 Mising woman fromDhakuakhana in traditional attire | |
| Total population | |
|---|---|
| 603,310 (2001 census) | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
| India | |
| Assam | 587,310[1] |
| Arunachal Pradesh | 16,000[2] |
| Languages | |
| Mising,Tani | |
| Religion | |
| Hinduism,Christianity,Donyi-Polo[3] | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Adi,Apatani,Galo,Hill Miri,Nyishi,Tagin,Lhoba people,Tibetans | |
TheMising people orMiri people(/ˈmiːsɪŋ/ or/ˈmɪsɪŋ/) are aTibeto-Burmanethnic group living mostly in theNortheast Indian states ofAssam andArunachal Pradesh. TheirMising language is a part of theTani languages and theTibeto-Burman language group. The Misings are a major ethnic group of Assam, the second largesttribe after theBodos. 15.4% of Assam's tribal population speaks Mising, but many more speakAssamese (24.7%) and Mising organisations estimate that the unofficial Mising population is 1.2 million rather than the 587,310 declared by the2001 census of India.[4]
The Misings are officially listed asMiri in theConstitution of India’s order ofScheduled Tribes, but they prefer to known asMising.[5]Mising is anendonym anddemonym which literally means 'man of the soil'.[6]Miri, on the other hand, is anexonym once applied by theAssamese.[7] There is still much scholarly debate on the origin ofMiri as anethnonym.[7] The Misings also use the endonymTani, 'man', for identifying themselves.[5]
The Misings were anoral community until the early 20th century.[8] Accordingly, there are no detailed written records of the people in their earliest habitat and culture. SomeAssamese literature from theVaishnavite period, and theAhom Chronicles, theBuranji’s, mention the Miri's (Misings) in relation to their interactions withVaishnavite saints andAhom kings. The ethnonymMiri was used by theAhoms to designate many communities inhabiting the hills of the north-east region between the gorge of theSubansiri River and theSiyang River in Arunachal Pradesh.[7] TheBritish also left behind accounts about the Misings, starting in the 19th century. These sporadic accounts form the basis of attempts to reconstruct early Mising history.[8]
According to Sharma, the Misings are related to theTani speakers of present-day Arunachal Pradesh.[4] Their original habitat might have been the hills of Arunachal Pradesh from whence they migrated to the plains. The Misings might have entered present-day Assam around the 13th-14th century during the reign ofChutia kings in search of fertile lands. This migration continued, gradually, for centuries, and today, the Mising population is concentrated around the districts ofDhemaji,Lakhimpur, andMajuli.[4]
Some British ethnographers argued thatmiri referred to a status as intermediaries between plains people in theBrahmaputra Valley and hill tribes towards the north inArunachal Pradesh.[9] Another theory — Bhandari (1984) — associatesmiri with being religious functionaries ofTani hill-tribes. When some ritualists migrated to the plains they were identified as coming from theMiri pahar ('Miri hills'), whose feats of magic would have been well-known back then, and the name stuck.[6] However, this exonymic ethnonym was perhaps not used to designate the entire community of Tani language speakers. Nevertheless, the exonym became widespread and for the non-Miri people living in the plains, the Mising eventually became known as the Miri.[6]
According to Bhandari, the Misings have social and cultural differences between themselves. Bhandari argues that these differences might originate in different waves of migrations, which led to some differences between kinship groups, namely, the Barogan and the Dohgam, meaning 'twelve-chiefs' and 'ten-chiefs'.[10] Some Dohgam Mising clans have traditions indicating that they migrated to the plains as late as, or later than, 1826, when theEast India Company had annexed most of theAhom Kingdom.[11] On the other hand, Lakshmi Devi states that the distinction between the Barogan and the Dohgam are based on Assamese tradition, and devoid of “any structural or other importance”.[12] Devi advocates an interpretation in which the Miri’s are generally divided between “Plain Miri’s” and the “Hill Miri’s”.[13]
There is no written history about Misings migrating to the plains of the Brahmaputra Valley, but history was passed down orally in the form of folk songs and stories by their ancestors from generation to generation and is still prevalent among their society. Although they were initially hill-dwellers, they later migrated to the plains in search of fertile land and started living on the northern banks of the Brahmaputra. One account by a British ethnographer suggests they migrated due to conflicts with the Abor orAdi peoples.[14] Another tradition suggests they settled under the patronage of anAhom king.[10] While it is not known precisely when they were settled in the plains, many Mising peoples had already settled in the region before the British annexation ofUpper Assam in 1838-39.[14]
The Miri’s inhabiting parts of theChutia Kingdom were designated as the "Chutia Miri" by the Ahoms during the reign ofSuhungmung, the Dihingia Raja.[15] These Miri’s included those who were serving asHatigahis to the Chutia king'swar elephants in the foothills near the Dikrong river (Lakhimpur district), and came under the overlordship of the Ahoms, who allowed them to reside in their villages in return for annual tribute.[15][16] However, some Miri’s living near historicalSadiya (which included parts of Dhemaji) continued to raid Ahom territory.[17] In 1615, the Miri attackedAhom territory during the reign ofSusenghphaa, 'Pratap Singha', and the force sent to subdue them failed. The Miri's of Sadiya were conciliated by their enrolment in the ‘’posa’’ system of trade relations, by which they could avail themselves of the commercial networks of the Ahom kingdom.[18]
In 1655, however, the Miri's of Sadiya launched another raid, which resulted in a successful counter-raid by Ahom forces during which the Miri's were defeated. They agreed to pay an annual tribute of wild cows, horses, twenty tortoises, yellow pebbles, woven blankets, andShikaradao, a type of knife, to the Ahoms.[15] They were placed under the governorship of the Sadiyakhowa Gohain and a new officer known as Miri Barau was appointed as a subordinate to the Gohain.[16] An officer called the Barbarua remained the chief officer over the Miri's of Sadiya in matters relating to war and other important royal concerns.[16] The Barbarau was ordered to employ the Miri's in thekanri, 'archery',khel or division.[16]
In 1665, during the reign ofSupangmung, 'Chakradhwaj Singha', the Miri's of Sadiya rebelled and refused to come to terms with the Ahoms.[19] The construction of earthen rampart fortifications bySupatphaa, 'Gadadhar Singha', halted the Miri raids.[20] It was only by 1685 that these Miri's were fully subjugated by the Ahoms.[20] Despite tense relations, the Miri's were given positions in the Ahom army and administration throughout the 17th century.[21] The Miri's served in the Ahom army ofSutamla, 'Jayadhwaj Singha', Supatphaa, or 'Gadadhar Singha', andSukhrungpha, or 'Rudra Singha', the last of whom campaigned against theKachari andJaintia kingdoms at the turn of the 18th century.[20][22]
By the beginning of the 18th century, the Miri's of Sadiya were fully pacified and conciliated into the Ahom kingdom. During theMoamaria rebellion, the Miri's remained loyal despite many hill-tribes raiding Ahom territory during the period of chaos and confusion.[17] The Ahom kings encouragedAhomisation. In the reign of Suhungmung, the Dihingia Raja, a Miri man was ennobled by the Ahom court and raised to a high-rank.[23] A Miri child was adopted by the Bhokola Gohain, a member of the Borgohain family, and received the name “Miri-Sandikai”, and his descendants came to be known as the “Miri-Sandikai” family.[23] It was a descendant of this "Miri-Sandikai" family that was made governor of Sadiya during the reign of Supatphaa or Gadadhar Singha.[23]
The Miri’s were well-conciliated to the earlyBritish colonial regime that succeeded the Ahom kingdom, in part, because the British retained aspects of the “posa” trade system introduced by the Ahoms.[24] The hill-tribes on the frontiers of the Brahmaputra Valley were deficient in labourers and raw materials, and committed raids on the fertile plains to alleviate these deficiencies. However, the Ahoms had granted the Hill Miri’s — who cultivated the advanced tracts of Bordoloni, Sisi, and Dhemaji — the rights to participate in the “posa” system, by which these needs could be addressed.[24] During the British period, colonial administrators persuaded the Hill Miri’s to commute their claims in return for a fixed monthly payment.[24]
Beginning in the 20th century, modern education spread amongst the Misings through Christian missionaries. This led to the development of an educated class that pursued socio-economic advancement and political rights during the colonial period. In 1924, Mising leaders in the Brahmaputra Valley gathered under the banner of theSadou Asam Miri Sanmilan (All Assam Miri Conference).[25] The Sanmilan was the precursor to theMising Bane Kebang (Mising National Congress). The Kebang emerged as the vehicle for the educated Misings, raising its voice for employment and political power for Misings. Although opportunities were limited, some Misings gained colonial era jobs as revenue officials and school teachers, which formed the nascent Mising middle class. However, this educated class felt marginalised and suppressed by the non-tribalAssamese speakers, especially those who followed the Hindu caste system. The Misings were amongst the tribal peoples in Assam who actively competed with the non-tribal Assamese, who saw any assertion of socio-economic and political rights by tribal leaders with mistrust and suspicion.[25]
In 1932, theBodo, Mising, and other tribes formed theTribal League, with the view of advocating for their political rights and socio-economic advancement.[26] TheTribal League secured five seats reserved for the tribal population in theAssam Legislative Council election in 1935, with Karko Ch. Doley as the Mising representative.[26] However, the League became engulfed in inter-personal competition, and many leaders joined theIndian National Congress after the independence of India in 1947.[26] Although an important part of the independence movement in Assam, the tribal leaders did not feel recognised, and became alienated from the non-tribal Assamese caste Hindu dominated Congress which advocated assimilation policies towards the tribals.[26]
The frustration of working within the Congress led to the development of organisations that prioritised Mising political and socio-economic interests, including theNorth East Frontier Miri-Abor Sanmilan led by Padmeswar Doley. The Sanmilan adopted a resolution for autonomy of the Misings, Adis, and Nyishis on the eastern part of the north bank of the Brahamaputra Valley.[27] In 1951 and 1959, further Mising organisations were formed, which, in 1974, were merged and renamedAssam Arunachal Misings Studions Union. In 1978, a resolution was adopted to change the name toAll Assam Mising Students Union. From 1972 to 1980, there was a debate on a suitable script for the Mising language, wherein theAssamese alphabet was permanently displaced by a preference for theRoman alphabet.[28] In 1982, an unanimous resolution was passed demanding autonomy for Misings under theSixth Schedule of the Constitution. In 1985, the name ofAll Assam Mising Students Union was changed toTakam Mising Porin Kebang, or,All Mising Students Union, which launched a movement for autonomy.[27] Another autonomist movement was directed through thePlain Tribals Council of Assam (PTCA), which, in 1973, started demanding a separateUnion territory calledUdayanchal orMising-Bodoland for tribals along the northern bank of the Brahmaputra Valley.[29][30] However, this proposal was not successful inBodoland nor in Mising inhabited parts of Assam.[30]
The Misings currently have some state autonomy underMising Autonomous Council (MAC), which was formed in 1995 following popular agitations for greater autonomy.[31] MAC includes 40 constituencies in eight upper Assam districts comprising core areas and satellite areas. Core areas denote territorially compact and contiguous regions predominantly inhabited by Misings, where they comprise half or more than half of the overall population locally, rather than necessarily in individual villages.[32] Satellite areas denote territorially non-contiguous regions primarily inhabited by Misings, where they comprise half or more of the total in the cluster, rather than necessarily in individual villages.[32] Executive Councillor from 36 constituencies are elected democratically while 4 other members are elected through the state government. Ethnic tensions have occurred in the MAC area between the Misings and other communities.[33][34][35]
Mising politics are centred on three levels, theMising Autonomous Council (MAC), theAssam Legislative Assembly, and theLok Sabha, the lower house of theIndian Parliament. The Misings have a decisive electoral vote inLakhimpur Lok Sabha constituency.[36][37] In the legislative assembly, the Misings have a decisive electoral vote inUpper Assam, where they are the largest tribal community.[38] TheTakam Mising Porin Kebang (TMPK) is the major Mising centric student union, and theSanmilita Gana Shakti (SGS) is the TMPK's political vehicle in electoral politics.[39] The Misings who support local parties often ally with national parties, hoping that such associations would further their own political aspirations.[40] In 2009, the MAC was headed by a coalition of theIndian National Congress and the SGS.[36] In 2013, the SGS won a majority of seats, and subsequently refuted reports that the Indian National Congress supported the party in the autonomous council elections in return for support during the2014 Indian general election.[37] The SGS subsequently entered theNational Democratic Alliance led by theBharatiya Janata Party.[41] After the 2019 elections, the MAC has been headed by a coalition of the SGS and the Bharatiya Janata Party. The next MAC elections due in 2024 were postponed, first until 2025, and then again until after the2026 assembly elections.[42]
According to the2001 census, the Mising population ofAssam is 587,310.[1] Their population in 2012 is estimated at more than 1.2 million by Mising organizations.[1] They live in 10 districts of Assam:Dhemaji,Lakhimpur,Sonitpur,Tinsukia,Dibrugarh,Sivasagar,Majuli,Charaideo,Jorhat andGolaghat,[2] with most of the population concentrated in Dhemaji, Lakhimpur, and Majuli.[4] There are 16,000 Misings in three districts of Arunachal Pradesh:East Siang district,Lower Dibang Valley, andLohit.[2]
Modern education began with the advent of Christian missionary activity in the late 19th century.[43] Christian missionaries wrote the Mising language in theRoman alphabet. In 1885, J. E. Needham prepared a grammar based on Shaiyang Miri language prevalent around Sadiya.[43] In 1907, J. H. Lorrain completed a Miri-Abor dictionary. In 1926, the first Mising graduate completed a Bachelor of Arts degree fromCalcutta University.[43] The literacy rate is 60.1% (Male 71.4%, Female 48.3%), which remains below the state figure of Scheduled Tribe literacy of 62.5%, as of 2012. There is widespread disparity in educational attainment amongst the relatively disadvantaged sections of Mising society.[43]
Educated Misings are bilingual inAssamese andMising, but some speak only Assamese and a minority speak only Mising.[44] The Misings practicecode switching, depending on the degree of their interactions with the non-tribal Assamese, the dominant community in the Brahmaputra Valley.[44]
The neo-Vaishnavite cult ofSankardev had a significant influence on the Mising people, and stimulated a process ofSanskritisation. There are many neo-Vaishnavite monasteries, orxatras, in the Mising populated areas of Assam.[45] However, the Misings later perceived that thexatras had become instruments perpetuating the interest of non-tribalAssamese speaking elites, which led to the weakening ofneo-Vaishnavism by the 1970s.[45] Although the Misings are reckoned amongst the Hinduized peoples, they have retained many of their customary practices. This is in contrast to other Hinduized tribal groups in Assam, which have relinquished many of their traditional customs and embraced the Assamese caste Hindu system.[45]
A new identity-centric cultural movement calledDonyi-Polo has gained some following among the Mising people, with a point of origin in Arunachal Pradesh, where it has a wider following.[45]Christianity has been embraced by some of the Mising population, which has led to some sectarian tensions.[45]
Agriculture andanimal husbandry constitute the main sources of income for Misings, who have a consumption-oriented, subsistence economy.[46] Commercialisation is at a very low stage of development.[46] The Misings practiced slash and burn agriculture until recently. Today, they are a “settled peasant” society like many other peoples in Assam.[46] The Misings practice mono-cropping, includingcultivation of rice andRabi crops such as potatoes and mustard. Being a riverine people, the Misings face the danger of the surging floods of the Brahmaputra River and its tributaries.[46] Their habitat is acutely affected by high incidence of soil erosion caused by the flood water. These phenomenon have resulted in the rapid alienation of land — both agricultural as well as habitable — among the Misings, constituting disadvantages to their socio-economic standing.[47] Theconstruction of dams upstream the north bank of the Brahmaputra in Arunachal Pradesh is one of the issues facing the Mising people.[48] Many agriculturalists have now become daily wage earners after migrating to distant towns and cities, especiallyDibrugarh.[49] A number of Mising youths have migrated out of Assam, and are employed in various states of India.[49]
The Misings have a variety of different types of folk songs[50]
There are many types of Mising dances, and each has its particular rules. Gumrag is performed five times in circles. Drums and cymbals are the usual musical instruments for the dances[51]
Mising people celebrate various festivals, though, the two chief traditional festivals of the Misings are theAli Aye Ligang, and thePo:rag, both connected with their agricultural cycle.[51]
Ali-Ayé-Lígang is a festival marking the beginning of the sowing season, and marks the start of a new agricultural calendar.[51] Ali-Ayé means seeds in a row, and Lígang means sowing of seeds. Ali-Ayé-Lígang starts on the first Wednesday of February, considered an auspicious day, and lasts for five days. Ali-Ayé-Lígang is a five-day festival. The celebrations begin with the heads of families sowing ceremonially rice paddy seeds in a corner of their respective rice fields in the morning hours and praying for crop abundance. Young men and women participate in the occasion by singing and dancing at night in the courtyard of every household in the villages to the accompaniment of drums, cymbals, and a gong. The gong is not used on any festive occasion other than the Ali-Ayé Lígang. Similarly, the drums have specific beats for this festival. The troupe accepts from each household offers of rice beer and fowls. After the singing and dancing in this way is over, the youths hold a feast on the third day.
Po:rag is the post-harvest festival of the Misings.[51] Harvesting of paddy rice in autumn is usually observed now sometime in early winter or early spring. But there was a time when a harvest in summer was very common amongst them and so, Po:rag was celebrated earlier in the months of August or September also.
Another occasion calledDobur is an animistic rite performed occasionally by the village community by sacrificing a sow and some hens for different purposes.[52] The form of observance of Dobur varies according to the purpose. In the most common form, the younger male members of a village beat the walls of every house in the village from one end to the other with big sticks to drive away the "ghosts and goblins hiding" and hold a feast there.
Some of the features ofBihu dances, boys and girls dancing together for instance, may have been borrowed from the Misings.[citation needed]
The traditional craft of weaving is a very important aspect of Mising culture; the weaving loom is found in each and every rural household of the Mising people.[50] It is an exclusive preserve of the Mising woman, who starts her training in the craft even before she reaches her teens. Men wear cotton jackets (Mibu Galuk), light cotton towels,endi shawls, thick loin cloths, and, occasionally, even shirtings. The sword that mising men carry is called "yoksa" and mising muffler is called "erkok". Women wear variety of clothes.
Theege is a lower garment, comprising a sheet of cotton.[53] Above this they drape ari:bi orGaseng, both cotton sheets used to cover theege and blouse. However, while theri:bi has narrow stripes, thegaseng has broad stripes of contrasting colours. They wear aGero: a sheet, usually off-white, wrapped round the waist to cover the lower part of the body, or round the chest to cover the body down to the knees or so, or aseleng gasor: a light cotton sheet, worn occasionally instead of ari:bi or agaseng. Other forms of clothing include theriya, a long, comparatively narrow sheet wrapped a bit tightly round the chest. Married women will wear the segrek, a loose piece of cloth, wrapped round the waist to cover the ege down to the knees. Apo:tub is a scarf used to protect the head, andnisek is a piece of cloth to carry a baby with.
Before yarn was available in the market, Misings used to grow cotton and obtain cotton yarn by spinning. The use ofendi yarn, obtained from worms fed on leaves of castor-oil plants, was once common amongst them.[53] However, they have learnt the use ofmuga (silk obtained from silkworms fed on a kind of tall tree, calledsom in Assamese) and ofpaat (silk obtained from silkworms fed mulberry leaves) from neighbouring indigenous communities in the valley. Mising women weave cloths, using muga and paat silk, very sparingly.
The Misings also have a blanket calledgadu, fluffy on one side, and woven on a traditional loin loom. The warp consist of cotton spun into thick and strong yarn, and the weft of cotton turned into soft yarn and cut into small pieces for insertion, piece by piece, to form the fluff.[54]
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