Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Mufaḍḍal ibn ʿUmar al-Juʿfī (Arabic:أبو عبد ﷲ المفضل بن عمر الجعفي), died before 799, was an early Shi'i leader and the purported author of a number of religious and philosophical writings. A contemporary of the ImamsJa'far al-Sadiq (c. 700–765) andMusa al-Kazim (745–799),^[1] he belonged to those circles inKufa whom laterTwelver Shi'i authors would callghulāt ('exaggerators') for their 'exaggerated' veneration of theImams.^[2]

As a money-changer, al-Mufaddal wielded considerable financial and political power. He was likely also responsible for managing the financial affairs of the Imams inMedina.^[3] For a time he was a follower of the famousghulāt leaderAbu al-Khattab (died 755–6), who had claimed that the Imams were divine.^[4] Early Imami^[b]heresiographers andNusayri sources regard al-Mufaddal as a staunch supporter of Abu al-Khattab's ideas who later spawned his ownghulāt movement (theMufaḍḍaliyya). However, Twelver Shi'i sources instead report that after Ja'far al-Sadiq's repudiated Abu al-Khattab in 748, al-Mufaddal broke with Abu al-Khattab and became a trusted companion of Ja'far's son Musa al-Kazim.^[5]

A number of writings—collectively known as theMufaddal Tradition—have been attributed to al-Mufaddal, most of which are still extant.^[6] They were likelyfalsely attributed to al-Mufaddal by later 9th–11th-century authors. As one of the closest confidants of Ja'far al-Sadiq, al-Mufaddal was an attractive figure for authors of various Shi'i persuasions: by attributing their own ideas to him they could invest these ideas with the authority of the Imam.^[7] The writings attributed to al-Mufaddal are very different in nature and scope, but Ja'far al-Sadiq is the main speaker in most of them.^[8]

A major part of the extant writings attributed to al-Mufaddal originated among theghulāt, an early branch of Shi'i Islam.^[2][c] A recurring theme in these texts is the myth of the world's creation through the fall from grace of pre-existent "shadows" or human souls, whom God punished for their disobedience by concealing himself from them and by casting them down into theseven heavens.^[9] TheKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla (Book of the Seven and the Shadows, 8th to 11th centuries)^[10] develops the theme of seven primordialAdams who rule over the seven heavens and initiate the seven historicalworld cycles.^[11] TheKitāb al-Ṣirāṭ (Book of the Path, writtenc. 874–941) describes aninitiatory "path" leading believers back through the seven heavens towards God.^[12] Those who grow in religious devotion and knowledge climb upwards on thechain of being, but others arereborn into human bodies, while unbelievers travel downwards and reincarnate into animal, vegetable, or mineral bodies.^[13][d] Those who reach the seventh heaven and attain the rank ofBāb ("Gate")^[e] enjoy abeatific vision of God and share the divine power tomanifest themselves in the world of matter.^[14]

Among the extant non-ghulāt texts attributed to al-Mufaddal, most of which were preserved in the Twelver Shi'i tradition, two treatises stand out for their philosophical content. These are theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal (al-Mufaddal'sTawhid) and theKitāb al-Ihlīlaja (Book of theMyrobalan Fruit), both of which feature Ja'far al-Sadiq presenting al-Mufaddal with aproof for the existence of God.^[12] Theteleological argument used in theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal is inspired bySyriac Christian literature (especially commentaries on theHexameron), and ultimately goes back toHellenistic models such aspseudo-Aristotle'sDe mundo (3rd/2nd century BCE) andStoic theology as recorded inCicero's (106–43 BCE)De natura deorum.^[15] Thedialectical style of theKitāb al-Ihlīlaja is more typical of early Muslim speculative theology (kalām),^[16] and the work may originally have been authored by the 8th-century scribeMuhammad ibn Layth.^[17] Both works may be regarded as part of an attempt to rehabilitate al-Mufaddal as a reliable transmitter ofhadiths in the Twelver Shi'i tradition.^[18]

Al-Mufaddal was a non-Arabmawlā ("client") of theJu'fa, a tribe belonging to the South-ArabianMadhhij confederation.^[12] Apart from the fact that he was a money-changer based inKufa (Iraq), very little is known about his life. He probably managed the financial affairs of the Shi'ite ImamsJa'far al-Sadiq (c. 700–765) andMusa al-Kazim (745–799), who resided inMedina (Arabia). Using his professional network, he actively raised funds for the Imams in Medina, thus also playing an important role as an intermediary between the Imams and the Shi'ite community.^[3] His date of death is unknown, but he died before Musa al-Kazim, who died in 799.^[19][f]

At some point during his life, al-Mufaddal's relations with Ja'far al-Sadiq soured because of his adherence to the teachings of the Kufanghulāt leaderAbu al-Khattab (died 755–6).^[12] Abu al-Khattab had been a designated spokesman of Ja'far, but inc. 748 he was excommunicated by the Imam for his 'extremist' or 'exaggerated' (ghulāt) ideas, particularly for having declared Ja'far to be divine.^[4] However, al-Mufaddal later recanted and cut of all contact with theKhaṭṭabiyya (the followers of Abu al-Khattab), leading to a reconciliation with Ja'far.^[12]

This episode was understood in widely different ways by later Shi'i authors. On the one hand, earlyImami (i.e., proto-Twelver Shi'i)^[b]heresiographers report the existence of aghulāt sect named after him, theMufaḍḍaliyya, who would have declared Ja'far to be God and al-Mufaddal his prophet or Imam. It is not certain whether theMufaḍḍaliyya really ever existed, and if they did, whether they really held the doctrines attributed to them by the heresiographers.^[12] Nevertheless, al-Mufaddal was also highly regarded by the members of otherghulāt sects such as theMukhammisa,^[g] and several of the writings attributed to him containghulāt ideas.^[12] He was even accused in somehadith reports of having tried to contaminate Ja'far's eldest sonIsma'il with the ideas of Abu al-Khattab.^[12] In addition, most works attributed to al-Mufaddal were preserved by theNusayris,^[19] aghulāt sect that survives to this day and that sometimes regarded al-Mufaddal as aBāb (an official deputy of the Imam and a "gateway" to his secret knowledge).^[20][h]

On the other hand, later Twelver Shi'i sources often insist that al-Mufaddal never gave in to heresy,^[4] and they often emphasize that it was al-Mufaddal who was appointed by Ja'far to lead theKhaṭṭabiyya back to the right path.^[21] Some of the works attributed to al-Mufaddal, like theKitab al-Ihlīlaja and theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal, explicitly refute those who would deny the exclusive oneness (tawḥīd) of God. These works may have been written in order to rehabilitate al-Mufaddal within the Twelver tradition and to prove his reliability as a hadith transmitter.^[18] But even among Twelver scholars there was dissension. For example, whileal-Shaykh al-Mufid (c. 948–1022) praised al-Mufaddal as a learned person and a trustworthy companion of the Imams,al-Najashi (c. 982–1058) andIbn al-Ghada'iri (fl. first half of the 11th century)[22] denounced him as an unbelieving heretic.^[23]

TheKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla (Book of the Seven and the Shadows), also known asKitāb al-Haft al-sharīf (Noble Book of the Seven) or simply asKitāb al-Haft (Book of the Seven),^[i] 8th–11th centuries,^[25] is perhaps the most important work attributed to al-Mufaddal.^[26] It sets out in great detail theghulāt myth of the pre-existent "shadows" (Arabic:aẓilla) whose fall from grace led to the creation of the material world. This theme of pre-existent shadows seems to have been typical of the 8th-century Kufanghulāt: also appearing in other earlyghulāt works such as theUmm al-kitāb, it may ultimately go back toAbd Allah ibn Harb (d. after 748).[27]

Great emphasis is placed throughout the work on the need to keep the knowledge received fromJa'far al-Sadiq, who is referred to asmawlānā ("our lord"), from falling into the wrong hands. This secret knowledge is entrusted by Ja'far to al-Mufaddal, but is reserved only for true believers (muʾminūn).^[28] It involves notions such as the transmigration of souls (tanāsukh ormetempsychosis) and the idea that sevenAdams exist in theseven heavens, each one of them presiding over one of the seven historicalworld cycles.^[11] This latter idea may reflect an influence fromIsma'ilism,^[28] where the appearance of each newprophet (Adam,Noah,Abraham,Moses,Jesus,Muhammad,Muhammad ibn Isma'il) is likewise thought to initiate a new world cycle.^[29]

A central element of theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla is the creation myth involving pre-existent "shadows", which also occurs in many otherghulāt works with slightly different details.^[30] According to this myth, the first created beings were human souls who initially dwelt in the presence of God in the form of shadows. When the shadows disobeyed God, he created a veil (ḥijāb) in which he concealed himself as a punishment.^[j] Then God created the seven heavens as a dwelling place for the disobedient souls, according to their sin. In each of the heavens God also created bodies from his own light for the souls who arrived there, and from the souls' disobedience he created theDevil. Finally, from the offspring of the Devil God created the bodies of animals and various othersublunary entities (masūkhiyya).^[31]

TheKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla consists of at least eleven different textual layers which were added over time, each of them containing slightly different versions ofghulāt concepts and ideas.^[10] The earliest layers were written in 8th/9th-century Kufa, perhaps partly by al-Mufaddal himself, or by his close associates Yunus ibn Zabyan andMuhammad ibn Sinan (died 835).^[32] A possible indication for this is the fact that Muhammad ibn Sinan also wrote two works dealing with the theme of pre-existent shadows: theKitāb al-Aẓilla (Book of the Shadows) and theKitāb al-Anwār wa-ḥujub (Book of the Lights and the Veils).^[33] Shi'i bibliographical sources also list several other 8th/9th-century Kufan authors who wrote aKitāb al-Aẓilla orBook of the Shadows.^[34] In total, at least three works closely related to al-Mufaddal'sKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla are extant, all likely dating to the 8th or 9th century:^[35]

1. Muhammad ibn Sinan'sKitāb al-Anwār wa-ḥujub (Book of the Lights and the Veils)
2. an anonymous work called theKitāb al-Ashbāh wa-l-aẓilla (Book of the Apparitions and the Shadows)^[k]
3. another anonymous work also called theKitāb al-Aẓilla (Book of the Shadows).^[l]

Though originating in the milieus of the early Kufanghulāt, theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla was considerably expanded by members of a laterghulāt sect called the Nusayris (now called theAlawites), who were active in 10th-centurySyria.^[36] The Nusayris were probably also responsible for the work's final 11th-century form.^[12] However, theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla was not preserved by the Nusayris, but by the SyrianNizari Isma'ilis.^[12] Like theUmm al-kitāb, anotherghulāt work that was transmitted by theNizari Isma'ilis ofCentral Asia, it contains ideas which –despite being largely unrelated to Isma'ili doctrine–^[37] influenced various later Isma'ili authors starting from the 10th century.^[m]

TheKitāb al-Ṣirāṭ (Book of the Path) is another purported dialogue between al-Mufaddal and Ja'far al-Sadiq, likely composed in the period between theMinor and theMajor Occultation (874–941).^[12][n] This work deals with the concept of aninitiatory "path" (Arabic:ṣirāṭ) leading the adept on aheavenly ascent towards God, with each of the seven heavens corresponding to one of seven degrees of spiritual perfection. It also contains references to typicalghulāt ideas liketajallin (the manifestation of God in human form),tanāsukh (metempsychosis or transmigration of the soul),maskh/raskh (metamorphosis or reincarnation into non-human forms), and the concept of creation through the fall from grace of pre-existent beings (as in theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla, see above).^[38]

The philosophical background of the work is given by thelate antique concept of agreat chain of being linking all things together in one great cosmic hierarchy. This hierarchical system extends from the upper world of spirit and light (populated by angels and other pure souls) to the lower world of matter and darkness (populated by humans, and below them animals, plants and minerals). Humanity is perceived as taking a middle position in this hierarchy, being located at the top of the world of darkness and at the bottom of the world of light.^[39] Those human beings who lack the proper religious knowledge and belief are reborn into other human bodies, which are likened to 'shirts' (qumṣān, sing.qamīṣ) that a soul can put on and off again. This is calledtanāsukh ornaskh. But grave sinners are reborn instead into animal bodies (maskh), and the worst offenders are reborn into the bodies of plants or minerals (raskh).^[13][d] On the other hand, those believers who perform good works and advance in knowledge also travel upwards on the ladder, putting on ever more pure and luminous 'shirts' or bodies, ultimately reaching the realm of the divine.^[14] This upwards path is represented as consisting of seven stages above that of humanity, each located in one of theseven heavens:^[40]

1. al-Mumtaḥā: the Tested, first heaven
2. al-Mukhliṣ: the Devout, second heaven
3. al-Mukhtaṣṣ: the Elect, third heaven
4. al-Najīb: the Noble, fourth heaven
5. al-Naqīb: the Chief, fifth heaven
6. al-Yatīm: the Unique, sixth heaven
7. al-Bāb: the Gate, seventh heaven

At every degree the initiate receives the chance to gain a new level of 'hidden' or 'occult' (bāṭin) knowledge. If the initiate succeeds at internalizing this knowledge, they may ascend to the next degree. If, however, they lose interest or start to doubt the knowledge already acquired, they may lose their pure and luminous "shirt", receiving instead a heavier and darker one, and descend down the scale of being again. Those who reach the seventh degree (that ofBāb or "Gate")^[e] are granted wondrous powers such as making themselves invisible, or seeing and hearing all things –including abeatific vision of God– without having to look or listen. Most notably, they are able to manifest themselves to ordinary beings in the world of matter (tajallin), by taking on the form of a human and appearing to anyone at will.^[41] This ability is shared between the "Gates" in the seventh heaven and God, who also manifests himself to the world by taking on a human form.^[39]

The theme of a heavenly ascent through seven degrees of spiritual perfection is also explored in otherghulāt works, including the anonymousKitāb al-Marātib wa-l-daraj (Book of Degrees and Stages), as well as various works attributed to Muhammad ibn Sinan (died 835),Ibn Nusayr (died after 868), and others.^[42] In the 9th/10th-century works attributed to the Shi'i alchemistJabir ibn Hayyan, the seven degrees corresponding to the seven heavens (themselves related to theseven planets) are replaced with fifty-five degrees carrying similar names (includingal-Muʾmin al-Mumtaḥā,al-Najīb,al-Naqīb,al-Yatīm,al-Bāb). These fifty-five degrees correspond to the fifty-fivecelestial spheres alluded to byPlato in hisTimaeus and mentioned byAristotle in hisMetaphysics.^[43]

• al-Risāla al-Mufaḍḍaliyya (Mufaddali Epistle)^[o] is a brief dialogue between al-Mufaddal and Ja'far al-Sadiq of unclear date and origin. It strongly resembles theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla and theKitāb al-Ṣirāṭ in doctrine and terminology.^[12] Its main subject is the classical theological question of the relationship between the onetranscendent God (al-maʿnā,lit. 'the meaning') on the one hand, and his many attributes (ṣiffāt) and names (asmāʾ) on the other.[44]
• Mā yakūn ʿinda ẓuhūr al-Mahdī (What Will Happen at the Appearance of the Mahdi)^[p] is a lengthyapocalyptic text about the state of the world during the end times, just before the return (rajʿa) of theMahdi.^[q] Its earliest known version is preserved in a work by theNusayri authoral-Khasibi (died 969),^[45] but the text likely goes back to the 9th century and perhaps even to al-Mufaddal himself.^[46] Though mainly dealing with the actions that the Mahdi will undertake to render justice to the oppressed, the work also contains references to mainstream Shi'i ideas such as temporary marriage contracts (mutʿa), as well as to theghulāt idea of world cycles.^[47] It has been argued that the conceptualization ofrajʿa in this and similar 8th/9th-centuryghulāt texts has influenced the 10th-century development of theTwelver Shi'i doctrine on the return of the twelfth and 'hidden' ImamMuhammad al-Mahdi.^[48]
• Kitāb Mā iftaraḍa Allāh ʿalā al-jawāriḥ min al-īmān (Book on the Faith that God has Imposed on the Bodily Members), also known as theKitāb al-Īmān wa-l-islām (Book of Faith and Submission) and perhaps identical to theRisālat al-Mayyāḥ (Epistle of the Swagger) mentioned by the Twelver Shi'i bibliographeral-Najashi (c. 982–1058),[r] presents itself as a long letter from Ja'far al-Sadiq to al-Mufaddal.^[49] It was preserved by the Imami (i.e., proto-Twelver)^[b] scholaral-Saffar al-Qummi (died 903).^[50] Likely written as a reaction to the negative portrayals of theghulāt by Imamiheresiographers, it refutes the typical accusation of theghulāt's purported licentiousness and sexual promiscuity. It also contains a reference to the obscure idea, likewise found in theKitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla but attributed here toAbu al-Khattab (died 755–6), that religious commandments and restrictions are 'men' (rijāl), and that to know these 'men' is to know religion.^[12]

Two of the treatises attributed to al-Mufaddal, theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal and theKitāb al-Ihlīlaja, differ from other treatises attributed to al-Mufaddal by the absence of any content that is specifically Shi'i in nature. Though both were preserved by the 17th-century Shi'i scholarMuhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (died 1699), the only element connecting them to Shi'ism is their ascription toJa'far al-Sadiq and al-Mufaddal. Their content appears to be influenced byMu'tazilism, a rationalistic school of Islamic speculative theology (kalām).^[12] Often transmitted together in the manuscript tradition,^[51] they may be regarded as part of an attempt to rehabilitate al-Mufaddal among Twelver Shi'is, to whom al-Mufaddal was important as a narrator of numeroushadiths from the Imams Ja'far al-Sadiq and his sonMusa al-Kazim.^[18] Both works were also known to other Twelver scholars such asal-Najashi (c. 982–1058),Ibn Shahrashub (died 1192), andIbn Tawus (1193–1266).^[52]

TheTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal (lit. 'Declaration by al-Mufaddal of the Oneness of God')[s] sets out toprove the existence of God based on the argument from design (also called theteleological argument). The work consists of a series of lectures about the existence and oneness (tawḥīd) of God presented to al-Mufaddal by Ja'far al-Sadiq, who is answering a challenge made to him by the self-declared atheist Ibn Abi al-Awja'.^[53] In four "sessions" (majālis), Ja'far argues that the cosmic order and harmony which can be detected throughout nature necessitates the existence of a wise and providential creator.^[54] The Twelver Shi'i bibliographer al-Najashi (c. 982–1058) also refers to the work as theKitāb Fakkir (lit. 'Book of Think'), a reference to the fact that Ja'far often begins his exhortations with the wordfakkir (think!).[55]

TheTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal is not an original work. Instead, it is a revised version of a work also attributed to the famous Mu'tazili litterateural-Jahiz (died 868) under the titleKitāb al-Dalāʾil wa-l-iʿtibār ʿalā al-khalq wa-l-tadbīr (Book on the Proofs and Contemplation of Creation and Administration).^[56] The attribution of this work to al-Jahiz is probably spurious as well, although the original was likely written in the 9th century.^[57] Compared topseudo-Jahiz'sKitāb al-Dalāʾil, theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal adds an introduction that sets up aframe story involving al-Mufaddal, Ibn Abi al-Awja', and Ja'far al-Sadiq, as well rhymed praises of God at the beginning of each chapter, and a brief concluding passage.^[58]

Scholars have espoused various views on the ultimate origins of this work. According to Melhem Chokr, the versions attributed to al-Mufaddal and to al-Jahiz are both based on an unknown earlier work, with the version attributed to al-Mufaddal being more faithful to the original.^[59] In Chokr's view, at some point the work must have been translated by aSyriac author into the Arabic from a Greek original, perhaps from an unknownHermetic work.^[60] However, bothHans Daiber andJosef van Ess identify the original work on which pseudo-Jahiz'sKitāb al-Dalāʾil was based as theKitāb al-Fikr wa-l-iʿtibār (Book of Thought and Contemplation), written by the 9th-centuryNestorian ChristianJibril ibn Nuh ibn Abi Nuh al-Nasrani al-Anbari.^[61] However this may be, Jibril ibn Nuh'sKitāb al-Fikr wa-l-iʿtibār, theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal and pseudo-Jahiz'sKitāb al-Dalāʾil are only the three earliest among many extant versions of the work: adaptations were also made by the Nestorian Christian bishopElijah of Nisibis (died 1056),^[62] by the Sunni mystical-Ghazali (died 1111),^[63] and by theAndalusian Jewish philosopherBahya ibn Paquda (died first half of 12th century).^[64]

TheTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal/Kitāb al-Dalāʾil contains many parallels withSyriac Christian literature, especially with the commentaries on theHexameron (the six days of creation as described inGenesis) written byJacob of Edessa (c. 640–708) andMoses bar Kepha (c. 813–903), as well as withJob of Edessa's encyclopedic work on natural philosophy called theBook of Treasures (c. 817).[65] Its teleological proof of the existence of God—based upon a discussion of thefour elements, minerals, plants, animals,meteorology, and the human being—was likely inspired bypseudo-Aristotle'sDe mundo (On the Universe, 3rd/2nd century BCE), a work also used by the Syriac authors mentioned above.^[66] In particular, theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal/Kitāb al-Dalāʾil contains the same emphasis on the idea that God, who already in pseudo-Aristotle'sDe mundo is called "one", can only be known through the wisdom permeating his creative works, while his own essence (kunh) remains hidden for all.^[67]

The idea that contemplating the works of nature leads to a knowledge of God is also found in theQuran.^[60] However, in the case of theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal/Kitāb al-Dalāʾil, the idea is set in a philosophical framework that clearly goes back onHellenistic models. Apart from pseudo-Aristotle'sDe mundo (3rd/2nd century BCE), there are also many parallels withCicero's (106–43 BCE)De natura deorum, especially with theStoic views onteleology anddivine providence outlined in Cicero's work.^[68] Some of the enemies cited in the work areDiagoras (5th century BCE) andEpicurus (341–270 BCE),^[69] both reviled sincelate antiquity for their allegedatheism,^[70] as well asMani (c. 216–274 or 277 CE, the founding prophet ofManichaeism), a certain Dūsī, and all those who would deny the providence and purposefulness (ʿamd) of God.^[60]

TheKitāb al-Ihlīlaja (Book of the Myrobalan Fruit)^[t] is another work in which al-Mufaddal asks Ja'far al-Sadiq to present a proof of the existence and oneness of God in response to those who openly profess atheism.^[71] In comparison with theTawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal, the frame story here is less well integrated into the main text, which despite being written in the form of anepistle does not directly address al-Mufaddal's concerns about the appearance of people who would publicly deny the existence of God.^[72] In the epistle itself, the author (presumed to be Ja'far al-Sadiq) recounts his meeting with an Indian physician, who contended that theworld is eternal and therefore does not need a creator.^[73] Taking the myrobalan fruit (perhaps the black myrobalan orTerminalia reticulata, a plant used inAyurveda)^[74] that the Indian physician was grinding as a starting point for contemplation, the author of the epistle succeeds in convincing the physician of the existence of God.^[75] Thedialectical style of the debate is typical of early Muslim speculative theology (kalām).^[16] Sciences likeastrology and medicine are presented as originating from divine revelation.^[55] Melhem Chokr has proposed the 8th-century scribe (kātib) and speculative theologianMuhammad ibn Layth as the original author of theKitāb al-Ihlīlaja, based on similarities with other works attributed to Ibn Layth, and on the attribution to him inIbn al-Nadim's (c. 932 – c. 995 or 998)Fihrist of a work calledKitāb al-Ihlīlaja fī al-iʿtibār (Book of the Myrobalan Fruit on Contemplation).^[17]

Some other works attributed to, or transmitted by, al-Mufaddal are still extant:

• TheWaṣiyyat al-Mufaḍḍal (Testament of al-Mufaddal)^[u] is a short text purporting to be al-Mufaddal's testament to the Shi'is of Kufa. The testament itself only contains a rather generic exhortation to piety and proper religious conduct, but it is followed by a paragraph in which Ja'far al-Sadiq reproaches the Kufan Shi'is for their hostility towards al-Mufaddal, exonerating his disciple from all blame.^[76] The text may very well be authentic, though it may also have been attributed to al-Mufaddal by later authors seeking to rehabilitate him.^[12]
• TheDuʿāʾ samāt, also called theDuʿāʾ Shabbūr,^[v] is a prayer (duʿāʾ) attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq, supposedly transmitted from Ja'far by al-Mufaddal and later byMuhammad ibn Uthman al-Amri (died 917 or 918), the second deputy of the Hidden ImamMuhammad al-Mahdi during theMinor Occultation (874–941). It is a revised version of an originallyTalmudic invocation that was used by Jews to cast off robbers and thieves. It was apparently in use among Muslims during the time of Muhammad ibn Uthman al-Amri, who approved of this practice but said that he had a "fuller" version handed down from the Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq. This version is nearly identical to the version preserved in the Talmud, only adding the names of the prophet Muhammad and some of his family members.^[77]
• TheRiwāyat al-ruzz wa-mā fīhi min al-faḍl is treatise attributed to al-Mufaddal on the virtue ofrice.^[12]
• al-Ḥikam al-Jaʿfariyya (Ja'farian Aphorisms) is a collection of moralaphorisms (ḥikam) attributed to Ja'far al-Sadiq and transmitted by al-Mufaddal.^[78]

There are also some works attributed to, or transmitted by, al-Mufaddal that are mentioned in other sources but are now lost:

• Kitāb ʿIlal al-Sharāʾiʿ (Book of the Causes of Religious Laws)^[79]
• Kitāb Yawm wa-layla (Book of Day and Night)^[80]
• Kitāb (Book), a notebook containing hadiths purportedly recorded by al-Mufaddal^[81]

• Amir-Moezzi, Mohammad Ali (2007–2012)."Islam in Iran vii. The Concept of Mahdi in Twelver Shiʿism". InYarshater, Ehsan (ed.).Encyclopædia Iranica.
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• Anthony, Sean W. (2012a).The Caliph and the Heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the Origins of Shīʿism. Islamic History and Civilization. Vol. 91. Leiden: Brill.doi:10.1163/9789004216068.ISBN 978-90-04-20930-5.
• Anthony, Sean W. (2012b). "The Mahdī and the Treasures of al-Ṭālaqān".Arabica.59 (5):459–483.doi:10.1163/157005812X618907.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2012).Heresy and Rationalism in Early Islam: The Origins and Evolution of the Mufaḍḍal-Tradition (PhD diss.). Yale University.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2014). "Bankers and Politics: The Network of Shi'i Moneychangers in Eighth-Ninth Century Kufa and their Role in the Shi'i Community".Journal of Persianate Studies.7 (1):1–21.doi:10.1163/18747167-12341262.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2015)."An Early Shīʿi Cosmology: Kitāb al-ashbāḥ wa l-aẓilla and its Milieu".Studia Islamica.110:1–80.doi:10.1163/19585705-12341311.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2016). "Shiite Underground Literature Between Iraq and Syria: "The Book of Shadows" and the History of the Early Ghulat". In Langermann, Y. Tzvi; Robinson, Robert G. (eds.).Texts in Transit in the Medieval Mediterranean. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. pp. 128–161.ISBN 9780271071091.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2017).Controversies in Formative Shiʿi Islam: The Ghulat Muslims and Their Beliefs. London: I.B. Tauris.ISBN 9781784538958.
• Asatryan, Mushegh (2020). "Early Ismailis and Other Muslims: Polemics and Borrowing in Kitāb al-Kashf". In Mir-Kasimov, Orkhan (ed.).Intellectual Interactions in the Islamic World: The Ismaili Thread. London: I.B. Tauris. pp. 273–298.ISBN 978-1-83860-485-1.
• Capezzone, Leonardo (1993)."Una nuova fonte per lo studio dell'eterodossia islamica: Il Kitāb al-ṣirāṭ attribuito a Mufaḍḍal b. ʿUmar al-Ğuʿfī".Rivista degli studi orientali.67 (3/4):265–273.JSTOR 41922961.
• Capezzone, Leonardo (1999). "Un aspetto della critica imamita alle tradizioni eterodosse: il Kitāb al-haft wa'l-azilla e le molteplici redazioni di un Kitāb al-azilla".Annali di Ca' Foscari.38 (3):171–193.
• Capezzone, Leonardo (2002)."La questione dell'eterodossia di Mufaḍḍal ibn ʿUmar al-Ğuʿfī nel Tanqīḥ al-Maqāl di al-Māmaqānī".Oriente Moderno.21 (1):147–157.doi:10.1163/22138617-08201010.JSTOR 25817817.
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• Capezzone, Leonardo (2020)."The Solitude of the Orphan: Ǧābir b. Ḥayyān and the Shiite Heterodox Milieu of the Third/Ninth–Fourth/Tenth Centuries".Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.83 (1):51–73.doi:10.1017/S0041977X20000014.hdl:11573/1362553.S2CID 214044897.
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• Daiber, Hans (1975).Das theologisch-philosophische System des Mu'ammar ibn 'Abbād as-Sulamī (gest. 830 n. Chr.). Beiruter Texte und Studien. Vol. 19. Beirut/Wiesbaden: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.ISBN 3515018409.OCLC 963435324.
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• Halm, Heinz (1978). "Das "Buch der Schatten". Die Mufaḍḍal-Tradition der Ġulāt und die Ursprünge des Nuṣairiertums. I. Die Überlieferer der häretischen Mufaḍḍal-Tradition".Der Islam.55 (2):219–266.doi:10.1515/islm.1978.55.2.219.S2CID 160481806.
• Halm, Heinz (1981). "Das "Buch der Schatten". Die Mufaḍḍal-Tradition der Ġulāt und die Ursprünge des Nuṣairiertums. II. Die Stoffe".Der Islam.58 (1):15–86.doi:10.1515/islm.1981.58.1.15.S2CID 162219074.
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• Kohlberg, Etan (1992).A Medieval Muslim Scholar at Work: Ibn Ṭāwūs and his Library. Leiden: Brill.doi:10.1163/9789004451162.ISBN 978-90-04-09549-6.
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• Madelung, Wilferd (1963). "Kitab-al-haft wa'l-azilla (book review)".Der Islam.38:180–182.
• Modaressi, Hossein (2003).Tradition and Survival: A Bibliographical Survey of Early Shīʿite Literature. Oxford: Oneworld.ISBN 1-85168-331-3.
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• Sezgin, Fuat (1967).Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Band I: Qur'ānwissenschaften, Ḥadīṯ, Geschichte, Fiqh, Dogmatik, Mystik. Bis ca. 430 H. Leiden: Brill.ISBN 978-90-04-02007-8.
• Turner, Colin P. (2006)."The "Tradition of Mufaḍḍal" and the Doctrine of the Rajʿa: Evidence of Ghuluww in the Eschatology of Twelver Shiʿism?".Iran.44:175–195.doi:10.1080/05786967.2006.11834685.JSTOR 4300708.S2CID 170603436.
• Van Ess, Josef (1980). "Early Islamic Theologians on the Existence of God". In Semaan, Khalil I. (ed.).Islam and the Medieval West: Aspects of Intercultural Relations. Papers Presented at the Ninth Annual Conference of the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York at Binghamton. Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 64–81.ISBN 0-87395-409-2. (reprinted inVan Ess, Josef (2018).Kleine Schriften. Leiden: Brill. pp. 1431–1445.doi:10.1163/9789004336483_099.ISBN 978-90-04-31224-1.)
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Kitāb al-Haft wa-l-aẓilla

• Asatryan, Mushegh (2020). "Early Ismailis and Other Muslims: Polemics and Borrowing in Kitāb al-Kashf". In Mir-Kasimov, Orkhan (ed.).Intellectual Interactions in the Islamic World: The Ismaili Thread. London: I.B. Tauris. pp. 273–298.ISBN 978-1-83860-485-1. (pp. 196–198 contain a critical edition of chapter 59)
• Ghālib, Muṣṭafā (1964).al-Haft al-Sharīf. Beirut: Dār al-Andalus.OCLC 977409505.
• Tāmir, ʿĀrif; Khalifé, Ignace Abdo (1960).Kitāb al-Haft wa-l-'Aẓillat, attribué à al-Mufaḍḍal ibn ʻUmar al-Ǧaʻfī, rapportant les paroles de l'Imām Ǧaʻfar ibn M. aṣ-Ṣādiq. Beirut: Impr. Catholique.OCLC 459827793.
• Tāmir, ʿĀrif (2007) [1981].Kitāb al-haft wa-l-aẓilla. Beirut: Dār wa-Maktabat al-Hilāl.ISBN 978-9953-75-266-2. (edition based on a different ms. compared toTāmir & Khalifé 1960)

Kitāb al-Ṣirāṭ

• Capezzone, Leonardo (1995)."Il Kitāb al-Ṣirāṭ attribuito a Mufaḍḍal ibn ʿUmar al-Ğuʿfī: Edizione del ms. unico (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Ar. 1449/3) e studio introduttivo".Rivista degli studi orientali.69 (3–4):295–416.JSTOR 41880880.
• Ibn ʿAbd al-Jalīl, al-Munṣif (2005).Kitāb al-Ṣirāṭ. Beirut: Dār al-Madār al-Islāmī.ISBN 9789959292636.OCLC 812186733.

Other

• Abū Mūsā; al-Shaykh Mūsā, eds. (2006).Silsilat al-turath al-ʿalawī. Vol. 6: al-Majmūʿa al-Mufaḍḍaliyya. Diyār ʿAql (Lebanon): Dār li-Ajl al-Maʿrifa.OCLC 652937966.
• al-Majlisi, Muhammad Baqir (1983).Biḥār al-anwār al-jāmiʿa li-durar akhbār al-aʾimma al-aṭhār. Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī. (Tawḥīd al-Mufaḍḍal in vol. 3, pp. 57–151;Kitāb al-Ihlīlaja in vol. 3, pp. 152–198;Mā yakūn ʿinda ẓuhūr al-Mahdī in vol. 53, pp. 1–38)
• Tāmir, ʿĀrif (1957).al-Ḥikam al-Jaʿfariyya, li-l-Imām al-Ṣādiq Jaʿfar ibn Muḥammad. Beirut: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Kāthūlīkiyya.OCLC 23505958.

• Ghulat leaders
• 8th-century Islamic religious leaders
• People from Kufa
• 8th-century Shia Muslims

• Articles containing Latin-language text
• Articles with short description
• Short description is different from Wikidata
• Good articles
• Use dmy dates from March 2023
• Articles containing Arabic-language text
• Year of birth unknown
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