiscated and were transformed into mosques. Of the 120,000 Jews in Algeria in the 1940s, only 1000 remained in 1969, and about 50 in the 1990s. The Algerian governments since then have taken an anti-Israel and pro-Palestinian stand for many years.
While the FLN always had Islamic overtones, it was from the start a secular-nationalist liberation movement on the Nasser model.
From its birth as an independent state, Algeria's foreign policies were based on a realistic recognition of the need for economic assistance as well as on the government's revolutionary, socialist ideology, which pervaded all levels of policy formulation.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)According to Part 2 of the National Charter, the FLN is officially given a vanguard role in Algerian politics and society. Organized along recognizably Leninist lines, the FLN is, in theory, "the supreme mobilizer of the masses, guardian of ideological standards, watchdog over bureaucratic excesses and deviations, and arbiter of policy.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
