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National Democracy (Poland)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Polish political movemnt
This article is about the historic movement in Poland. For other uses, seeNational Democracy (disambiguation).
"National Democracy Movement" redirects here. For an ideological movement in the Philippines, seeNational democracy (Philippines). Not to be confused withNational Democratic Movement.
National Democracy
Narodowa Demokracja
LeaderRoman Dmowski
Founded1886; 139 years ago (1886)
IdeologyPolish nationalism
Civic nationalism[1]
National conservatism[2]
Antisemitism
Political positionRight-wing
Roman Dmowski, considered the most important figure in the National Democratic movement
Part ofa series on
Conservatism in Poland
Literature

National Democracy (Polish:Narodowa Demokracja, often abbreviated asND or known asEndecja;[ɛn̪ˈd̪ɛt̪͡s̪jä]) was a Polishpolitical movement that operated from the second half of the 19th century, during thepartitions of Poland, until the end of theSecond Polish Republic.[3] It effectively ceased to exist following theGermano–Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939.

Throughout its history, National Democracy underwent several phases of development.[3] Initially founded to advocate for Poland's sovereignty against the foreign imperial powers,[4] the movement adopted aright-wingnationalist orientation after the country regained independence.[3] Its key founder and principal ideologue wasRoman Dmowski, with other influential figures in the movement includingZygmunt Balicki andJan Ludwik Popławski.[5]

National Democracy found its main base of support inGreater Poland (western Poland), where early momentum was driven by opposition toImperial Germany'sGermanization policies in Polish territories. Over time, the movement's focus shifted toward addressing what it perceived as economic competition between Polish Catholics and the Jewish community. The party's supporters primarily consisted of the ethnically Polish intelligentsia, the urban lower-middle class, segments of the middle class, and a significant youth wing.

During theinterbellum Second Republic, the ND was a strong proponent for thePolonization of the country'sGerman minority and of other non-Polish (Belarusian, Jewish, Lithuanian and Ukrainian) populations in Poland's eastern border regions (theKresy). With the end ofWorld War II, the occupation of the country by theSoviet Union, and the establishment of thePolish People's Republic, the National Democracy movement effectively ceased to exist.

Origins

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The origins of the ND can be traced to the 1864 failure of theJanuary 1863 Uprising and to the era ofPositivism in Poland. After that Uprising – the last in a series of 19th-centuryPolish uprisings – had been bloodily crushed byPoland's partitioners, a new generation of Polish patriots and politicians concluded that Poland's independence would not be won through force on the battlefield, but through education and culture.

In 1886, the secretPolish League (Liga Polska) was founded. In 1893 it was renamedNational League (Liga Narodowa). From 1895, the League published a newspaper,Przegląd Wszechpolski (The All-Polish Review); from 1897, it had an official political party, theNational-Democratic Party (Stronnictwo Narodowo-Demokratyczne). Unlike thePolish Socialist Party (PPS), the ND advocated peaceful negotiations, not armed resistance. Influenced byRoman Dmowski's radical nationalist andsocial-Darwinist ideas, National Democrats soon turned against other nationalities within the Polish lands,[6] most notably the Jews;antisemitism became an element of ND ideology.[7]

DuringWorld War I, while the PPS underJózef Piłsudski aligned with theCentral Powers againstRussia (through thePolish Legions), the ND initially allied with theRussian Empire (supporting the creation of thePuławy Legion) and later with theWestern Powers (supporting the PolishBlue Army inFrance). At the end of the war, many ND leaders held more influence abroad than in Poland, which allowed them to use their diplomatic leverage to share power with Piłsudski, who had broader military and domestic support. Due to their connections abroad, ND politicians such as Dmowski andIgnacy Paderewski were able to secure international backing for their positions at theParis Peace Conference of 1919 and in theTreaty of Versailles.

Second Republic

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In the newly independentSecond Polish Republic, the ND was initially represented by thePopular National Union (Związek Ludowo-Narodowy), a conservative political party that advocated its program through democratic and parliamentary means. After Piłsudski'sMay 1926Coup d'État, the ND found itself in opposition to hisSanacja government. The increasing control exerted by the Sanacja regime over opposition parties and its shift toward more authoritarian policies contributed to the gradual radicalization of the ND movement. In December 1926, theCamp of Great Poland (Obóz Wielkiej Polski) was formed as an extra-parliamentary organization opposing the Sanacja government. The youth wing of the Camp of Great Poland gradually took control of the entire organization; by 1931, the camp became more radicalized and incorporated some militaristic elements.[8]

In 1928, theNational Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe) was founded as the successor to the Popular National Union. Initially, the new party followed the same political line as its predecessor.[9] Following the official banning of the Camp of Great Poland, more radicalized youth joined the National Party. A generational divide between the older and younger factions of National Democrats came to a head at the 1935 party convention, where younger activists took leadership of the party.[10] From 1936 to 1939, these personnel changes continued, and the younger generation became dominant in the party. The older generation, disagreeing with the new direction, either left active politics or exited the party. A key aspect of ND policies during this time was their focus onPolonization of minorities. ND figures like Dmowski andStanisław Grabski played a role in opposing Piłsudski's proposedMiędzymorzefederation and thealliance with Ukrainian leaderSymon Petlura, contributing to tensions with Poland’sethnic minorities.

At the same time, the ND expressed an antisemitic stance, advocating for the exclusion of Jews from certain aspects of Polish social and economic life and encouraging emigration from Poland.[11] Throughout the 1930s, antisemitic actions and incidents, includingboycotts, demonstrations, and even attacks, were organized or inspired by National Democrats. The most prominent of these actions were carried out by a splinter group of radical young former NDs who later formed thefascist-influencedNational Radical Camp (Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny).[12]

World War II

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DuringWorld War II, the ND became part of acoalition which formed thePolish Government in Exile. It was closely linked with theNational Armed Forces (Narodowe Siły Zbrojne), an underground organization that became part of thePolish resistance movement. ND armed organizations fought not only againstNazi Germany but also against theSoviet Union. Both occupying forces regarded members of the movement as their mortal enemy, and its leaders were hunted down and killed in mass executions, in concentration camps, and in theKatyń massacre. Among those killed are:

Righteous among the Nations

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After the war

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After the war, when a pro-Soviet communist government came to power in Poland, most remaining NDs either emigrated tothe West or continued to oppose theCommunist regime. Some, however, chose to collaborate with the new regime, most notablyBolesław Piasecki, leader of theRNR-Falanga, who co-organized aCatholic movement. These ex-Endeks within the ruling Communist Party aided the formation of a unique Party faction by 1956, the so-called "Endokomuna." This faction blended hardlineStalinism with Polish nationalism andCatholic communism, using similar rhetoric to National Democracy.Endokomuna attempted to use the traditionalRussophilia andanti-Western sentiment of National Democracy to grow support for the Communist regime. Its activists were involved in "anti-Zionist"anti-Semitic agitation against the country's remaining Jewish minority during the1968 Polish political crisis.

By the 1980s, "Endo-Communism" had become a dominant ideology of the ruling coalition, which was reformed into thePatriotic Movement for National Rebirth (PRON). Chaired by Endecja activistJan Dobraczyński, this coalition aimed to counter the influence of anti-Communist opposition movements, primarilySolidarity, using nationalist rhetoric. As such, PRON commonly used slogans and themes from National Democracy, with activists such asMaciej Giertych serving on its Advisory Council.[15]

Contemporary Poland

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Since thefall of communism, with Poland once again ademocratically governed country, several political groups have sought to revive some of the traditions of National Democracy,[16] with their supporters often referring to themselves as the "National Movement" (Ruch Narodowy). The only significant party that has declared itself a successor to the ND is theLeague of Polish Families (Liga Polskich Rodzin),[citation needed] founded in 2001 byRoman Giertych, grandson ofJędrzej Giertych, a pre-war ND politician. The party received 8% of the parliamentary vote in 2001 and 16% in 2004, but fell below the 5% threshold in 2007 and lost all of its parliamentary seats.

Another Polish national-democratic association with legal standing is theCamp of Great Poland. This association was established on March 28, 2003, by theNational Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe; SN) Youth Section in response to the removal of the party from the national registry.[17] On February 17, 2012, the OWP was registered in the National Registrar of Companies and Legal Entities (Krajowy Rejestr Sądowy; KRS),[18] gaining legal personality.

Today, the main party promoting National Democracy is theNational Movement. The party was originally formed as a nationalist coalition byRobert Winnicki,Krzysztof Bosak, and other former members of the LPR. As of 2025, the National Movement has 7 deputies in theSejm, as part of a broader right-wingConfederation coalition.
The newspaperNasz Dziennik is often associated with viewpoints that align with national-democratic ideas.[19]

Organizations

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Mieczyk Chrobrego, a symbol of National Democracy in the latter half of theSecond Polish Republic

Modern

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Notables

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See also

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Notes

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  1. ^Cat-Mackiewicz, Stanisław (2012).Historia Polski od 11 listopada 1918 do 17 września 1939. Universitas.ISBN 97883-242-3740-1.
  2. ^Bohler, Jochen (2019).Civil War in Central Europe, 1918–1921: The Reconstruction of Poland. Oxford University Press. p. 99.
  3. ^abcMichał Szukała interview with Aleksander Hall (2014-08-05)."Dziedzictwo Narodowej Demokracji. W 150. rocznicę urodzin Romana Dmowskiego – rozmowa z Aleksandrem Hallem" (in Polish). 2013 © Muzeum Historii Polski (Museum of Poland's History). Archived fromthe original on 2014-08-19. Retrieved15 August 2014.Podzielam pogląd Wiesława Chrzanowskiego, który był moim zdaniem najwybitniejszym kontynuatorem endecji, który uważał, że Narodowa Demokracja należy do przeszłości, ponieważ wypełniła z powodzeniem swoje najważniejsze zadanie polegające na stworzeniu nowoczesnego narodu obejmującego wszystkie warstwy społeczne. Podobnie jak swoje misje wypełniły kształtujące się w tej samej epoce ruch ludowy, czy patriotyczny nurt PPS nadający świadomość narodową warstwie robotniczej. — Aleksander Hall,dissident under communism, minister during Solidarity years, member of ParliamentSejm, recipient of theOrder of the White Eagle (Poland).
  4. ^"National Democracy | political party, Poland | Britannica".www.britannica.com. Retrieved2025-05-22.
  5. ^Davies 2005, 40.
  6. ^Walicki, Andrzej (2008)."THE LEGACY OF 'NATIONAL DEMOCRACY' AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF NATIONAL IDEOLOGIES IN POLAND".Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki (in Polish).6 (2-3(20)):145–166.ISSN 1643-2045.
  7. ^Jerzy Lukowski; W. H. Zawadzki (2001).A Concise History of Poland: Jerzy Lukowski and Hubert Zawadzki. Cambridge University Press. pp. 173–174.ISBN 978-0-521-55917-1. Retrieved22 December 2012.Hardly surprisingly, anti-Semitism became a key element in the ND ideology
  8. ^Kawalec, Krzysztof (1989).Narodowa Demokracja wobec faszyzmu 1922–1939: Ze studiów nad dziejami myśli politycznej obozu narodowego. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy. p. 115.ISBN 83-06-01728-5.
  9. ^Terej, Jerzy Janusz (1979).Rzeczywistość i polityka: Ze studiów nad dziejami najnowszymi Narodowej Demokracji (2nd ed.). Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza. p. 18.OCLC 7972621.
  10. ^Terej, Jerzy Janusz (1979).Rzeczywistość i polityka: Ze studiów nad dziejami najnowszymi Narodowej Demokracji (2nd ed.). Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza. p. 28.OCLC 7972621.
  11. ^André Gerrits, Dirk Jan Wolffram (2005).Political Democracy and Ethnic Diversity in Modern European History.Stanford University Press.ISBN 978-0-8047-4976-3.
  12. ^Jerzy Lukowski; W. H. Zawadzki (2001).A Concise History of Poland: Jerzy Lukowski and Hubert Zawadzki. Cambridge University Press. pp. 217–18.ISBN 978-0-521-55917-1. Retrieved22 December 2012.The appeal of fascism and of anti-Semitism was most pronounced among young radical NDs, who in 1934 formed the National Radical Camp (ONR), from which emerged the distinctly totalitarian ONR-Falanga underBolesław Piasecki.
  13. ^Bankier, David; Gutman, Israel (2009).Nazi Europe and the Final Solution. Berghahn Books.ISBN 978-1-84545-410-4.
  14. ^"Poland"(PDF). Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2012-08-17.
  15. ^Kunicki, Mikołaj Stanisław (2012).Between the Brown and the Red: Nationalism, Catholicism, and Communism in 20th-Century Poland — The Politics of Bolesław Piasecki. Ohio University Press. pp. 182–183.ISBN 978-0-8214-4420-7.
  16. ^"Marek Chodakiewicz publishes book on the Polish National Democracy and Polish nationalism - The Institute of World Politics".www.iwp.edu. 2015-11-12. Retrieved2025-05-22.
  17. ^Dawid Berezicki."Wywiad z Przewodniczącym Obozu Wielkiej Polski" [Interview with the Chairman of the Greater Poland Camp] (in Polish). Archived fromthe original on 2014-03-07.
  18. ^Official KRS Website
  19. ^B. Sobczak,Medialne obrazy świata z perspektywy retorycznej (na przykładzie recepcji medialnej śmierci i pochówku Czesława Miłosza), „Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza”, 18, 2011, 2, s. 37.

References

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External links

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Further reading

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