Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq[a] (12 August 1924 – 17 August 1988) was a Pakistani military officer and politician who served as the sixthpresident of Pakistan from 1978 untilhis death in an airplane crash in 1988. He also served as the secondchief of the army staff of thePakistan Army from 1976 until his death. The country's longest-servingde factohead of state and chief of the army staff, Zia's political ideology is known asZiaism.
After completing his initial education inSimla, Zia attended Delhi's prestigiousSt. Stephen's College, an Anglican missionary school, for hisbachelor's degree in history, from which he graduated with distinction in 1943.[8] He was admitted to theIndian Military Academy atDehradun, graduating in May 1945 among the last group of officers to be commissioned before the independence of India.[9]
Following thePartition of India in 1947, Zia was the escort officer for the last train of refugees to leaveBabina, an armoured corps training centre inUttar Pradesh, a difficult journey that took seven days, during which the passengers were under constant fire due tocommunal violence[12] which broke out in the aftermath of the Partition.[12]
Zia was stationed inJordan from 1967 to 1970 as the head of a Pakistani training mission to Jordan. He later became involved as an advisor for the Jordanians during theBlack September against thePalestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Zia had been stationed inAmman for three years prior to Black September. During the events, according to CIA officialJack O'Connell, Zia was dispatched by Hussein north to assessSyria's military capabilities. The Pakistani commander reported back to Hussein, recommending the deployment of a RJAF squadron to the region.[b] O'Connell also said that Zia personally led Jordanian troops during the battles.[18]
He was then promoted aslieutenant general and was appointed commander of theII CorpsatMultan in 1975. On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved then-three star rank general Lieutenant General Zia to Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to four-star rank.[19][20]
At the time of his nomination as the successor to the outgoing chief of army staff, GeneralTikka Khan, the lieutenant generals in order of seniority were:Muhammad Shariff, Akbar Khan,Aftab Ahmed, Azmat Baksh Awan,Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed Malik,Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Zia himself. Bhutto chose the most junior, superseding seven more senior lieutenant-generals.[21] However, the senior most at that time, Lieutenant General Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to General, was made thechairman of theJoint Chiefs of Staff Committee.[22]
Pakistani academicHusain Haqqani argues that Bhutto chose Zia ahead of many senior officers for ethnic and caste reasons, thinking that anArain would not make an alliance with the predominantlyPashtun andRajput military officers in order to overthrow him, and this is also the reason why he let Zia push for more Islam in the armed forces.[23] Thus, Bhutto let him change the army's motto toIman,Taqwa,Jihadfi sabilillah and let him offer books ofAbul A'la Maududi, an Islamic scholar and critic of Bhutto, to his officers as prizes during various competitions, despite the strong ideological antagonism between Bhutto and Zia.[24]
Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed; the alliance of socialists in Pakistan who had previously allied with Bhutto began to diminish as time progressed.[25] Bhutto also targeted opposition leaderAbdul Wali Khan and his party theNational Awami Party (NAP). Despite the socialistic ideological similarity of the two parties as, the clash of egos between the two men became increasingly fierce, starting with theBhutto government's decision to oust the NAP provincial government inBalochistan for alleged secessionist activities and subsequent banning of the NAP with the arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's,Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier town ofPeshawar.
Dissidence also increased within Bhutto'sPakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of leading dissidentAhmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility because Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. PPP leaders such asGhulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in theNorth-West Frontier Province and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed in the two provinces were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.[26]
On 8 January 1977, a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form thePakistan National Alliance (PNA).[27] Bhutto calledfresh elections, and the PNA participated fully to ouster Bhutto. The PNA managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the alliance. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. On 11 March 1977, the alliance called a nationwide strike followed by vicious demonstrations demanding fresh elections.[28] Around 200 people were killed in the encounters between protestors and security forces.[29] They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA viewed Bhutto's government as illegitimate.[29]
The coup (codenamedOperation Fair Play) transpired in the early hours of 5 July 1977. Before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of the military police under the order of Zia.[26] Bhutto tried to call Zia but all telephone lines were disconnected. When Zia spoke to him later, he reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry that he had been forced to perform such an "unpleasant task".[33] Zia and his military government portrayed the coup as a "spontaneous response to a difficult situation", but his response was a complete contradiction. Soon after the coup, Zia told the British journalistEdward Behr ofNewsweek:
I [Zia] am the only man who took this decision [Fair Play] and I did so on 1700 Hrs on 4[th] July after hearing the press statement which indicated that the talks between Mr. Bhutto and the opposition had broken down. Had an agreement been reached between them, I would certainly never had done what I did.
— General Zia-ul-Haq,statement given toNewsweek,[34]
However, Zia'svice chief of the army staff, GeneralKhalid Mahmud Arif, contradicted Zia's statement when Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior leadership of the armed forces had solid information. Therefore, Arif met with Bhutto on an emergency basis, stressing and urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations with the opposition".[16] By Arif's account, the talks had not broken down even though the coup was very much in the offing. Zia further argued that the operation against Bhutto had been necessitated by the prospect of a civil war that Bhutto had been planning by distributing weapons to his supporters. However, Arif strongly rejected Zia's remarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence that weapons were found or recovered at any of the party's election offices, the military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of planning civil war.[16][page needed] After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia declared martial law, and appointed himselfChief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until becoming president on 16 September 1978.
Immediately, thechief of naval staff, AdmiralMohammad Shariff, announced his and the navy's strong support for Zia's military government. But the chief of air staff, Air Marshal Zulfikar Ali Khan, remained unsupportive. GeneralMuhammad Shariff remained neutral, while he silently expressed his support to Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto.[16][page needed] In 1978, Zia pressured PresidentFazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint GeneralAnwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff; and AdmiralKaramat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979.[35] On Zia's recommendation, President Illahi appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, hence making the Admiral the highest-ranking officer and principal military adviser overlooking all of the inter-services, including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces.[35] In 1979, the Chiefs of Army, Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff validated the coup as constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances, pledging their support to Zia as well.[16][page needed]
After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on national television, promising to hold neutralparliamentaryelections within the next 90 days[16][page needed]
My sole aim is to organise free and fair elections which would be held in October this year. Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the elected representatives of the people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from this schedule.[36]
He also stated that the Constitution had not been abrogated, but temporarily suspended. Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators to ensure the country's governance; therefore, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for politicians.[37][16][page needed] On television, Zia strongly defended his decision for postponing the elections and demanded the "scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past".[37] Thus, the PNA adopted its policy of "retribution first, elections later".[37] Zia's policy severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malicious.[38] Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power, the size of PPP allies would swell and result in better electoral performances.[16][page needed] This led to request for postponement of elections by right-wingIslamists as well as left-wing socialists, formerly allied with Bhutto, who displaced Bhutto in the first place. Zia dispatched an intelligence unit,theInter-Services Intelligence (ISI)'s Political Wing, dispatching Brigadier General Taffazul Hussain Siddiqiui to Bhutto's native province,Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial law. The Political Wing also contacted the several Islamists and conservatives, promising an election, with the PNA power-sharing the government with Zia. The military government successfully divided and separated secular political forces from right-wing Islamists and conservatives, and later purged each member of the secular front.[16][page needed]
A disqualification tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been members of parliament were charged withmalpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next seven years.[37] Awhite paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts.[37]
It is reported by senior officers that when Zia met federal secretaries for the first time as leader of the country after martial law, he said that "He does not possess the charisma of Bhutto, personality ofAyub Khan or the legitimacy ofLiaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.[16]
Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed prime minister, filed a suit against Zia's government, challenging the validity of his military coup. TheSupreme Court ruled, in what would later be known as thedoctrine of necessity, that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, Zia's overthrow of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds ofnecessity. The judgement tightened Zia's hold on the government.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but released shortly afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid large crowds of PPP supporters. On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by the army on charges of authorising the murder of a political opponent in March 1974. The trial proceedings began 24 October 1977 and lasted five months. On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was declared guilty of murder and was sentenced to death.
According to academicsAftab Kazie andRoedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used inappropriate language and insults to describe him and his colleagues.[39][40] The Supreme Court ruled four-to-three in favour of execution. TheLahore High Court gave him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician.[41] Despite manyclemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia tocommute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence.[41] On 4 April 1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld thedeath sentence as passed by the Lahore High Court.[41][42][43][44][25]
The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military dictator was condemned by the international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan.[41] Bhutto's trial was highly controversial.[41] In 2024, in response to a 2011 reference filed by Bhutto's son-in-law and former president of Pakistan,Asif Ali Zardari, Pakistan's Supreme Court ruled that Bhutto was not subject to a fair trial.[45][46][47]
The appointments ofsenior justices to the Supreme Court was one of the earliest and major steps that were taken out by the military government under Zia-ul-Haq.[48]After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint JusticeSheikh Anwarul Haq tochief justice on 23 September 1977.[48] Immediately, Chief JusticeYaqub Ali was forcefully removed from the office after the latter agreed to re-hear the petition filed at the Supreme Court by Nusrat Bhutto on 20 September 1977.[48] After Justice Yaqub Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of the new chief justice, Sheikh Anwar-ul-Haq, as a chief justice of the bench on the grounds that by accepting the office of acting president during the absence of Zia from the country, he had compromised his impartial status.[48] Bhutto also stated that the Chief Justice in his public statements had been critical of his government in the recent past.[48]
The objection was over-ruled by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq, and the case of Bhutto was again heard by the Chief Justice Haq as the bench's lead judge, and presided the whole case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law throughout Pakistan.[48] Shortly, after Zia's return, another judge,Mushtak Ahmad, also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's support and elevated as the Chief Justice of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the bench who retained the death sentence of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared guilty of the murder of the political opponent.[48] In 1979, when Zia departed forSaudi Arabia, Justice Anwar-ul-Haq served as interim president of Pakistan.[48]
The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to carte blanche provincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade Lieutenant GeneralFazle Haq was appointed martial law administrator ofKhyber Pakhtunkhwa. General Haq was considered a strong vocal general and a strong man in support of Zia's regime. General Haq was the commander of theXI Corps.
The second appointment was of Lieutenant General S.M. Abbasi, who was appointed martial law administrator of Sindh; his tenure saw civil disorder amid student riots. The third martial law administrator appointment was of Lieutenant General Ghulam Jilani Khan to Punjab. The ascent ofNawaz Sharif toChief Minister of Punjab was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship. The fourth martial law administrator appointment was of Lieutenant GeneralRahimuddin Khan to Balochistan. As martial law administrator, Khan cracked down on theBaloch insurgency and constructed nuclear test sites inChagai district.
Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously had worked with the military governments of former president Yahya Khan andAyub Khan in the 1960s.[35]
In 1979, Zia influenced thePakistan Navy's Promotion Board several times after he succeeded first in the appointment of AdmiralKaramat Rahman Niazi as chief of naval staff in 1979, and AdmiralTarik Kamal Khan, also as chief of naval staff, in 1983.[35] On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved the appointment of GeneralAnwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff and following President's resignation, Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator.[35] In the matters of serious national security, General Zia had taken the chief of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after he discussed the matters with the respected chiefs of Staff.[35] Zia's appointment in inter-services were highly crucial for his military government and served as a preemptive measure to ensure the continuous loyalty of the navy and air force to himself and his regime.[35]
Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, PresidentFazal Ilahi Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as afigurehead.[49] After completing his term, and despite Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978.
Although ostensibly only holding office until free elections could be held, General Zia, like the previous military governments, disapproved of the lack of discipline and orderliness that often accompanies multiparty "parliamentary democracy." He preferred a "presidential" form of government[50] and a system of decision making by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first replacement for the parliament was aMajlis-e-Shura, or "consultative council." After banning all political parties in 1979 he disbanded parliament and at the end of 1981 set up the Majlis, which was to act as a board of advisors to the president and assist with governance.[51] The 350 members of the Shura were to be nominated by the President and possessed only the power to consult with him,[50] and in reality served only to endorse decisions already taken by the government.[50][52] Most members of theShoora were intellectuals,scholars,ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields.
Zia's parliament and military government reflected the idea of "military-bureaucratic technocracy" (MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile military officers were initially part of his military government. His antipathy for the politicians led the promotion of bureaucratic-technocracy which was seen a strong weapon of countering the politicians and their political strongholds. Senior statesman and technocrats were included physicist-turned diplomatAgha Shahi, juristSharifuddin Perzada, corporate leader Nawaz Sharif, economistMahbub ul Haq, senior statesmen Aftab Kazi and Roedad Khan, and chemist-turned diplomatGhulam Ishaq Khan, were a few of the leading technocratic figures in his military government.[53]
After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both internationally and within Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected representatives, Zia-ul-Haq attempted to secure his position as the head of state. Areferendum was held on 19 December 1984 with the option being to elect or reject the General as the future President, the wording of the referendum making a vote against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.[50] According to official figures 97.8% of votes were cast in favour of Zia, however only 20% of the electorate participated in the referendum.[citation needed]
1985 parliamentary elections and constitutional amendments
After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gave permission toelection commission to holdnational widegeneral elections but without political parties in February 1985.[54] Most of themajor opposing political parties decided toboycott the elections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. Critics complained that ethnic and sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political parties (or making elections "non-partisan"), to the detriment of national integration.[55]
The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve the National Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed forces. His prime ministerMuhammad Khan Junejo was known as an unassuming and soft-spoken Sindhi.[56]
Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law, Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his coup of 1977. He also managed to get several amendments passed, most notably theEighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the Parliament. However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper. The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or the government could not function in a constitutional manner.[54]
In 1977, before the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with nightclubs, and horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto to stem the tide of street Islamisation.[58][59] Zia went much further, committing himself to enforceNizam-e-Mustafa ("Rule of theProphet" or an Islamic System, i.e. establishing an Islamic state and sharia law[59]), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantlysecular law, inherited from the British.
In his first televised speech to the country as head of state Zia declared that:
Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the country.[60]
In the past, he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."[61][16][page needed]
Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each high court (later the Federal Sharia Court)[16][page needed][62] to judge legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna, and to align Pakistan's legal statutes with Islamic doctrine.[63] Zia bolstered the influence of the ulema and the Islamic parties.[63] Thousands of activists from theJamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to government posts to ensure the maintenance of his Islamist agenda.[57][59][63] Conservative ulema were added to a Council of Islamic Ideology.[62]
Islamisation was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale captured in the slogan,"Food, clothing, and shelter". In Zia's view, socialist economics and a secular-socialist orientation served only to upset Pakistan's natural order and weaken its moral fibre.[64] Zia defended his policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens:
The basis of Pakistan was Islam. ... Muslims of the subcontinent are a separate culture. It was on the Two-Nation Theory that this part was carved out of the Subcontinent as Pakistan... Mr. Bhutto's way of flourishing in this Society was by eroding its moral fiber. ... by pitching students against teachers, children against their parents, landlord against tenants, workers against mill owners. [Pakistan has economic difficulties] because Pakistanis have been made to believe that one can earn without working. ... We are going back to Islam not by choice but by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that is imposing Islam. It was what 99 percent of people wanted; the street violence against Bhutto reflected the people's desire ...
Secular and leftist activists and politicians in Pakistan accused Zia of manipulating Islam for political ends.[65] According to Nusrat Bhutto, former First Lady of Pakistan:
The ... horrors of 1971 war ... are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and the minds of people of [Pakistan]...Therefore, General Zia insanely ... used Islam ... to ensure the survival of his regime....
TheZakat and Ushr Ordinance was implemented in 1980. The measure called for a 2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day ofRamadan, with the revenue to be used for poverty relief.[66] Zakat committees were established to oversee the distribution of the funds.[63] The measure was opposed byShia Muslims, who do not consider the collection of Zakat an obligation.[67] In the first days of the tax,Shia Muslims who followed theJa'fari school raised strong opposition, and in April 1981, the government made an exemption allowing Shia to file for exemptions.[68][69][70][71]
Pakistani Canadian Sufi scholarSyed Soharwardy states that Zia "changed Pakistan from a Sufi-dominated state to a Salafi-dominated state", estimating that if 70% of mosques were Sufis due to Zia they were reduced, and in the army, this change has been even more radical, as he estimates that military mosques went from 90% Sufi in the 70s to 85% Deobandi under Zia.[73]
Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented in public schools, colleges, and state television. Women's participation in sports and the performing arts was severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's legal testimony was given half the weight of a man's,according to critics[clarification needed].[74]
In 1981, interest payments were replaced byprofit and loss sharing accounts; however, profit and loss sharing was simply viewed as another name for the practice of interest .[66] Textbooks were overhauled to remove un-Islamic material, and un-Islamic books were removed from libraries.[66]
Eating and drinking during Ramadan were outlawed, and attempts were made to enforce praying ofsalah five times a day.[63]
One of his first and most controversial measures to Islamise Pakistani society was the replacement of parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979Hudood Ordinance.[75] The Ordinance added new criminal offences ofadultery andfornication to Pakistani law, and new punishments ofwhipping,amputation, andstoning to death.[76]
For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment fine, or both, were replaced by amputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation of the right hand and left foot for robbery. ForZina (extramarital sex), the provisions relating to adultery were replaced by the Ordinance with punishments of 100 lashes for those unmarried offenders, andstoning to death for married offenders.
All these punishments were dependent on the proof required forhadd being met. In practice, the Hudd requirement—four Muslim men of good repute testifying as witnesses to the crime—was seldom met. As of 2014, no offenders have been stoned or had limbs amputated by the Pakistani judicial system. To be found guilty of theft,Zina, or drinking alcohol by less stricttazir standards—where the punishment was flogging and/or imprisonment—was common, and there have been many floggings.
More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers, and politicians was the incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges ofZina.[58] The onus of providing proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself. Uncorroborated testimony by women was inadmissible in hudood crimes.[74] If the victim/accuser was unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court was considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse outside of lawful marriage. Despite this, the ordinance remained in force until theWomen's Protection Bill was passed in 2006.[77]
Although Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of evidence, and prosecution system remained inherited from British-era penal codes.[78]
The hybridisation of Pakistan's penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of the difference in the underlying logic of the two legal systems.[58]
To outlaw blasphemy, the PPP and the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) were amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982, and 1986. The 1980 law prohibited derogatory remarks against Islamic personages and carried a three-year prison sentence.[79] In 1982 the smallAhmadiyya religious minority were prohibited from saying or implying they were Muslims. In 1986, stating or doing anything that implied disrespect to theIslamic prophet Muhammad,Ahl al-Bayt,Sahabah, orSha'ar-i-Islam was made acognisable offence, punishable with imprisonment, a fine, or death.[80]
Traditional religiousmadrassas in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the first time, under General Zia-ul-Haq's administration,[81] their number grew from 893 to 2,801. Most were Deobandi in doctrinal orientation, while one-quarter of them were Barelvi.[82] They received funding from Zakat councils and provided free religious training, room, and board to impoverished Pakistanis.[83] The schools, which banned televisions and radios, have been criticised by authors for stoking sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-Muslims.[81][82][83]
In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried theWestern culture and music in the country. Soon afterward,PTV, the national television network, ceased playing music videos and only patriotic songs were broadcast.[84] New taxes were levied on thefilm industry and most of the cinemas in Lahore were shut down.[85] Newtax rates were introduced, further decreasing cinema attendances.[85]
It was under Zia and the economic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes expanded and Western1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread in popularity, and rock music bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural criticNadeem F. Paracha.[86]
During his tenure, he oversaw the passing of an ordinance for the welfare of people with disabilities. The ordinance is called "The Disabled Persons (Employment and Rehabilitation) Ordinance, 1981" and it was passed into law on 29 December 1981. It provides measures for the employment, rehabilitation, and welfare of people with disabilities.[87]
One of the earliest initiatives taken by Zia in 1977, was to militarise theintegrated atomic energy programme which was founded by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1972.[88] During the first stages, the programme was under the control of Bhutto and theDirectorate for Science, under Science Advisor Dr.Mubashir Hassan, who was heading the civilian committee that supervised the construction of the facilities and laboratories.[88] This atomic bomb project had no boundaries withMunir Ahmad Khan and Dr.Abdul Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately and reported to Bhutto and his science adviser Dr. Hassan who had little interest in the atomic bomb project.[88] Major GeneralZahid Ali Akbar, an engineering officer, had little role in the atomic project; Zia responded by taking over the programme under military control and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest of Hassan. This whole giantnuclear energy project was transferred into the administrative hands of Major-General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-General andEngineer-in-Chief of thePakistan Army Corps of Engineers to deal with the authorities whose co-operation was required. Akbar consolidated the entire project by placing the scientific research under military control, setting boundaries and goals. Akbar proved to be an extremely capable officer in the matters of science and technology when he aggressively led the development of nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan in a matter of five years.[88]
By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional and 90% of the work on atom bomb project was completed. Both thePakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) and theKhan Research Laboratories (KRL) had built the extensive research infrastructure started by Bhutto. Akbar's office was shifted to Army'sGeneral Headquarters (GHQ) and Akbar guided Zia on key matters of nuclear science and atomic bomb production. He became the first engineering officer to have acknowledge Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully matured programme. On the recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment of Munir Ahmad Khan as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was convinced by Akbar that civilian scientists under Munir Khan's directorship were at their best to counter international pressure.[88]
This was proved when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device, codenameKirana-I on 11 March 1983 at theWeapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the leadership of weapon-testing laboratory's director Dr.Ishfaq Ahmad. Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar went to GHQ and notified Zia about the success of this test. The PAEC responded by conducting several cold-tests throughout the 1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir Bhutto in the 1990s. According to the reference in the book, "Eating Grass", Zia was so deeply convinced of the infiltration of Western and American moles and spies into the project, that he extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme "paranoia", in both his personal and professional life. He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated from each other and made critical administrative decisions rather than putting scientists in charge of the aspects of the atomic programme. His actions spurred innovation in the atomic bomb project and an intense secrecy and security culture permeated PAEC and KRL.[89]
Even though Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project, Zia did not completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons. After the retirement of Zahid Ali Akbar, Zia transferred control of the nuclear weapons programme to Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan, Chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. Soon, Zia promoted Khan as the technical director of the entire programme as well as appointing Khan as his Science Adviser.[88] With the support of handpicked civilian Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo, Zia sanctioned the launch of the 50Megawatt (MW) heavy water plutonium production reactor, known asKhushab-I, atKhushab in 1985.[88] Zia also took initiatives to launch the space projects as spin-off to nuclear project.[88] Zia appointed nuclear engineerSalim Mehmud as the Administrator of theSpace Research Commission.[90] Zia also launched the work on the country's first satellite,Badr-1, a military satellite.[90] In 1987, Zia launched the clandestine aerospace project, theIntegrated Missile Research Program under GeneralAnwar Shamim in 1985, and later under Lieutenant-GeneralTalat Masood in 1987.[91]
In general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside from Islamisation) and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Aftab Qazi and Vaseem Jaffrey.[92] However, between 1977 and 1986, the country experienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%—the highest in the world at that time—thanks in large part to remittances from the overseas workers, rather than government policy.[92] The first year of Zia's government coincided with a dramatic rise in remittances, which totalled $3.2 billion/year for most of the 1980s, accounted for 10 percent of Pakistans's GDP; 45 percent of its current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings.[93][94]
By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime MinisterZulfikar Bhutto, the economic cycle process ofnationalisation programme was completed. The socialist orientation and nationalisation programme was slowly reversed; the idea ofcorporatisation was heavily favoured by President Zia-ul-Haq to direct the authoritarianism in the nationalised industries. One of his well-known and earliest initiatives were aimed toIslamise thenational economy which featured the Interest-free economic cycle. No actions towards privatising the industries were ordered by President Zia; only three steel mill industries were returned to its previous owners.[95]
By the end of 1987, thefinance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging the gradual privatisation and economic liberalisation.
On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Unioninvaded Afghanistan. Following this invasion, Zia chaired a meeting and was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the USSR. Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan Mujahideen with major assistance from the United States.[96]
American presidentJimmy Carter offered $400 million aid package to Pakistan; Zia ridiculed the offer as "peanuts".[97] Zia ultimately succeeded in winning an increased aid of $3.2 billion provided by Carter's successorRonald Reagan.[98]
In November 1982, Zia travelled to Moscow to attend thefuneral of Leonid Brezhnev, the lateGeneral Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Soviet Foreign MinisterAndrei Gromyko and new Secretary GeneralYuri Andropov met with Zia there. Andropov expressed indignation over Pakistan's support of the Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union and its satellite state,Socialist Afghanistan. Zia took his hand and assured him, "General Secretary, believe me, Pakistan wants nothing but very good relations with the Soviet Union".[100] According to Gromyko, Zia's sincerity convinced them, but Zia's actions didn't live up to his words.[100]
Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing stronger links with the United States, Japan, and the Western world. Zia broken off relations with theSocialist state andState capitalism became his major economic policy. US politicianCharlie Wilson claims that he worked with Zia and the CIA to channel Soviet weapons that Israel captured from the PLO in Lebanon to fighters in Afghanistan. Wilson claims that Zia remarked to him: "Just don't put any stars of David on the boxes".[101]
The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American sponsors such as the CIA[102] and by senior officers of the Pakistan Army around Zia-ul-Haq.
On 22 September 1980, theIraqi invasion of Iran initiated a nearly eight-year long war betweenIran andIraq. In an effort to end the war and maintain unity of theIslamic world, Zia visitedTehran on 27 September andBaghdad on 29 September. Despite declaring neutrality, Zia maintained close relations with Iran andPakistan sold weapons to Iran, which proved to be a main factor for the Iranian victory in theTanker War.[103][104]
The United States, notably theRonald Reagan administration, was an ardent supporter of Zia's military regime and a close ally of Pakistan's conservative-leaning ruling military establishment.[105] The Reagan administration declared Zia's regime as the "front line" ally of the United States in the fight against the threat of Communism.[105][106] American legislators and senior officials most notable wereZbigniew Brzezinski,Henry Kissinger,Charlie Wilson,Joanne Herring, and the civilian intelligence officersMichael Pillsbury andGust Avrakotos, and senior US military officials GeneralJohn William Vessey, and General Herbert M. Wassom, had been long associated with the Zia military regime where they had made frequent trips to Pakistan advising on expanding the idea of establishment in the political circle of Pakistan.[105] Nominally, theAmerican conservatism ofRonald Reagan'sRepublican Party influenced Zia to adopt his idea ofIslamic conservatism as the primary line of his military government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic and other religious practices in the country.[105]
The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and alarmed the United States who feared the loss of Pakistan as an ally in the cold war.[16][page needed] Many of Pakistan's political scientists and historians widely suspected that the riots and coup against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was orchestrated with help of the USCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) and theUnited States Government because United States growing fear of Bhutto's socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic towards theSoviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to be involved in Pakistan, and had access through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.[105][107] FormerUS Attorney GeneralRamsey Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing down the Bhutto's government, and publicly accused the United States' Government after attending the trial.[107] On the other hand, the United States refused any involvement in Bhutto's fall, and argued that it was Bhutto who had alienated himself over the five years.[16][page needed] While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one US diplomat inAmerican Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:
During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The socialist economics and nationalization of major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the Business circles.... An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and traders. Both leftists—socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists—felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan's traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto's aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....[16][page needed]
Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret to the outside world. Part of his strategy was the promotion ofnuclear proliferation in anti-western states (such asNorth Korea, Iran, and communistChina) to aid their own nuclear ambitions, to divert international attention which was difficult. In 1981, Zia contracted with China when he sent weapon-grade uranium to China and also built the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly enhanced theChinese nuclear programme. This act encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan, who allegedly tried to aid theLibyan nuclear programme but becauseLibya–Pakistan relations were strained, Khan was warned of serious consequences.[88] This policy envisaged that this would deflect international pressure onto these countries, and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.[108]
After Zia's death, his successor GeneralMirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff, encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded nations such as North Korea, Iran andLibya which also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. In 2004, Abdul Qadeer Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weapons programme was considered a face-saving exercise by the Pakistan Armed Forces and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and President GeneralPervez Musharraf.[109] Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had a deep impact on the world, especially anti-western states, most nominally North Korea and Iran. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea would soon follow the same suit after it was targeted by the international community for its on-goingnuclear programme. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid theSyrian andIranian nuclear programme in the 1990s.[88] The North Korean connection to the Syrian nuclear programme was exposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic operation,Orchard, which resulted in them sabotaging the Syrian nuclear programme as well as the deaths of 10 senior North Korean scientists who were aiding the nuclear programme.
Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections
As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988, rumours about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and Zia were rife.
It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and Junejo's insistence on signing theGeneva Accords without deciding the composition of next government of Afghanistan before Soviet withdrawal. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleys before that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamisation drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into the secular control of MQM from Jamaat-e-Islami.
TheOjhri Camp disaster had irreversibly weakened Zia. Junejo was committed to conducting an investigation into the camp disaster. After the defeat of the Soviets, the United States wanted to audit the ammunition and missiles supplied to Pakistan for the Mujahideen, most of which has been stored by Pakistan for future targets against India or for other military purposes.
On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the prime minister. Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump atOjhri Camp, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal.
Zia promised to holdelections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughterBenazir Bhutto had returned fromexile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political situation.
On 10 August 1950, he married his cousinShafiq Jahan inLahore.[10] Begum Shafiq Zia died on 6 January 1996.[110] Zia is survived by his sons,Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq, (born 1953),[111] who went into politics and became a cabinet minister in the government ofNawaz Sharif, and Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1960)[112][113] and his daughters, Zain[114][115][116] (born 1972),[117] a special needs child, Rubina Saleem, who is married to a Pakistani banker and has been living in the United States since 1980,[118] and Quratulain Zia who currently lives inLondon, and is married to Pakistani doctor, Adnan Majid.[119]
His cousin Mian Abdul Waheed has served as diplomat, being Pakistan's ambassador toGermany andItaly, also playing a major role in the country becoming a nuclear power.[120][121]
Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a USM1 Abrams tank demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the city in the Punjab province byC-130B Hercules aircraft. The aircraft departed fromBahawalpur Airport and was expected to reachIslamabad International Airport.[122] Shortly after a smoothtakeoff, thecontrol tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 29 others died in the plane crash, includingChairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee GeneralAkhtar Abdur Rahman, close associate of Zia, BrigadierSiddique Salik, the American ambassador to PakistanArnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the US military aid mission to Pakistan.[123][124] Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate chairman, announced Zia's death on radio and TV. Conditions surrounding his death have given rise to many conspiracy theories.[125] There is speculation that the Soviet Union (in retaliation for Pakistani support of the mujahideen inAfghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's military were behind the incident.[126][127]
A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft'. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why noMayday signal was given.[128] There was also speculation into other facts involving the details of the investigation. Aflight recorder (black box) was not located after the crash even though previous C-130 aircraft did have them installed.[129]
His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 nearIslamabad. Nearly one million mourners joined in chants of "Zia ul-Haq, you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above." His remains were laid to rest in a 4-by-10-foot (1.2 by 3.0 m) dirt grave in front of theFaisal Mosque that Zia and the Saudi government had built as a symbol of Pakistani-Saudi friendship.[130] Also in attendance was his successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, chiefs of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs, and other high military and civil officials. Former US Secretary of StateGeorge P. Shultz also laid a floral wreath at Zia's grave.[131]
Well, he was a great loss...He isa martyr, and was a great man.
Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarising and widely discussed figure in the country's intellectual and political circles.[137] Out of thecountry's long and storied history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and tamper-proof legacy, according to the editorial written inDawn.[137] He is also praised for defeating the Soviets. Indian journalist Kallol Bhattacherjee, an author of a book on Afghanistan, said:
"There will not be another Zia in South Asia. He was unique and multidimensional like all complex characters of South Asian history. I admire Zia's guts, though not his methods, especially in regards to Islam. He successfully took on nuclear India and changed the balance of power that Indira Gandhi created in the 1971 war and broke all rules to acquire nuclear weapons for Pakistan."[138]
Historians and political scientists widely discussed and studied his policy making skills, some authors noting him as "The Ringmaster",[1] "Master of Illusion"[139] and "Master Tactician".[140] However, his most remembered and enduring legacy was his indirect involvement and military strategies, byproxy supporting theMujahidin, against theUSSR'swar in Afghanistan.[141] His reign also helped the conservatives to rise at the national politics against Benazir Bhutto.[141] He is also noted as being one of Pakistan's most successful generals, placing the armed forces in charge of the country's affairs.[142] During his regime, western styles in hair, clothing, and music flooded the country.[86] The 1980s gave birth toPakistani rock music, which expressedPakistani nationalism in the country.[86]
To this day, Zia remains apolarising figure in Pakistan'shistory, credited with preventing wider Soviet incursions into the region as well as economic prosperity, but decried for weakening democratic institutions, passing laws encouraging religious intolerance,[143][144] and depreciating therupee withmanaged float policies.[145] He is also cited for promoting the early political career ofNawaz Sharif, who would be thrice elected Prime Minister.[146][147][148]
Zia is credited with stopping an expected Soviet invasion of Pakistan. Former Saudi intelligence chief PrinceTurki Al-Faisal, who worked with Zia during the 1980s against the Soviets, described Zia in the following words: "He was a very steady and smart person with a geo-strategic mind, particularly after theinvasion bySoviets. He was very dedicated in preventing the Soviet invasion of Pakistan."[citation needed]Bruce Riedel, an American academic specializing in international affairs and geopolitics, wrote that "in many ways, the Afghan war was Zia's war",[151] in the sense that Zia pushed the Americans, initially reluctant and even skeptical, to participate in the proxy war against the Soviets, Riedel also arguing that "Zia ul-Haq was not only a pivotal figure in the history of his country and the war in Afghanistan, he was also a pivotal figure in the final stage of the Cold War, which had dominated global politics for almost half a century."[152]
Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:
In the novelShame (1983) by British-Indian authorSalman Rushdie, the character of general Raza Hyder shows strong parallels to the life of Zia-Ul-Haq.
In the comicShattered Visage (1988–1989), it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by the same intelligence agency that ranThe Village from the showThe Prisoner (1967).
The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was referenced in the bookSongs of Blood and Sword (2010), a non-fiction memoir by Murtaza Bhutto's daughterFatima Bhutto.
^According to Pakistani journalist Raja Anwar, the mission may have been a violation of Zia's original assignment in Jordan by the Pakistani military,[17] even though it helped Jordan repel the Syrian offensive.[18] Hussein came to view Zia favourably, and later convinced Pakistani presidentZulfikar Ali Bhutto to appoint him asChief of Army Staff.[17]
^In the summer of 1976, General Zia, who had superseded seven senior lieutenant-generals, told Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: "Sir, I am so grateful to you for appointing me Chief of Army Staff. Not only myself, but may future generations will be eternally grateful to you for singling me out for such a great honor, and this is a favour which I can never forget." The Herald, July 1992
^Jaffrelot, Christophe.Pakistan: Nationalism Without a Nation. p. 62.
^Hyman, Ghayur & Kaushik 1989, pp. 38, 40: "In the first week of October 1977, the General abruptly postponed the election ... Perhaps now some political leaders sensed that the General's game was different ... Many people now [1988] believe that the General had his plan ready when he took over the reins of government, and had been astutely following the plan when he announced the postponement of the elections."
^Khan, Roedad."Pakistan- A Dream Gone Sour".Colonel Athar Hussain Ansari,PAF. Roedad Khan. Archived fromthe original on 11 February 2012. Retrieved16 November 2011."What is a constitution? It is a booklet with twelve or ten pages. I can tear them away and say that tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Today, the people will follow wherever I lead. All the politicians including the once mightyMr. Bhutto and his [Scumbag] friends will follow me with tails wagging...." General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977
^"Zia describing Bhutto".Saudi Press Agency. Retrieved16 November 2011."I hate anybody projecting as a leader ... if you want to serve the Islamic Ummah and Humanity, do it as a humble person. Amongst Muslims we are all Muslim brothers ... not leaders...
^Wynbrandt 2009, p. 216: "In his first speech to the nation, Zia pledged the government would work to create a true Islamic society."
^Haqqani 2010, p. 131: "Zia ul-Haq is often identified as the person most responsible for turning Pakistan into a global center for political Islam. Undoubtedly, Zia went farthest in defining Pakistan as an Islamic state, and he nurtured the jihadist ideology."
^Rafiq Dossani (2005). Prospects for Peace in South Asia. Stanford University Press. pp. 46–50.ISBN978-0-8047-5085-1.
^abcdTalbot, Ian (1998).Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press. pp. 260–1.
^Many Islamists have pointed out that while the Quran makes no mention of elections, parliaments, etc., the Quran did urge Muhammad – the first ruler of Muslims, and the one who Muslim should emulate – to consult his companions. (seeThe Need for Consultation (mushāwara)|by Muhammad HaqArchived 9 December 2014 at theWayback Machine | 3 January 2013)
^abGoPak, Government of Pakistan."The Eight Amendment". Constitution of Pakistan. Retrieved16 November 2011.
^Talbot, Ian (1998).Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press. pp. 284–5.Partyless elections encouraged sectarian and ethnic mobilisation to the detriment of national integration. C. Rakisits points out that '.... Ethnic identification has increasingly replaced the Pakistan 'nation' as a symbol of emotional loyalty.'
^abJones 2002, pp. 16–17: "... Zia rewarded the only political party to offer him consistent support, Jamaat-e-Islami. Tens of thousands of Jamaat activists and sympathizers were given jobs in the judiciary, the civil service, and other state institutions. These appointments meant Zia's Islamic agenda lived on long after he died.
^Dorsey, James (2022). "Saudi Arabia: A South Asian Wrecking Ball". In Mandaville, Peter (ed.).Wahhabism and the World: Understanding Saudi Arabia's Global Influence on Islam.Oxford University Press. pp. 198–199.
^abcNadeem F. Paracha (28 March 2013)."Times of the Vital Sign".Dawn News, Nadeem F. Paracha. Archived fromthe original on 2 April 2013. Retrieved3 April 2013.This was a time when the wily General Ziaul-Haq was reigning supreme ... Even though the country, at the time was covered by a ... façade of strict conservatism and ... moralistic pretense,... Ironically, it ... also propelled the gradual expansion of the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes. And it is the youth cultures that emerged from these classes that launched the first shots of the kind of pop culture, scene, and music we now call modern Pakistani pop.
^abcdefghijRahman, Shahidur (1999).Long Road to Chagai§ The General and the Atomic Toy. Oxford, Islamabad, and New York: Printwise Publications. pp. 135–144.ISBN978-969-8500-00-9.
^abMehmud, Salim PhD (Nuclear Engineering),Pakistan and Earth Observational System (EOS)[full citation needed]
^Lodi, Lieutenant General Safdar F.S. (May 1998). "Pakistan's Missile Technology". Head of Integrated Missile Research and Development Programme (IMRDP). Defence Journal of Pakistan.
^abTalbot, Ian (1998).Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press. pp. 246, 7.... the period of rapid economic growth during the 1980s also dampened threats to Zia's power, although it was based more on the bounty of remittances from overseas' workers than on economic policies. ... per capita income [increased] by 34% but the economy also benefited in this period from overseas remittances of $25 billion.
^Mohiuddin, Yasmeen Niaz (2007).Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook. ABC-CLIO. p. 110.ISBN9781851098019. Retrieved4 December 2014.The dramatic rise in remittances coincided with the first year of the Zia government and is considered the most significant economic development during his era. These remittances totalling $3.2 billion per year for most of the 1980s, were substantial, particular in relation to the size of the economy. They accounted for 10 percent of GDP; 45 percent of current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings
^Hussain, Ishrat (1999).Pakistan: The Economy of an Elitist State. Karachi: Oxford University Press.
^abPanhwar, Member of Sindh Provincial Assembly., Sani H. (5 April 1979)."CIA Sent Bhutto to the Gallows".The New York Times. Archived fromthe original on 14 January 2012. Retrieved23 August 2011 – via sixhour.com."I [Ramsey Clark] do not believe in conspiracy theories in general, but the similarities in the staging of riots in Chile (where the CIA allegedly helped overthrow PresidentSalvador Allende) and in Pakistan are just too close, Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on 5 July, after the usual party on the 4th at theU.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more, by Zia. Bhutto was falsely accused and subjected to brutality for months during proceedings that corrupted theJudiciary of Pakistan before being murdered, then hanged. As Americans, we must ask ourselves this: Is it possible that a rational military leader under the circumstances in Pakistan could have overthrown a constitutional government, without at least the tacit approval of the United States?".
^"From entry to exit: The politics of Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif".geo.tv. 24 April 2018.Sharif's family was apolitical and his father, the late Mian Mohammad Sharif, had initially turned down a request from General Zia ul Haq through General Jillani. He declined to join politics himself but later agreed to hand over his two sons, Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif and Mian Shehbaz Sharif, on the condition that they would first be groomed properly. The motive for then dictator Gen. Zia ul Haq and the military establishment was simple: to counter the Pakistan People's Party and the politics of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. They needed somebody from Punjab, as Bhutto was even more popular in Punjab than in Sindh. One of Nawaz Sharif's close aides once told me about his entry into politics and how his father agreed. "Mian Sharif was a non-political businessman, but he became anti-Bhutto after his industries were nationalised along with other businesses by Bhutto. Somehow, General Jillani convinced the elder Sharif that his factories would be returned and that he could also protect his business through politics," he stated.
^Riedel, Bruce O. (2014).What we won: America's secret war in Afghanistan, 1979-89. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. pp. xii.ISBN978-0-8157-2585-5.
^Riedel, Bruce O. (2014).What we won: America's secret war in Afghanistan, 1979-89. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. p. 66.ISBN978-0-8157-2585-5.
Yousaf, Mohammad; Adkin, Mark (1992).The Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story. London: L. Cooper.ISBN0-85052-267-6.
Ayub, Muhammad (2005). An Army, its Role and Rule: A History of the Pakistan Army from Independence to Kargil 1947–1999. Pittsburgh: RoseDog Books.ISBN0-8059-9594-3.
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