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National Bolshevism,[a] whose supporters are known asNational Bolsheviks[b] and colloquially asNazbols,[c][1] is asyncretic political movement committed to combiningultranationalism andBolshevik communism.[2]
National Bolshevism as a term was first used to describe a faction in theCommunist Party of Germany (KPD) and later theCommunist Workers' Party of Germany (KAPD) which wanted to ally the insurgent communist movement with dissident nationalist groups in the German army who rejected theTreaty of Versailles.[4]Heinrich Laufenberg andFritz Wolffheim led the faction and it was primarily based inHamburg. They were subsequently expelled from the KAPD whichKarl Radek justified by stating that it was necessary for the KAPD to be welcomed into the Third Congress of theThird International, although the expulsion would likely have happened regardless as Radek previously dismissed the pair as "National Bolsheviks" (which was the first recorded use of the term).[5]
National Bolshevism was among several earlyultranationalist, and according to some, fascist movements in Germany that predateAdolf Hitler'sNazi Party.[6][7][need quotation to verify] During the 1920s, a number of German intellectuals began a dialogue which created a synthesis between radical nationalism (typically referencingPrussianism) andBolshevism as it existed in the Soviet Union.[8] The pro-Soviet syncreticSociety for the Study of the Soviet Planned Economy (ARPLAN) was founded in Germany in 1932, and contained both far-left and far-right radicals. ARPLAN's membership was very heterogenous: Niekisch was an active ARPLAN member, as was the Nazi politicianErnst Graf zu Reventlow.[9]
AfterHitler's rise to power in 1933 and subsequent seizure of control by the Nazis, rival ideological currents such as theConservative Revolution,National Revolution and National Bolshevism weren't completely erradicated, but operated within the state, engaging in a continual —though ultimately unsuccessful— struggle to supplant the dominantNational Socialist doctrine of theNSDAP.[3] Following the collapse of theNazi regime after thewar, these tendencies reemerged within theGerman Right and eventually took abroader European significance, serving as the intellectual foundations for subsequent nationalist movements.[3]
One of the early and most prominent pioneers of the National Bolshevik movement in Germany wasErnst Niekisch of theOld Social Democratic Party of Germany. Niekisch was the founder and primary editor ofWiderstand, a magazine which advocated for National Bolshevik ideology.[10] Co-publisher and illustrator ofWiderstand was the openlyantisemiticA. Paul Weber, who saw himself primarily concerned with the future of Germany due to the growing popularity ofNazism.[11] Other authors of the magazine includedOtto Petras,Friedrich Georg Jünger,Hugo Fischer,Hans Bäcker,Friedrich Reck-Mellecze, andAlexander Mitscherlich.[12]
The ideology of Ernst Niekisch and the group which had formed around the publication, namedWiderstandskreis, has been described asanti-democratic,nationalist,anti-capitalist,anti-western, as well as exhibitingracist andfascist traits.[13] Others have called his ideology outright fascist,[14] despite Niekisch condemning and critiquingfascism, primarily in his work"Hitler - ein deutsches Verhängnis".[15][16][17][18][19]
Niekisch strongly and publicly condemnedAdolf Hitler, who he perceived as ademocratic demagogue that lacked any actualsocialism, he claimed and criticized that Hitler, after release from prison, started to look more towardsItalian Fascism for inspiration, rather thanLudendorff.[20] After the Nazis took power, Niekisch organised anational revolutionaryresistance, for which he was sentenced to life imprisonment until being released in 1945 by theRed Army.[21] Upon his release from prison, Niekisch started a political career inEast Germany, which was abruptly ended after the crushing of the1953 uprising, which resulted in him leaving the party and retiring from politics. Following his retirement, Niekisch moved back toWest Berlin and proclaimed himself a 'victim of fascism' due to being blinded while imprisoned, after a long legal battle withWest German courts, Niekisch received minor compensation from the Berlin government. Niekisch died in 1967.[21]
In modern times, Niekisch and his works have been cited and praised by bothneo-fascists, in particular theAutonomous Nationalists,[22] and some elements of theWest German far-left.[23]Aleksandr Dugin also referenced Niekisch in his bookThe Fourth Political Theory in relation toEurasianism.
Another prominent National Bolshevik wasKarl Otto Paetel, notable for writing the National Bolshevist Manifesto (published 1933), in which he bases himself onMarxism.[24][25]
Originally a figure in theGerman Youth Movement, and later theKPD, Paetel founded theArbeitsring junge Front, and later theGroup of Social Revolutionary Nationalists, which sought to bring together radicals of left and right in pursuit of a "third way" between the NSDAP and the KPD, encompassing bothnationalism and socialist economics.[26]
The GRSN, founded in 1930, was a direct response to the challenge posed by the rise in popularity of the Nazis. While initially somewhat receptive toNazism, Paetel quickly grew disillusioned with the NSDAP as he no longer believed they were genuinely committed to either revolutionary activity orsocialist economics. Similarly to theCommunists andStrasserists, Paetel too, tried to split off vulnerable elements of the Nazi Party; an example of this being his largely unsuccessful attempt to win over a section of theHitler Youth to his cause.[27] Paetel would later strongly condemn both Nazism and all other forms offascism in the National Bolshevist Manifesto.[25][24]
Similarly to the National Bolshevism ofNiekisch, Paetel's ideology was stronglyanti-western, focusing onanti-imperialism and opposition to theTreaty of Versailles, as well as being characterized by anAnti-French sentiment.[7][25] Paetel's National Bolshevism advocated forsoviet democracy, while also emphasizing astrong nationalism, including areturn to paganism, and believing that the nation is a prerequisite for buildingsocialism.[25]
FollowingHitler's rise to power, Paetel fled Germany, initially toParis and laterNew York, where he would die in 1975.[24]
The National Bolshevik project of figures such as Niekisch and Paetel was typically presented as just another strand ofBolshevism by theNazi Party, and was thus viewed just as negatively and as part of a "Jewish conspiracy".[28] AfterHitler's rise to power, many National Bolsheviks were arrested and imprisoned or fled the country.
Despite opposition to National Bolshevism, usually on the grounds that it tends to takeMarxist influence, a similarly syncretic, but non-Marxist, tendency had developed in the left-wing of theNazi Party. This was represented by what has now come to be known asStrasserism. Initially one of the stronger factions of the NSDAP, the left-wing slowly started to lose power toAdolf Hitler's faction; this culminated in much of the wing splitting off to form theBlack Front, whereas the rest would be purged in theNight of the Long Knives.[28]
Prominent figures of this movement were the brothersGregor andOtto Strasser, after which the movement was later named, as well asWalther Stennes,Hermann Ehrhardt, andErnst Röhm.
As theRussian Civil War dragged on, a number of prominentWhites switched to the Bolshevik side because they saw it as the only hope for restoring greatness to Russia. Amongst these was ProfessorNikolai Ustryalov, initially an anti-communist, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers, theSmenovekhovtsy (named after a series of articles he published in 1921)Smena vekh (Russian: change of milestones), came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowing the term from Niekisch.[8]
Similar ideas were expressed by theEvraziitsi movement and writers such asD. S. Mirsky, and the pro-monarchistMladorossi.Joseph Stalin's idea ofsocialism in one country was interpreted as a victory by the National Bolsheviks.[8]Vladimir Lenin, who did not use the term National Bolshevism, identified the Smenovekhovtsy as a tendency of the oldConstitutional Democratic Party who sawRussian communism as just an evolution in the process of Russian aggrandisement. He further added that they were a class enemy and warned against communists believing them to be allies.[29]
Liberal philosopherPeter Struve, who Ustryalov greatly admired, was initially sympathetic to calling it the most interesting movement to emerge among the emigre community, but soon turned against the movement denouncing it as superficial and a Trojan horse for the Bolshevik regime.[30]
Ustryalov and others sympathetic to the Smenovekhovtsy cause, such asAleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy andIlya Ehrenburg, were eventually able to return to the Soviet Union and following the co-option of aspects of nationalism by Stalin and his ideologueAndrei Zhdanov enjoyed membership of the intellectual elite under the designation non-party Bolsheviks.[31][32] Similarly,B. D. Grekov's National Bolshevik school of historiography, a frequent target under Lenin, was officially recognised and even promoted under Stalin, albeit after accepting the main tenets ofStalinism.[33] It has been argued that National Bolshevism was the main impetus for the revival ofnationalism as an official part of state ideology in the 1930s.[34][35] Many of the original proponents of National Bolshevism, such as Ustryalov and members of the Smenovekhovtsy were suppressed and executed during theGreat Purge for "anti-Soviet agitation", espionage and other counter-revolutionary activities.[36][37]
Russian historian Andrei Savin stated that Stalin's policy shifted away from internationalism towards National Bolshevism[38] a view also shared by David Brandenberger[39] andEvgeny Dobrenko.[40]
The National Bolshevik Party (NBP) was founded in 1992 as theNational Bolshevik Front, an amalgamation of six minor groups.[41]
The party has always been led byEduard Limonov. In May 1993, Siberian punk rock icon,Yegor Letov, founder and front-man of the underground band such asGrazhdanskaya Oborona and several others—joined Limonov andAleksandr Dugin in co-founding the National Bolshevik Party and was issued membership card No. 4.[42][43]Limonov and extreme right-wing ultranationalist activistAleksandr Dugin sought to unite far-left and far-right radicals on the same platform,[44] with Dugin viewing national-bolsheviks as a point between communist and fascists, and forced to act in the peripheries of each group.[citation needed] The group's early policies and actions show some alignment and sympathy withradical nationalist groups, albeit while still holding to the tenets of a form ofMarxism that Dugin defined as "Marx minusFeuerbach, i. e. minus evolutionism and sometimes appearing inertial humanism", but a split occurred in the 2000s which changed this to an extent. This led to the party moving further left in Russia's political spectrum, and led to members of the party denouncing Dugin and his group as fascists.[45] Dugin subsequently developed close ties to theKremlin and served as an adviser to senior Russian officialSergey Naryshkin.[46][47] NBP was banned and outlawed in 2007 and its members went on to form a new political party in 2010,The Other Russia.[48]
Initially critical ofVladimir Putin, Limonov at first somewhat liberalized the NBP and joined forces with leftist and liberal groups inGarry Kasparov'sUnited Civil Front to fight Putin.[49] However, he later expressed support of Putin following the outbreak of theRusso-Ukrainian War.[50][51][52] Limonov died in March 2020[53] and his The Other Russia party re-organized and renamed itself to "The Other Russia of E. V. Limonov" to honor its founder.
The term National Bolshevism has sometimes been applied toAleksandr Solzhenitsyn and his brand ofanti-communism.[54] However,Geoffrey Hosking argues in hisHistory of the Soviet Union that Solzhenitsyn cannot be labelled a National Bolshevik since he was thoroughly anti-Stalinist and wished a revival ofRussian culture that would see a greater role for theRussian Orthodox Church, a withdrawal of Russia from its role overseas and a state of internationalisolationism.[54] Solzhenitsyn and his followers, known asvozrozhdentsy (revivalists), differed from the National Bolsheviks, who were not religious in tone (although not completely hostile to religion) and who felt that involvement overseas was important for the prestige and power of Russia.[54]
There was open hostility between Solzhenitsyn andEduard Limonov, the head of Russia's unregisteredNational Bolshevik Party. Solzhenitsyn had described Limonov as "a little insect who writes pornography" and Limonov described Solzhenitsyn as a traitor to his homeland who contributed to the downfall of the Soviet Union. InThe Oak and the Calf, Solzhenitsyn openly attacked the notions that the Russians were "the noblest in the world" and that "tsarism and Bolshevism [...] [were] equally irreproachable", defining this as the core of the National Bolshevism to which he was opposed.[55]
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The Eurasia Movement is a National Bolshevik Russian political movement founded in 2001 by thepolitical scientistAleksandr Dugin.[56][57][58][59][60][61]
The organization follows the neo-Eurasian ideology, which adopts an eclectic mixture ofRussianpatriotism,Orthodox faith,anti-modernism, and even someBolshevik ideas. The organization opposes "American" values such asliberalism,capitalism, andmodernism.[62]
The patriotism of the working class is profoundly progressive and revolutionary...By overthrowing the rule of the exploiting classes the working class creates the conditions for the fullest possible manifestation of its patriotism, for it itself is the true bearer of patriotism in our time...This does not in any way mean, however, that while belonging to the single international army of working people, the worker ceases to be a Frenchman, Englishman, etc...the building of socialism, can bring every nation real freedom, independence and national greatness. It follows that the most internationalist class - the working class - is at the same time the most patriotic class."
Before the independence of Finland, Finnish nationalists sent volunteers to German army, to the27th Jäger Battalion, who were supposed to act as the revolutionary vanguard who would incite a revolution in Finland against the Russian Imperial government. When theFinnish Civil War started, most sided with the White Army but a third sided with the communists. The so-called "Red jägers" were left-wing working class jägers who formed the executive committee of Worker-Jägers that maintained contacts with left-wing revolutionaries back home and in Germany. Influential politicians of the labor movement at the time,K. H. Wiik,Oskari Tokoi andYrjö Mäkelin, among others, supported the Jäger movement. The son of the latter,Leo Mäkelin, joined the ranks of the Jägers on February 14, 1916.[64][65][66]
During the Civil War of 1918, theFinnish People's Delegation of theFinnish Socialist Workers' Republic promoted the idea of a "RedGreater Finland".[67] According to Professor of Scandinavian Studies Witold Maciejewski, theFinnish irredentism and expansionism promoted by Finnish communist reflected "a general shift towards National Bolshevism".[68]
Edvard Gylling, Commissar of Finance for theRevolutionary "Red" Finnish government and later Chairman of KarelianASSR implemented a policy to increase the economic independence and to Finnicize Karelian population.[69] According to Gylling, the successful construction of socialism in Karelia required "the implementation of nationalist politics in a communist spirit", which would win the support of the anti-Russian peasant population. Among his nationalist policies was the Finnicization of the Karelians, because the ultimate goal was the unification of the region with Finland.[70] He believed that the autonomous Finnish-speaking Soviet Karelia could act as a springboard from which the revolution could spread to Finland and Scandinavia. His vision was to create a "Scandinavian Socialist Federal Republic" or "red Greater Finland" separate from Russia, which would also include Eastern Karelia.[71][72]
However, to Gylling's chagrin, the borders of Soviet Karelia were drawn in 1924 in such a way that Russians made up more than half of its population, while Karelians and Finns remained a minority.[69][73] The Finnish language was made one of the official languages of the republic and efforts were made to make it even the main language. School language was changed to Finnish, in some places against the will of the local population.[74] During Gylling's time, Finnish workers from Canada and the United States were also systematically enticed to Soviet Karelia, from which several thousands would be recruited during the Great Depression.[75][69] Andrei Zhdanov, leader of the Leningrad party committee, framed the formation of theKarelo-Finnish SSR as unification of two kindred peoples: "The Finnish and Karelian people are tied with each other by blood racial-national glues.[d] The reorganization of the Karelian Autonomous Republic in the Karelo-Finnish Union Republic will realize further economic and cultural development of these two kindred people and strengthening of their brotherly friendly cooperation".[76]
Iivo Ahava was a prominentKarelian nationalist who was a leading figure in the local Red Guards.[77]Yrjö Ruutu, the founder and leader of the interwar StrasseristNational Socialist Union of Finland, joined the communistFinnish People's Democratic League after the Second World War.[78] After the war, the leader of the NaziFinnish-Socialist Workers' PartyEnsio Uoti praised Stalin's "nationalist communism" and applauded him taking a stand against "jewish internationalism and jew-finance capitalism". In the 1950s he was a member of the socialistRadical People's Party that has variously been described as far-left and far-right and was a presidential candidate in 1956 elections. He gained some support and was endorsed byYleisö newspaper.[79]
The Franco-BelgianParti Communautaire National-Européen shares National Bolshevism's desire for the creation of a united Europe as well as many of the NBP's economic ideas. French political figureChristian Bouchet has also been influenced by the idea.[80] TheNouvelle Droite tendency was influenced by both left-wing and right-wing doctrines, taking heavy inspiration fromAntonio Gramsci,[81] with many supporters of the concept calling themselves "Gramscians of the Right". FormerGRECE secretary-generalPierre Vial has praisedChe Guevara, the ItalianRed Brigades and theRed Army Faction for their opposition towards liberal democracy.[82] GRECE'sAlain de Benoist stated that the left-right political divide has "lost any operative value to analyze the field of ideological or political discourse",[83] and he himself supported theFrench Communist Party during1984 elections to the European Parliament.[83]
The French "National Socialist Proletarian Party" praised "Russo-Aryan USSR" in its newspaper Le Viking.[84]
In 1944, Indian nationalist leaderSubhas Chandra Bose called for "a synthesis betweenNational Socialism and communism" to take root in India.[85] TheAll India Forward Bloc was formed by Bose in 1939 as aleft-wing nationalist andsocialist party, and exists to this day, designated byECI as a State Party. Subhas Chandra Bose formed also a pro-nazi military force in a form of aFree India Legion, which was composed of 3,000 POWs captured byErwin Rommel.
After the death ofAvraham Stern, the new leadership of the Israeli paramilitary organizationLehi moved towards support forJoseph Stalin[86] and the doctrine of National Bolshevism,[87][88] which was a break from the group'sfascist outlook under its previous leader.[89]
Nathan Yellin-Mor, one of the leaders of Lehi, formulated the group's unique form of Hebrew National Bolshevism.[90]
George W. Christians founded the Crusaders for Economic Liberty that supported both fascism and communism.[91] Christians associated with the Ku Klux Klan but still claimed to be "so red the Russian Reds are pale yellow in comparison".[92][93][94] He met Roosevelt and told him that he was "only theKerensky" of an upcoming American "revolution", a moderate who would be overthrown by an AmericanStalin.[95]
In the 2000s, Communist Party MPPirkko Turpeinen has associated with the far-right, likeJuha Korhonen ofFreedom Alliance.[96]Johan Bäckman who has been involved withfar-right parties recruiting people for the war in Ukraine was a candidate of the communistWorkers' Party of Finland.[97][98][99][100] Hannu Rainesto who identifies as a communist and runs a group called the Red Guard has been active in the far-rightFinns Party.[101]
By the 1990s,Michael Koth, a supporter ofNorth Korea and itsJuche ideology, started associating with National Bolshevism and founded a group, theWorkers' Party of Germany (PdAD), which sought to imitate theWorkers' Party of Korea and believed thatEast Germany failed because it "failed on the national question".[102] In 1999, Koth founded theCombat League of German Socialists (KDS) together with multiple Germanneo-Nazis; as their propagandist, he would run the "Red-brown channel", a online news show. The KDS would dissolve in 2008, which lead Koth to found the Pro-North Korean Anti-Imperialist Plattform (AiP), which he runs to this day. Koth has, among other things, been called "one of the most persistentQuerfront activists in the country".[103]
TheAutonomous Nationalists have been noted for adopting left-wing issues and aesthetics.[104] Many of them are also influenced byErnst Niekisch's National Bolshevism and/orStrasserism.[22]
In modern German politics, the termQuerfront is often used to refer to movements and ideologies which aim to combine the left and the right. The most notable Querfront newspaper beingCompact, which is run by former left-wing activistJürgen Elsässer.[105][106][107] The term has also been used forManova News[108][109] andprotests against the COVID-19 measures, where both left-wing and right-wing activists sometimes protested together.[110]
Sahra Wagenknecht and herSahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) political party have been accused of both aQuerfront strategy[111][112][113] and outright National Bolshevism[114][115][116] due to their "conservative leftist" outlook.
Some have described the BulgarianAttack party (which considers itself neither left nor right-wing[117]), theSlovenian National Party (position of which is disputed,[118][119] with the party refusing to set itself on the political spectrum), the Bosnian-SerbAlliance of Independent Social Democrats (which has gradually abandoned its reformist ideology for a more assertive advocacy ofSerbian nationalism[120][121][122][123][124][125]), the MacedonianLevica (which was described with many terms, includingfascist[126]) and theGreater Romania Party (that expressed nostalgia for bothAxis-aligned dictatorship ofIon Antonescu[127][128] and the communist regime ofCeaușescu[129]) as "National Bolshevik" for often seen blending of left-wing and right-wing political viewpoints, includingirrendentism,interventionism andanti-globalist approach to foreign policy.
In July 2021, the leader of the American neo-NaziTraditionalist Worker PartyMatthew Heimbach announced his intention to reform the party along National Bolshevik lines.[130]
On July 21, 2024, commentatorsJackson Hinkle andHaz Al-Din announced the launch of theAmerican Communist Party, describing it as a “MAGA communist” movement that fusesTrump-style populism with Marxist–Leninist economic policies.[131] The party’s founding declaration emphasizes “anti-imperialism, [a] multipolar world order, [and preserving] traditional social values”.[132] Critics have compared the party's programme to bothwhite jihad and modern National Bolshevik movements, noting a desire to harness socialist energy in service of a nationalist programme,[132] and arguing that the party will encounter the inherent tensions associated with uniting right-wing populism with orthodox communist rhetoric.[133][134][135]
TheProgressive Socialist Party of Ukraine, which has been described as a National Bolshevik political party,[136][137] was banned on March 20, 2022.[138]
National Bolshevism can most properly be defined as that radical tendency which combines a commitment to class struggle and total nationalization of the means of production with extreme state chauvinism... In this essay I have taken as my point of departure Dupeux's approach of sticking to the original 1919 connotation of the concept of National Bolshevism, to include among its ranks only movements with a serious commitment to socialism in its extreme form, i.e., to communism, as well as to the chauvinist variety of nationalism.
In einer Verlagsbroschüre von 1930 wurden als ständige Mitarbeiter »Joseph Drexel, A. Erich Günther, Ernst Jünger, G. Friedrich Jünger [!], Hjalmar Kutzleb, Ernst Niekisch, Gustav Sondermann, Dr. Friedrich Weber, Maler A. Paul Weber, August Winnig u.a.« genannt, weitere Autoren waren Hans Bäcker, Hugo Fischer, Otto Petras, Friedrich Reck-Melleczewen, Otto Nickel und Alexander Mitscherlich.
National Bolshevism – Current of fascist thinking associated with Niekisch. It held that German Nazism was a pervesion of 'real' fascism and, thus, that aspiring fascists and fascisms should look towards the USSR, rather than Hitler, for inspiration.
Natürlich stimmt es, dass er Antifaschist war, wenn auch als Nationalist, denn er sah im Faschismus eine westlich-romanische Ideologie, eine Versuchung der Deutschen, ein „Deutsches Verhängnis".
In den Nazis sah Niekisch dagegen geist- und seelenlose Rationalisten, die dem "Dämon" der westlichen Technik verfallen seien. Den Nationalsozialismus hielt er für eine Kopie des italienischen Faschismus und somit für eine Schöpfung der ihm verhassten "römischen Welt". Er verstieg sich sogar zu der Behauptung, der Faschismus und sein deutsches Pendant seien in Wahrheit verkappte Bewegungen zur Rettung des Liberalismus.
Es ist eine Abrechnung mit dem kleinbürgerlichen Nationalsozialismus, eine Kritik des Faschismus von rechts. Der Demagoge Hitler sei nur eine weitere Erscheinungsform des „Demokratismus". Früher ertönte aus der Kraft seiner Stimme noch der Urlaut der gepeinigten und geschändeten deutschen Kreatur. Nun sei der faschistische Nationalsozialismus keine Auflehnung gegen Versailles, sondern der Schatten, den die romanische Übermacht über den deutschen Protest wirft. Hitler agiere als „der Gendarm des Abendlandes gegen den Bolschewismus".
Nach seiner Entlassung aus derFestungshaft jedoch habe sich Hitler von Ludendorff abgewandt und sich mit dem „MariaMuttergottes-General" von Epp verbündet; er habe Mussolini und den römischen Faschismus zum Vorbild gewählt und sich so als das decouvriert, was er wirklich sei: ein romanisierter Deutscher, der den Stoß des deutschen Protestes auffangen und abbiegen sollte. Er gehorche dem Auftrag, den ihm sein romanisierter Instinkt stellte, nämlich die mobilisierten Energien des deutschen Protestes im Fehleinsatz zu vergeuden und damit der römischen Überfremdung freies Feld zu schaffen. Das von Hitler versprochene Dritte Reich sei weniger eine politische Möglichkeit als vielmehr eine religiöse Hoffnung, nationaler Messianismus nach jüdischer Art. Man spüre die katholische Atmosphäre, wenn man eine nationalsozialistische Massenversammlung betrete: der Führer zelebriert das deutsche Befreiungs- und Erlösungswunder. Und deshalb sei man überall, wo der Nationalsozialismus einbreche, für Preußen und den Protestantismus verloren; denn wer schon Nationalsozialist sei, werde auch bald Katholik sein. Hitlers sozialpolitisches Programm sei nicht sozialistisch, sondern sozialpazifistisch, ein Taschenspielerkunststück der kapitalistischen Ordnung; Hitlers Nationalismus sei nichts weiter als die deutschtümelnde Haut des Romanismus und eine Abendländerei in Bärenfällen.
The choice of "unreliable nations" as an internal enemy and the "fifth column," as well as the shift in the national policy of the Stalinist regime of the 1930s from internationalism to Russification and "National Bolshevism,"is generally consistent with the theory of the ethnification of Stalinism.
For this mobilization, the NBP used a bizarre mixture of totalitarian and fascist symbols, geopolitical dogma, leftist ideas, and national-patriotic demagoguery.
After unsuccessful interventions in post-Soviet party politics, Mr. Dugin focused on developing his influence where it counted — with the military and policymakers… In Mr. Dugin's adjustment ofEurasianism to present conditions, Russia had a new opponent — no longer just Europe, but the whole of the 'Atlantic' world led by the United States. And his Eurasianism was not anti-imperial but the opposite: Russia had always been an empire, Russian people were 'imperial people,' and after the crippling 1990s sellout to the 'eternal enemy,' Russia could revive in the next phase of global combat and become a 'world empire.' On the civilizational front, Mr. Dugin highlighted the long-term connection between Eastern Orthodoxy and Russian empire. Orthodoxy's combat against Western Christianity and Western decadence could be harnessed to the geopolitical war to come.
"Johan Backman says that he continues to help Finns who have gone to Eastern Ukraine to fight. He does not feel responsible for the people he recruits." Johan Bäckman is an important central figure for Finnish fighters, who had organized their travel from Finland to the Donbas and engaged them in illegal activities there. Janus Kostia Putkonen arrived in Donbas from Moscow via Rostov, southern Russia, in March 2015.
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