Nasserism التَّيَّار النَّاصِرِيّ | |
|---|---|
 TheArab Liberation Flag, also known as the "Nasserist Tricolour" | |
| Founder | Gamal Abdel Nasser |
| Founded | 1950s |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Left-wing[17] |
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|---|---|---|
2nd President of Egypt Political Parties | ||
Nasserism (Arabic:التَّيَّار النَّاصِرِيّ,romanized: at-Tayyār an-Nāṣiriyy) is anArab nationalist andArab socialistpolitical ideology based on the thinking ofGamal Abdel Nasser, one of the two principal leaders of theEgyptian Revolution of 1952, andEgypt's secondpresident. Spanning the domestic and international spheres, it combines elements ofArab socialism,republicanism,secularism,nationalism,anti-imperialism,developing world solidarity,Pan-Arabism, andinternational non-alignment. According toMohamed Hassanein Heikal, Nasserism symbolised "the direction of liberation, socialist transformation, the people's control of their own resources, and the democracy of the peoples working forces." According to Willard Range's interpretation of Nasserism, Nasserism was assumed "to give the Arab spirit a new lease on life" that would one day "make Arabs self-confident". Showing that this ideology was not created for political reform, rather as liberation towards outside perspectives.[18]
Many other Arab countries have adopted Nasserist forms of government during the 20th century, most being formed during the 1960s, includingAlgeria under theFLN and theLibyan Arab Republic underMuammar Gaddafi. The Nasserist ideology is also similar in theory to theBa'athist ideology which was also notably practiced underSaddam Hussein'sBa'athist Iraq (1968–2003) and under theAssad family'sBa'athist Syria (1963–2024).
In the 1950s and 1960s, Nasserism was amongst the most potent political ideologies in theArab world. This was especially true following theSuez Crisis of 1956 (known in Egypt as the Tripartite Aggression), the political outcome of which was seen as a validation of Nasserism and a tremendous defeat forWesternimperial powers. Nasser having led the triumph in this crisis had made him "more than ever the hero of the Arab world"[19]. During theCold War, its influence was also felt in other parts ofAfrica and the developing world, particularly with regard to anti-imperialism and non-alignment. Nasser had created the need to have a "national dignity" as the need grew more Nasserism began to grow into more of an ideological force[20]. The scale of the Arab defeat in theSix-Day War of 1967 damaged the standing of Nasser and the ideology associated with him. The failure in 1967 had exposed many limits and flaws in Nasserism. Many of which were not outcomes of the war but rather had been hidden under the populated growth of Nasserism, "Almost two decades of Nasserist rule did not eradicate the eternal problem of Egyptian poverty and scarcity."[21]Though it survived Nasser's death in 1970, certain important tenets of Nasserism were revised or abandoned totally by his successorAnwar Sadat during what he termed theCorrective Revolution and later hisInfitah economic policies. Under the three decade rule of Sadat's successorHosni Mubarak, most of the remaining Arab-socialist infrastructure of Egypt was replaced byneoliberal policies strongly at odds with Nasserist principles. In the international arena, Mubarak departed almost entirely from traditional Egyptian policy, becoming a steadfast ally of both theUnited States government andIsrael, the latter still viewed by most Egyptians with enmity and distrust, derived largely from the five wars that Egypt fought against Israel between 1948 and 1973.
During Nasser's lifetime, Nasserist groups were encouraged and often supported financially by Egypt to the extent that many became seen as willing agents of the Egyptian government in its efforts to spread revolutionary nationalism in the Arab world. In doing so, many began seeing pride restored in Egyptians, increase status in Arabs worldwide, and the "mobilization of masses in the political process as participants"[22]
InNasserism Revitalized (2007)[23] Riexinger discusses how even after Nassers death Nasserism and the foundation it was built on had lasted. Riexinger describes how movements such as Islamic Left ofHasan Hanafi coincided with Nasserism. Built on the same foundation of anti-imperialism and tied with cultural and religious roots.[23]
In the 1970s, as a younger generation of Arab revolutionaries came to the fore Nasserism outside Egypt metamorphosed into other Arab nationalist andpan-Arabist movements, including component groups of theLebanese National Movement during theLebanese Civil War. The main Nasserite movements that continued to be active until today on the Lebanese scene are mainly represented by the organization inSidon of populist Nasserist partisans (at-Tanzim ash-Sha'bi an-Nassiri) that are led by Oussama Saad and in Beirut as represented mainly by theAl-Mourabitoun movement. Both groups have been mainly active since the early 1950s among Arabs and they are currently associated politically with theMarch 8 coalitions in Lebanese politics.
Nasserism continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab world, and informs much of the public dialogue on politics in Egypt and the wider region. Prominent NasseristHamdeen Sabahi competed in the first round of the2012 Egyptian presidential election and only narrowly missed out on a position in the run-off against eventual winnerMohamed Morsi. He later competed in the2014 presidential election as one of only two candidates in a run-off, but lost to the other candidate,Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, in a significantlandslide victory for the latter. InNasserism and the impossibility of innocence2021 by Zeyad el Nabolsy, Nabolsy explains that this persistence seen in the elections is a sign that Nasserism has succeeded in transforming into a political ideology.[24] Decades after Nasser's death there are still signs of Nasserism active as a political party in Middle Eastern Countries.
"Nasserism", the broad term used in literature to describe the aspects of Nasser's rule and his legacy, can be interpreted in many ways.P. J. Vatikiotis in his bookNasser and his Generation (1978) argues that Nasserism had the limited political connotation of a phenomenon of "personal charismatic leadership, not to a movement or ideology". Vatikiotis elaborates upon Nasser's use of speech as a political tool to sway his constituents despite their deprivation of any participation in their leader's policies. To this end, Nasser frequently addressed masses on both radio and television as well as in huge rallies, with a "repeated hypnotic incantation of "imperialism" and "agents of imperialism", "reactionaries", "revenge", "dignity and self-respect", "Zionism" and "Arabism". Crowds were galvanized to hysteria as Nasser excited them with hopes and aspirations of strong leadership and Arab unity.
Nasserism, along with a similar Latin American ideology ofJuan Perón,Peronism, was also interpreted as fascism. This was disputed by the political scientist John H. Kautsky, who argued that while Peronism and Nasserism have often been called fascist, this term is unsuitable given their significant differences from European fascism andNazism. Kautsky notes that while fascism "was a movement of the propertied but impoverished and frustrated lower middle class, directed against labor and liberal intellcctuals, with the support of the traditional land-owning aristocracy and capitalists in banking and heavy industry", Nasserism and Peronism pursued "industrialization, basing their power on the support of labor and peasants, and turning against the traditional aristocracy and often the capitalists".[25]
To put it in retrospect, inNasser and Nasserism 1973[26] Peter Mansfield emphasizes on the "personal charismatic leadership"[27] that Vatikiotis also mentions. Emphasizing on the understanding that Nasserism had become an extention of Nasser himself. Fouad Ajami inOn Nasser and His Legacy1974, writes that Nasserism is not seen as a structured ideology but rather more as a symbol of Arab political uprising and strength. Ajami interprates it as, "Nasserism may ultimately be purely psychological and symbolic..."[28]
InRethinking Nasserism (2004), Podeh and Winckler discuss another interpretation of Nasserism. According to them, "Western social scientists in the 1950s and 1960s, perceived Nasserism as a modernization movement and Nasser as a modernizing leader...Egypt was seen as a typical Third World country undergoing a process of decolonization and, under new revolutionary leadership, aspiring to national prosperity through modernization. Thus, Nasserism was perceived as an attempt to transform Egyptian traditional society through the modernization of its economy and society".
Yet another insight into Nasserism is provided inPolitical Trends in the Fertile Crescent (1958) by Walid Khalidi, who discusses it as not an ideological movement, rather an "attitude of mind" that is "eclectic, empirical, radical, and yet conservative". According to Walidi, Nasserism was able to attract support in the Arab world because it "transferred, if only partially, to the Arab world itself, the center of decisions concerning the future of that world". Khalidi asserts that this change inspired self-confidence in the Arab community. InA History of the Modern Middle East (2018), the author also talks about how Nasserism inspired self-confidence in the Arab community. The author states, "Egypt had gained a measure of independence and pride that at that time seemed enviable and worthy of emulation."
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Nasserism is an Arab nationalist and pan-Arabist ideology, combined with a vaguely defined socialism, often distinguished fromEastern Bloc orWestern thought by the label "Arab socialism". According to Idriss Jebari, Nasserist Arab socialism was pragmatic and based onYugoslav socialism. Nasserist policies included nationalization of key economic sectors, basing the economy oneconomic planning, and commitment to social reform through seizing the properties of large landowners, as well as establishing an all-encompassing welfare model that included education, workplace and social life provisions. Nasserist socialism differs from Marxism in maintaining a degree of private property and opposing Marxist rejection of religion. Jebari notes that in contrast to Egyptian Marxists, Nasserism "was able to communicate its principles across the Arab masses" and "secured the support of students, peasants, workers, and the middle class".[29]
Socialism is the primary element of Nasserism.[30] Inmaculada Szmolka described Nasserism as "based on socialism, nationalism, and secularism".[31] Francesc Serra regarded it as a "significant non-communist socialist nationalist" movement along withBa'athism.[32] Especially after becoming an ally of the Soviet Union, Nasserism came to be seen as "a particular brand of Middle Eastern socialism". Nasser also came to be supported by foreign communists, such as theIraqi Communist Party, which praised for embarking on a "non-capitalist path".[33] Nasserism is a core representative ofAfrican socialism, as both ideologies shared strategy of geopolitical neo-alignment, adapting Marxism to a predominantly religious society, nationalisation of European corporate property, and attempts at pan-African unions. Nasser promotedPan-Africanism, and supported newly decolonized African countries both economically and ideologically. Nasserism became the basis ofNkrumaism, an African socialist ideology of the first President of Ghana,Kwame Nkrumah. Nkrumah declared Nasser's political thought his main inspiration, and postulated a form of African socialism based on combining Christian and Islam traditions, economic solidarity, and a concept of an egalitarian society based on Ghanaian tribal traditions.[34]
The slogans adopted by Nasser and his movement gave Nasserism a populist character. After coming to power, the movement defined itself by the following six principles:[35]
Particularly central to Nasserism was anti-imperialism - Nasser was one of the main founders of theNon-Alignment Movement. The secularist nature of the movement can be seen through its policies, which neutralised theAl-Azhar Mosque through the imposition of non-religious education, regulation of Islamic endowments, and abolition of Shari'ah courts. However, the secularism of Nasserism was milder in comparison to the ideology ofMustafa Kemal Atatürk;[36] Nasserist secularism was expressed through progressive reforms such as introducing women's right to vote and to education.[37]
In world politics, Nasser's Egypt, along withYugoslavia underJosip Broz Tito andIndia underJawaharlal Nehru, was a major proponent of theNon-Aligned Movement, which advocated developing countries remaining outside the influence of thesuperpower blocs. This formed the basis of a third-worldist non-aligned Cold War movement advocated by Nasser.[38] However, notwithstanding this policy and government suppression of communist organisations within Egypt, Egypt's deteriorating relations with Western powers, particularly following theTripartite Aggression of 1956, made Egypt heavily dependent on military and civil assistance from theUSSR. The same was true for other revolutionary Arab governments, which although repressive of communism within Arab borders, entered into strong longstanding relationships withcommunist states outside the Arab world. The Egyptian-Soviet alliance continued well into the presidency of Nasser's successor as president, Anwar Sadat, especially with regard to theArab–Israeli conflict.
One of the most unique properties of Nasserism was its embrace of socialism, an ideology previously deeply unpopular in Egypt. The notion of socialism was treated with hostility in pre-Nasser Egypt, as socialism was considered to be an inherently anti-religious doctrine that sought to displace the traditions and religion of Egypt. However, Nasserism adopted the term of socialism, implementing several meanings to it - while at first the Nasserite commitment to socialism was ambiguous, the movement never wavered in promoting it. As a result, Nasser "made it very popular among the Arab masses".[35] Nasserism did embrace socialism, but objected to communist analysis of religion. It is also claimed that Nasserism rejectedclass struggle.[39] However, class struggle was presented in Nasserist socialism; Stephen Gowans argued that Nasser's "Arab socialism was concerned with class struggle on all three levels, and did not restrict itself to overcoming the Arab world's enslavement by the West."[40] Govans argued:
Nasser's economic policy closely hewed to socialist practice. He nationalized the commanding heights of the economy, including famously the Suez Canal, but also pharmaceutical, cement, phosphate, and tobacco industries, which had been owned by British and French investors. These were brought under state control. New state-owned enterprises were created, including a steel company, which became Egypt's largest enterprise. Nasser paid special attention to indigenizing the Egyptian economy, making it as independent as possible, to safeguard Cairo's political independence. Strategic sectors—banking, transportation and overseas trade—were entirely publicly owned. Private investment was permitted in some industries—mining, for example—but only by Egyptians. Foreign investment was allowed in some cases, but as joint ventures, with Cairo owning the majority of shares. Enterprise employees were guaranteed an advisory role in their enterprise, and enterprises were mandated to provide programs of profit sharing. Arab socialism also championed the democratization of land, a vitally important reform in a region where most people were peasants. Some analysts emphasize the differences between Arab socialism and communism, but the differences were more superficial than real. The main difference is that communists consciously accepted a Marxist paradigm, while Arab socialists rejected formal Marxist terms, categories and identification, in favor of wrapping the basic concerns of the political Left in an integument they saw as more acceptable to the conservativism of the Arab world.[41]
Though mindful of the spiritual heritage of the Arab world, as withBa'athism, Nasserism is largely a secular ideology.[42][43] Just as with other manifestations of Arab nationalism, this led to direct conflict with ideologicallyIslamic-oriented political movements in the Arab world from the 1950s onward, particularly theMuslim Brotherhood. Nasserists espouse an end to Western interference in Arab affairs, developing world solidarity, international non-alignment,modernisation andindustrialisation. Nasser vehemently opposed Westernimperialism, sharing the commonly held Arab view thatZionism was an extension of Europeancolonialism on Arab soil.[44]
Its secularism notwithstanding, Nasserism was deeply inspired by Islam. Nasser promoted an Islamic, Arab, and African form of socialism, which he saw as the alternative to the "Christian capitalism" of the West. Nasserist socialism became intertwined with nationalism, as Nasserists wanted to show that Africa and the Middle East could have their own socioeconomic solutions, instead of relying on either the ideological framework or material assistance of the West. Nasserism has been described as a form of Islamic socialism, and Nasser used Islam as a justification for state intervention, nationalization, and fighting economic injustice. Nasser's law according to which an individual was not allowed to own more than a stipulated amount was likewise based on Islamic teachings. However, while Nasserism was inspired by Islam and was not anti-religious, it differed from orthodox Islam and had secularizing tendencies which strengthened as Nasser pursued an alliance with the Soviet Union and gradually abandoned his anti-communist sentiments.[45]
Though opposed ideologically to Westerncapitalism, Arab socialism also developed as a rejection ofcommunism, which was seen as incompatible with Arab traditions and their religious underpinnings. Nasserism referred to its socialism as "state socialism" or "white socialism", accentuating that it is opposed to "red socialism" of the Marxist type. The main reason for rejecting "red socialism" lied in its atheism. Nasserists held the Middle Eastern communists in contempt, as they argued that abolition of religion is necessary for the region to "progress" and "mature". Nasser and his followers saw this thesis as imposition of a foreign, Western dogma.[46]
However, while in the 1950s Nasser persecuted communist organizations, theUnified Egyptian Communist Party supported Nasserism. Pro-Nasser communists justified their support on the basis of patriotism and Nasserite anti-Western foreign policy, including the creation of theNon-Aligned Movement and nationalization of theSuez Canal. The Nasserist nationalization and industrialization of the economy were also seen as progressive.[47] Nasserists also maintained close relations with the Soviet Union, seeing it as an ally against Western imperialism. In 1956,Nikita Khrushchev acknowledged that although Nasser "was even imprisoning communists", the Soviet Union would continue to support him.[48] During the1956 Suez Crisis, Nasser helped communists who were willing to provide Egyptian army assistance.[49]
By late 1950s, Nasserist foreign policy was based on "non-alignment and friendship with the communist bloc."[50] Francesc Serra wrote that Egyptian communists "enthusiastically supported Gamal Abdel Nasser's Arab Nationalism and Arab Socialism",[51] and the Egyptian Communist party merged with the NasseristArab Socialist Union.[52] After Nasser's death, Nasserists would open further to collaboration with communists, and became a part of the 1977Tagammu party which united Nasserists, nationalists, socialists and Marxists to represent the officially approved left.[53]
Nasserism remains a political force throughout the Arab world, but in a markedly different manner than in its heyday. Whereas in the 1950s and 1960s Nasserism existed as a revolutionary and dynamic movement with definite political and social goals, by the 1980s it had become a much less pronounced and distinct ideology. As mentioned previously, Nasserism is seen more as "psychological and symbolic". Noting that even after its downfall by the 1980's it stayed present, just not as a political ideology.[54]Today, many more Arabs are informed by Nasserism in a general sense than actually espouse its specific ideals and objectives. Zeyad el Nabolsy writes on the concept that Nasserism has left a form of "petty bourgeois politics"[55] within the political culture of Egypt. Nabolsy explains that it has shaped the political imaginations of many citizens however not the political systems as a whole.
In terms of political organizations within Egypt itself and during thepresidency of former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, Nasserism's scope was confined generally to writers,intellectuals and minor opposition parties. Nasserist movements were largely overshadowed by Islamic political organizations, especially the Muslim Brotherhood. This was a part of an overall trend within Egypt and the Arab world of Arab nationalism being overshadowed, and even eclipsed by political Islam. Podeh & Winckler, previously mentioned above have written how Nasserism was one of the leading factors in restoring Arab and Egyptian pride amongst themselves as well as the outside world[56]. At the time these triumphs were revolutionary for the Arab world but, as the insituional power began to fall as did Egypt's ability to sustain the Nasserist ideology. In Egypt, theNasserist Party styles itself as the successor to Nasser and hisArab Socialist Union, as does its offshoot, theKarama Party ofHamdeen Sabahi. However, as with all opposition parties in Egypt, their activities were severely limited by the Mubarak regime prior to theEgyptian revolution of 2011.
Whilst Nasser governed Egypt through a strictlyauthoritarianone-party system, with extreme limits on any form of political dissent, present-day Nasserists stress their support fordemocracy, explaining Nasser's autocratic excesses as necessary to implement his revolutionary policies. As many attempt to "revitalize Nasserism"[57]they begin to reframe their core values such as imperialism and national dignity while also attempting to please the other side such as the Muslim Brotherhood and include Islamic frameworks in the political ideology.
Nasserist views deeply influencedIraqi Sunni Arab exceptionalism inBa'athist Iraq, fostering a belief among Sunni elites that they were uniquely suited to lead Iraq and the Arab world, thereby reinforcing narratives of political dominance prior to the2003 Invasion. Willard Ranges interpretation of Nasserism focuses mainly on the desire to have "honor dignity and self-esteem"[58]. It is not surprising that Nasserism has affected other groups in the creation of political ideologies, as many begin under the same pretenses Nasserism stands for, national dignity.
InNasserism: The Shaping of the Ideology of the Egyptian Leadership after 1952 written by Zdnek Müller, Müller explains how Nasserism has lasted as powerful and persistent as it is. He explains that Nasserism was never focused on just one specific political framework. Instead, Nasserism drew from many different perspectives and sociological perspectives that as generations began to adjust and grow Nasserism was easily able to adapt to new social changes.[59]
Despite being a quintessentially Arab ideology, Nasserism influenced to a degree left-wing movements in other parts of the developing world, particularlySub-Saharan Africa andLatin America. Under Nasser, the Egyptian government gave support both moral and material to Sub-Saharan liberation movements fighting European imperialism.Nelson Mandela, the formerSouth African President and Leader of theAfrican National Congress, remarked that this support was crucial in helping sustain the morale of such movements, including in South Africa. Similar sentiments have been expressed byFidel Castro, the formerCuban President, with regard to theCuban Revolution and Cuba's lateradversities with the United States Government. Both men stated that Egypt's resistance under Nasser against thejoint British, French and Israeli invasion of Egypt in 1956 proved to be inspirational for their own movements.
Hugo Chávez, late President ofVenezuela and leader of the self-styledBolivarian Revolution, cited Nasserism as a direct influence on his own political thinking by stating: "Someone talked to me about his pessimism regarding the future of Arab nationalism. I told him that I was optimistic, because the ideas of Nasser are still alive. Nasser was one of the greatest people of Arab history. To say the least, I am a Nasserist, ever since I was a young soldier".[60][61]
Left-wing British politicianGeorge Galloway has referred to Gamal Abdel Nasser as "one of the greatest men of the 20th century"[62] and has called repeatedly for Arab governments to embrace the tenets of Nasserism in the 21st century.
[…] Arab nationalism (Nasserism) […]
Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 5 examine the four principal leftist nationalist forces that emerged in the post-World War II era: the Ba'ath, the Progressive Socialists of Lebanon, the Arab Nationalist Movement, and Nasserism (written by Jacqueline Ismael).
Nasser's period of leftist nationalism was known as Nasserism. The ideological roots of Nasserism are found in his magnum opus: Egypt's Liberation.
Even prior to that, left-wing parties had taken a serious hammering in almost all monarchical Arab countries, who feared that secular ideologies like pan-Arabism, Baathism, Nasserism, Marxism, and Communism constituted serious threats to their frail legitimacy, which was the product of colonial division of the Arab world into smaller states in the aftermath of World War I.
It has served a dual purpose; originally, to contain the leftist Nasseristic pan-Arabism which was introducing a republican type of egalitarian government in the Middle Eastern theater.
Left-wing populism was also adopted by many military coup leaders in Africa, such as Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt (ruled 1956-70), Ben Bella (ruled 1962-65) in Algeria, and Thomas Sankara (ruled 1983-87) in Burkina Faso. Some of these generals "thickened" their populism with nationalism and transnationalism. Nasser was traditionally a left-wing populist leader, yet he used the ideas of pan-Arabism to create not only a national identity for Egypt but for Arabs around the Middle East.
Arab socialism was advocated as the dominant ideology of Nasser's regime. The Islamic dimension played a role in Arab socialism. However, Islam was reduced to the personal sphere and the regime did not advocate Islam, except in periods of crisis such as the period that followed the Arab defeat in 1967.
"At a time when the leading lights of African socialism-people such as Gamal Abdel Nasser,…
Nasser's socialism, or Nasserism, was not a philosophy or coherent view of life but rather a method of socio-economic development. Islam, not dialectical materialism, was depicted as the basis and source of inspiration. Religion was thus made an instrument of socio-economic mobilization. […] Kadhafi was strongly influenced by Nasser and his conception of Islamic socialism, although Kadhafi's attachment to Islam seems to be much stronger.
In the scholarly literature, it has been used to describe a wide range of seemingly disparate political phenomena: Latin American "national-populists" (e.g. Peronists),"third-worldist" authoritarian regimes (e.g. Nasserism), contemporary radical right (e.g. the French Front national) and radical left (e.g. the Greek SYRIZA) parties, Islamic fundamentalists (e.g. the Muslim Brotherhood), and charismatic leaders of all stripes (e.g. Alberto Fujimori, Ross Perot, Silvio Berlusconi, Pim Fortuyn, and Hugo Chavez).
Some of the ideologies that gained some traction, at least for some time, include Baathism (Iraq, Syria), Socialism (Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen since the 1950s), Communism (South Yemen in the 1960s),Pan-Arabic Nasserism (Egypt, as well as the few countries that have joined it at one time or another in short lived unions), and state capitalism fused with monarchy (the Gulf states, Jordan and Morocco).
Nasser's anti-imperialism and the discourse of Arab socialism proved relatable to the majority of Egyptians for whom social justice and economic independence were central concerns.
Later, acknowledging that 'the correspondence between patriotic sentiments and the national boundaries of newly independent states was, at best, sporadic' (Gelvin 2004: 194) and witnessing the inception of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, leftist politics served the cause of pan-Arabism. Examples of this are the Nasserist ideology, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in Palestine and Jordan and, more marginally, the Ba'athist parties active in the region in those years.
The war in effect made the Arab masses believe that leftist parties and politicians, especially secular Nasserite politics in Egypt, had not only failed to liberate lands occupied by Israel in 1948 but had lost even more lands in the 1967 war.
The emergence of ideologically leftist parties and currents, like the Nasserism that informed the mindset of former Yemeni President Ibrahim Al-Hamdi, socialism in South Yemen, and certain elements of the Nationalist and Socialist Baathist ideologies, meant that popular political activism in the early 1970s involved a variety of conflicting political ideologies.
Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 5 examine the four principal leftist nationalist forces that emerged in the post-World War II era: the Ba'ath, the Progressive Socialists of Lebanon, the Arab Nationalist Movement, and Nasserism (written by Jacqueline Ismael).
Nasser's period of leftist nationalism was known as Nasserism. The ideological roots of Nasserism are found in his magnum opus: Egypt's Liberation.
As for the former, some have argued that the importance of transnational identities the left embodied, namely Communism, Socialism and Nasserism, lost their att ractiveness because of the failure of the USSR and of the Nasserist socio-economic and political experiments (Hilal 2014; Graham 2004; Murphy and Ehteshami 1996).
At the same time, Nasser, keen to prove the depth of his commitment to socialism, turned to al-Khuli: 'Lutfi! Don't you find it difficult to be on my left? Nobody can possibly be more leftist than me.'
The Eisenhower Doctrine was thus an attempt through economic and military aid to encourage the governments to side openly with the West in the Cold War, therefore swinging away from the Leftist Nasser regime and his regional allies, including the Syrian government and the Nasserist opposition parties in other Arab countries.
Nasser's socialism, or Nasserism, was not a philosophy or coherent view of life but rather a method of socio-economic development.
Nasser's socialism, or Nasserism, was not a philosophy or coherent view of life but rather a method of socio-economic development.
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