Michael Parenti | |
|---|---|
 Parenti in Berkeley, California, US in 2004 | |
| Born | (1933-09-30)September 30, 1933 New York City, U.S. |
| Died | January 24, 2026(2026-01-24) (aged 92) Amherst, Massachusetts, U.S. |
| Occupations |
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| Spouse | Susan Parenti |
| Children | Christian Parenti |
| Awards |
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| Education | |
| Education | |
| Thesis | Ethnic and Political Attitudes: A Depth Study of Italian Americans (1962) |
| Doctoral advisor | Robert E. Lane |
| Philosophical work | |
| School | Marxism |
| Institutions | |
| Main interests | Socialism ·Imperialism ·Political economy ·Media ·Ideology ·Communism |
| Notable works |
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| Website | michael-parenti |
Michael John Parenti (September 30, 1933 – January 24, 2026) was an American political scientist, academic historian and cultural critic who wrote on scholarly and popular subjects. He taught at universities and also ran for political office.[1] Parenti was well known for hisMarxist writings and lectures,[2][3] and was an intellectual of theAmerican Left.[4]
Michael Parenti was born on September 30, 1933, to anItalian-American working-class family in theEast Harlem neighborhood of New York City.[5][6] After graduating from high school, Parenti worked for several years. Upon returning to school, he received a BA from theCity College of New York. He was awarded a teaching fellowship atBrown University where he earned an MA in history in 1957.[7] He completed his Ph.D. inpolitical science atYale University.[8]
Following completion of his doctorate, Parenti taught political and social science at various institutions of higher learning, including theUniversity of Illinois Urbana-Champaign (UI). In May 1970 while he was an associate professor at UI, he participated in a rally protesting the recentKent State shootings and ongoingVietnam War. At the rally he was severely clubbed by state troopers and then held in a jail cell for two days.He was charged with aggravated battery (of a state trooper), disorderly conduct, and resisting arrest. After being released on bond, he started a new teaching job at theUniversity of Vermont (UVM) in September. The next month he returned to Illinois to stand trial before a judge. According to Parenti, despite multiple witnesses offering exonerating testimony, the judge found him guilty on all three counts:
In June 1971 I returned to Illinois for sentencing. Because I was already employed outside the state and because a host of academic lights from around the country had sent in appeals on my behalf, I was saved from having to do time. Instead, I was given two years probation, a fine, and ordered to pay court costs.[9]
This incident effectively ended Parenti's career as a professor. In December 1971, after his UVM department voted unanimously to renew his teaching contract, the UVM board of trustees and conservative state legislators intervened and voted to let his contract expire, citing Parenti's "unprofessional conduct."[10] The battle over his continued presence on the UVM faculty lasted into early 1972, but ultimately he lost his position there.[11]
In subsequent years, he was unable to obtain another non-temporary teaching job. He learned from sympathetic associates at the colleges he applied to that he was being rejected for his leftist views and political activism. He chronicles this period of his life in the essay, "Struggles in Academe: A Personal Account", published inDirty Truths. He discusses the broader question of political orthodoxy in U.S. higher education in "The Empire in Academia" chapter of his 1995 book,Against Empire.[12]Because he couldn't earn a steady livelihood as a professor, Parenti began to devote himself full-time to writing, public speaking, and politics.
In1974, he ran for the U.S. House of Representatives in Vermont as the candidate of the democratic socialistLiberty Union Party; he finished in third place with 7.1% of the vote.[13][14] During his years in Vermont, Parenti became good friends withBernie Sanders. However, the two men later split over Sanders' support for theNATO bombing of Yugoslavia.[15][16]
In the 1980s, Parenti was a visiting fellow at theInstitute for Policy Studies in Washington, D.C.[17] In 2003, theCaucus for a New Political Science gave him a Career Achievement Award.[8] In 2007, he received a Certificate of Special Congressional Recognition from U.S. RepresentativeBarbara Lee.[8]
He served for 12 years as a judge forProject Censored.[18] He also was on the advisory boards of Independent Progressive Politics Network andEducation Without Borders as well as the advisory editorial boards ofNew Political Science andNature, Society and Thought.[19][20]
In his bookTo Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia (2001),[21] Parenti decried what he considered the demonization by Western leaders ofSlobodan Milošević and hisSerbian Socialist Party.[22] Parenti wrote that contrary to Western media assertions about an official policy ofethnic cleansing,[23] Serbia had long been the most ethnically diverse region in Yugoslavia (with 200,000 Muslims living inBelgrade),[24] and that NATO engaged in "hypocritical humanitarianism"[25] as a pretext for military intervention and the privatization of Serbia's public sector economy.[26][27] In 2003, Parenti became Chairman of the U.S. National Section of the International Committee to Defend Slobodan Milošević (ICDSM).[28] The committee was formed to urge an end to thewar crimes trial of Milošević that commenced in 2002 at theInternational Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) inThe Hague.[29]
In the last decades of his life, he made his home in Berkeley, California. He was the father ofChristian Parenti, an academic, author and journalist.[30]
Parenti died at an assisted living facility inAmherst, Massachusetts, on January 24, 2026, at the age of 92.[31][5][32][33]
HistorianMarko Attila Hoare wrote thatTo Kill a Nation was "simply an outright apologia for Milošević and his regime. Period...", stating that Milošević himself had written the book's foreword. Hoare described the book as "simply worthless", stating that Parenti had mistakenly called the pre-1991 Yugoslavia the FRY (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), despite it actually being named the SFRY (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), and criticized Parenti's sources as citing "the same or other similar authors in support of the same set of allegations, creating a closed circle of mutually supporting references that substitute for any genuine documentation or historical enquiry."[34]
According to David Walls, writing inNew Politics, in Project Censored's 2000 volume, Parenti denied reports of genocide and mass rapes committed in Bosnia, writing: "Hyperbolic labeling takes the place of evidence: "genocide," "mass atrocities," "systematic rapes," and even "rape camps" - camps which no one has ever located."[35]
TheCongress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) and theBalkan Witness website characterized Parenti's views asBosnian genocide denial. In 2012, after the San Jose Peace and Justice Center invited Parenti as a guest speaker, the CNAB published an open letter criticizing the Center's decision and stating that Parenti denied genocide and ethnic cleansing occurred inBosnia and Herzegovina, as well as "publicly disregard[ing] that approximately 50,000 Bosniak women were raped" during the war.[36][non-primary source needed] According to Balkan Witness, Parenti minimized the number of Muslims murdered in theSrebrenica massacre and, after Bosnian supporters in 24 countries wrote over 500 letters to the peace group, Parenti's speech was cancelled.[37] In 2013, theInstitute for the Research of Genocide, Canada criticizedLone Star College's decision to have Parenti appear at a speaking engagement, characterizing his views as genocide denial.[38][unreliable source?]
The first notable book in Parenti's writing career wasDemocracy for the Few. Originally published in 1974, it has since gone through nine editions and been used as a textbook in college political science courses.Democracy for the Few contains a critical analysis of the workings of American government with particular focus on the relationship between economic power and political power.[39]
Parenti'sInventing Reality: The Politics of the Mass Media (1986)[40] was reviewed by multiple scholarly journals[41][42][43] and byMichael Pollan inThe New York Times. Pollan wrote: "By documenting patterns of conservative bias in a dozen major news stories in the printed and broadcast press,Inventing Reality provides a valuable rebuttal to the drumbeat of criticism of the news media from the right. Unfortunately, Mr. Parenti is so simplistic and doctrinaire in accounting for this bias that he makes his book easy to dismiss." The reviewer went on to note how the author "paints the press in such broad, Marxist strokes that he ignores many details. He cannot, for example, adequately account for episodes of courage and independence, as during Vietnam and Watergate."[44] In a response to the review published as a Letter to the Editor, Parenti challenged Pollan's negative assessment.[45]
Parenti continued his exploration of mass media inMake-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment (1992).[46] The book dissects numerous popular movies and TV programs which, in Parenti's view, "have propagated images and themes that support militarism, imperialism, racism, sexism, authoritarianism, and other undemocratic values."[47] He describes what he believes is a pattern of unflattering portrayals of working-class people and trade unions,[48] and he disputes the notion that the major studios are "giving audiences what they want."[49] Other leftist writers have been influenced by his media critiques, for instance, Tabe Bergman echoes Parenti's claim that "hegemony-undermining information and views" usually fail to get aired.[50] InThrough Jaundiced Eyes: How the Media View Organized Labor, William Puette lists Parenti's seven generalizations for how the media depict labor struggles.[51] In a 2014 article on how the news and entertainment media "sell" counterterrorism,Brigitte Nacos and Yaeli Bloch-Elkon joined with Parenti in rejecting the conservative charge that Hollywood is "a den of leftist shills",[52] and instead argued that "Concentrated corporate ownership and the influence of Pentagon, CIA, NASA, and other government agencies on war movies in particular" were providing political entertainment to generate sympathy for the status quo and America's use of political violence.[53][54] In his foreword toMatthew Alford's 2010 bookReel Power: Hollywood Cinema and American Supremacy, Parenti reiterated several of the points fromMake-Believe Media.
Along with his interest in mass media's role in society, Parenti regularly published articles and books on cultural matters, e.g., "Reflections on the Politics of Culture", in which he agrees withAntonio Gramsci that culture "is largely reflective of existing hegemonic arrangements within the social order, strongly favoring some interests over others."[55] He further develops this idea in his booksLand of Idols,Superpatriotism,The Culture Struggle, andGod and His Demons.[56][57]
In aLos Angeles Times review, political commentatorKevin Phillips dismissed Parenti'sThe Sword and the Dollar: Imperialism, Revolution and the Arms Race (1989) as a Marxist polemic, "albeit flavored with scholarship and sprinkled with footnotes".[58] Phillips faulted Parenti for a biased comparison of U.S. and Soviet imperialisms, and for citing sources that too often included "New York'sMonthly Review Press,International Publishers,Progress Publishers of Moscow and the like. One has visions of grayEast Bloc bookstores and Upper West Side of Manhattan coffeehouses."[58][59]
Dirty Truths: Reflections on Politics, Media, Ideology, Conspiracy, Ethnic Life and Class Power (1996) contains Parenti's most wide-ranging collection of writings. Among its essays are "Fascism in a Pinstriped Suit" on the possibility of American fascism arriving subtly and gradually rather than intruding in a nightmarish "Big Brother" fashion; "Now for the Weather" on how even TV weather reports can be politicized; and "False Consciousness" on why the lower classes sometimes adopt the opinions and attitudes of the upper classes.[60] In two essays on theJFK assassination, he breaks ranks with fellow leftists such asNoam Chomsky by giving credence to skeptics of the official government narrative.[61] He also explores what he calls "Conspiracy Phobia on the Left".[62]Dirty Truths concludes with autobiographical sketches and poems.
Parenti's provocative 1997 bookBlackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism begins by examining the ideological underpinnings ofEuropean fascism in the 1920s and '30s as well as its incarnations asneofascism. He then takes the controversial position of defending the Soviet Union and other communist countries from reflexive condemnation, arguing that they featured a number of advantages over capitalist countries, e.g., by ensuring less economic inequality. He summarizes his approach in the Preface toBlackshirts and Reds:
This book invites those immersed in the prevailing orthodoxy of “democratic capitalism” to entertain iconoclastic views, to question the shibboleths of free-market mythology and the persistence of both right and left anti-communism, and to consider anew, with a receptive but not uncritical mind, the historic efforts of the much maligned Reds and other revolutionaries.[63]
He later argues that the Soviet Union's "well-publicized deficiencies and injustices" were exacerbated by theRussian Civil War, theNazi-led multinational invasion, and by non-military modes of capitalist intervention against theEastern Bloc. Moreover, he claims that "pure socialists" and "left anticommunists" had failed to specify a viable alternative to the "siege socialism" implemented in the Soviet model.[64] By offering a rare defense of 20th century Communism,Blackshirts and Reds has elicited strong reactions from anarchist and Communist publications.[65][66]
Apart from video recordings of his public speaking engagements,[67][68] Parenti also appeared in the 1992 documentaryThe Panama Deception, and in the 2004Liberty Bound and 2013Fall and Winter documentaries as an author and social commentator.[69][70]
In July 2003, he was invited on theC-SPANBooknotes program to discuss his latest work,The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome.[71][72] He appeared in an episode of the Showtime seriesPenn & Teller: Bullshit!, speaking briefly about theDalai Lama (Episode 305 – Holier Than Thou).[73]
Because of his research for the bookTo Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia (2001) and his travel in the war-torn region shortly after the NATO bombing, Parenti was interviewed inBoris Malagurski's documentary filmThe Weight of Chains (2010) and its sequelThe Weight of Chains 2 (2014) about the former Yugoslavia.[74][75]
New York City-basedpunk rock bandChoking Victim uses a number of samples from Parenti's lectures in its albumNo Gods, No Managers.[76] Chileanhip-hop artistAna Tijoux features a section of one of Parenti's lectures in her song "Caluga o menta".[77]
In sum, through a process of monopoly control and distribution, repetition and image escalation, the media achieve self-confirmation, that is, they find confirmation for the images they fabricate in the images they have already fabricated. Hyperbolic labeling takes the place of evidence: "genocide," "mass atrocities," "systematic rapes" and even "rape camps" – camps which no one has ever located. Through this process, evidence is not only absent, it becomes irrelevant.... The first atrocity, the first war crime committed in any war of aggression by the aggressors is against the truth.
