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| Abbreviation | S.T.F.U. |
|---|---|
| Merged into | Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen |
| Founded | July 18, 1934 (1934-07-18) |
| Dissolved | July 29, 1960 (1960-07-29) (26 years and 11 days) |
| Headquarters | Tyronza, Arkansas; laterMemphis, Tennessee |
| Location | |
| Membership | 35,000 (peak) |
Key people | H. L. Mitchell Clay East E. B. McKinney |
| Affiliations | |
TheSouthern Tenant Farmers Union (STFU), later known as theNational Farm Labor Union, theNational Agricultural Workers Union, and theAgricultural and Allied Workers Union, was founded as a civil farmer'sunion to organizetenant farmers in theSouthern United States.[1][2][3] Many such tenant farmer sharecroppers were Black descendants of former slaves.
Originally set up in July 1934 during theGreat Depression, the STFU was founded to help sharecroppers and tenant farmers get better arrangements from landowners. They were eager to improve their share of profit or subsidies andworking conditions. The STFU was established as a response to policies of theAgricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA). Part of theNew Deal, the AAA was a program to reduce production in order to increase prices of commodities; landowners were paid subsidies, which they were supposed to pass on to their tenants. The program was designed byPresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt to help revive the United States'agriculturalindustry and to recharge the depressedeconomy.
The AAA called for a reduction in food production, which would, through a controlled shortage of food, raise the price for any given food item throughsupply and demand. The desired effect was that the agricultural industry would prosper due to the increased value and produce more income for farmers. In order to decrease food production, the AAA paid farmers to hold some of their land out of production; the money was paid to the landowners. The landowners were expected to share this money with the tenant farmers. While a small percentage of the landowners did share the income, the majority did not.
The Southern Tenant Farmers Union was one of few unions in the 1930s that was open to all races. They promoted non-violent protest to gain their fair share of the AAA money. They also promoted the goal of blacks and whites working efficiently together. The Farmers Union met with harsh resistance from the landowners and local public officials. The Southern Tenant Farmers Union leaders were often harassed, attacked and many were killed.
In the 1930s the union was active inArkansas,Oklahoma,Mississippi,Missouri,Tennessee andTexas.[4] It later spread into thesoutheastern states and toCalifornia, sometimes affiliating with larger national labor federations. Its headquarters was mainly atMemphis, Tennessee. From 1948 to 1960, when it was dissolved, the STFU was based atWashington, D.C.[4]
Agriculture in the south never fully recovered after the overproduction of crops duringWorld War I. Additionally, natural disasters in the 1920s and 1930s prepared an agricultural deterioration in southern states. When theGreat Depression started, the southern agriculture sector had inherited weak foundations. In order to alleviate this sector, the federal government under theFranklin D. Roosevelt Administration, through theNew Deal, started economic incentives to reduce the production output of plantations; thereby, decreasing the number ofsharecroppers and farmers needed in the fields.
The implications of the policies from the AAA caused unemployment and the eviction of tenant farmers to rise dramatically. Harry Leland Mitchell (better known asH. L. Mitchell), asocialist andsharecropper, andClay East, a gasoline station owner, realized that the federal subsidies went mainly to the plantation owners and left tenant farmers and sharecroppers unemployed without any aid from the federal government. East and Mitchell created the Unemployed League with other farmers inTyronza, Arkansas, in theArkansas Delta, to fight the local plantation owners' retention of federal relief payments under the New Deal. The Unemployed League was able to distribute this aid among the land workers of Delta; soon after the league disbanded.
The cause and organization were revived in 1934 when the STFU was created. STFU's main goal was to advocate for the distribution of New Deal subsidies from plantation owners to tenant farmers. Later on, the leadership of STFU decided to make the union an established collective bargaining organization, similar to the industrial unions in big cities. However, it never reached a formal bargaining position because plantation owners used violence and intimidation against the STFU leadership and its members;[5] for instance, the union's president, William H. Stultz, was arrested and threatened with death, and the visiting Director of western Arkansas'sCommonwealth College, Lucien Koch, was seized at an STFU meeting, beaten and jailed.[6]
One of the first actions taken by the union was the filing of a lawsuit against Hiram Norcross. This was to ensure that the rights of sharecroppers under the AAA were protected and that they received a share from the government subsidies as the act envisioned.[7]
The union wrote many letters protesting the eviction of hundreds of farmers. The STFU sent five men to Washington to carry out an appeal to the Secretary of AgricultureHenry A. Wallace. Two African Americans,E. B. McKinney andN. W. Webb, were chosen to go to Washington to denounce the continual eviction of tenant farmers.
The first strike of the STFU was in 1935. Cotton pickers were demanding a better pay rate. Cotton planters wanted to pay forty cents per one-hundred pounds that fall season of 1935 but the union, under H. L. Mitchell's direction, demanded one dollar. After a few days of the strike, many cotton plantations offered seventy-five cents and fewer offered a dollar. This marked the union's first victory.[7]
In 1939, STFU activists organized protests by hundreds of cotton sharecroppers in theBootheel district of southeastern Missouri, alleging there were mass evictions of tenants by landlords who did not wish to share federal AAA checks with them. TheFarm Security Administration, aNew Deal agency, responded by providing low-cost rental housing for 500 cropper families. In 1939 they paid $500,000 in grants to 11,000 families in the Bootheel. The protest fizzled out as Communist and Socialist elements battled for control and STFU membership plunged.[8]
DuringWorld War II, the STFU leadership recommended its members find work outside of the plantation fields of Arkansas. They set up an "underground railroad" to transport more than 10,000 workers to jobs in the northern and eastern regions of the United States.[7] After World War II, the STFU changed their name to the National Farm Labor Union and were chartered by theAmerican Federation of Labor. From these changes, the organization began operating inCalifornia. In this state the NFLU was involved in theDiGiorgio Fruit Corporation strike of 1947. After a year and a half on strike, the union succeeded in improving conditions for its workers. The union organized 30,000 men and women to coordinate a strike inCorcoran, California. The strike was to fight against wage cuts for cotton pickers. The strike succeeded in regaining or increasing the workers' wages.[7]
When theCongress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) created its agricultural affiliate, theUnited Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA), the STFU saw an opportunity to become stronger and joined them. However, the fear that UCAPAWA communist leadership might take over STFU and that UCAPAWA practices might break the racial alliance between blacks and white in the STFU made the STFU resolve to leave the CIO in 1939. After the end of the alliance, UCAPAWA decided to leave the agricultural field and concentrate its labor campaign on food-processing workers.[1]
TheCommunist Party by 1934 was willing to form alliances withprogressives and socialists. It began to assist agricultural workers to allied various organizations from the South in order to create a strongerPopular Front. The STFU was among many unions to take part in this Popular Front. The STFU benefited from its association with the Communist Party because the organizations in the Front supported each other in protests and fights against plantation owners. Not every member of the STFU belonged to the Communist Party. Relatively few members considered themselves to be Communists; the rest belonged to many different political parties or ideologies.[9]
The STFU was not entirely comfortable in its alliance with the Communist Party. Many problems between the STFU and the Communist Party (such as mismanagement of funds, lack of financial support from the party delaying the union's mission, conflict of interests between the organizations and minimal interest of the Communist Party toward STFU members) broke the alliance. By separating themselves from the Communist Party, the union maintained its alliance between white and black workers and members, which was crucial to its identity and program.[10]
Federal relief enacted by the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) was distributed mainly to plantation owners. The AAA was a New Deal program that was supposed to reduce food production and increasefood prices; this was intended to improve the agricultural economy. Once again, Mitchell, East, and liberal members of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration observed that this program had negative effects on land workers, leaving many unemployed. Therefore, they created and became the leaders of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union (STFU) to fight this maldistribution.
The leadership of STFU upheld Mitchell and East attracted many socialists and pro-New Deal liberals to the Union. Furthermore, Clay East was able to promote socialist ideas within Tyronza through his leadership position by distribution its most successful journal,American Guardian, edited byOscar Ameringer. Due to East's success in selling a large amount of subscriptions, the small town became known as "Red Square." Moreover, about a 1000 people signed up to the socialist organizations that included a small but significant amount of African Americans.[7]
Leaders of the union decided to organize a rank and file leadership due to the pressure of its members. The union soon discovered that a rank and file leadership was difficult to organize. Some farm worker wanted to transform the union into a fascist militant group and others wanted to run the union like a corporation; but as the union membership increased, land worker leadership also improved.[11]
The first chapters of the STFU did not go through racial tensions since blacks and white lived and worked closely. However, when the STFU reached large towns, racial antagonisms were prominent since interracial relations were less frequent in these highly populated regions. In these towns the STFU created black and white localities, with their racially respective organizers to gain confidence from their union members. The union sent white organizers to the localities composed of white people. Similarly, the union sent African-Americans to localities composed of African-Americans.E. B. McKinney was an organizer and the first African American to become vice president of the union. Before becoming vice president of the Union he was an active participator in the Socialist party along with Clay East.[7]Owen Whitfield was another African-American leader associated with the STFU.
Even though racial antagonisms were deeply rooted in the South, the STFU was able to create interracial cooperation within the union. InMarked Tree, Arkansas, the African-American local invited the white local to their meeting. In this meeting white and blacks sat in the same room and worked for a common purpose. This led Mitchell to believe that the creation of a racially united movement was possible in other regions. Indeed, most of the important union events and meetings took place in interracial settings.
Even though Mitchell wanted an interracial union, he observed drastic behavioral differences between blacks and whites. African-Americans in the union had a strong collective conscience and unity; therefore, through their unity they were more capable of resisting repressions through collective action. On the other hand, whites were more individualistic and were easier for managers to coerce.[5]
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