 | This article has multiple issues. Please helpimprove it or discuss these issues on thetalk page.(Learn how and when to remove these messages) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
|
Matías Ramón Mella | |
|---|---|
 Portrait of Mella, in his military uniform, holding his iconic blunderbuss,c. 1840s–1850s | |
 4thMinister of Finance of the Dominican Republic | |
| In office September 26, 1849 – April 8, 1850 | |
| President | Buenaventura Báez |
| Preceded by | Jacinto de la Concha |
| Succeeded by | Manuel Joaquín del Monte |
| 7thVice President of the Dominican Republic | |
| In office September 14, 1863 – June 4, 1864 | |
| President | José Antonio Salcedo |
| Preceded by | Benigno Filomeno de Rojas |
| Succeeded by | Ulises Francisco Espaillat |
| Personal details | |
| Born | February 25, 1816 (1816-02-25) |
| Died | June 4, 1864 (1864-06-05) (aged 48) Santiago, Spanish province of Santo Domingo |
| Resting place | Altar de la Patria |
| Nationality | Dominican |
| Political party | Central Government Board |
| Other political affiliations | La Trinitaria |
| Spouse | |
| Relations | Julio Antonio Mella (grandson) |
| Children | Ramón María, Dominga América María, Antonio Nicanor, Ildefonso |
| Parent(s) | Antonio Mella Álvarez and Francisca Javier Castillo Álvarez |
| Occupation | Businessman, politician, diplomat, independence leader |
| Profession | Minister of Finance of the Dominican Republic (1849 – 1850) Minister of War (1861 – 1864) |
| Known for | Firing the blunderbuss shot of February 27, 1844 Creator of the 1864 Guerilla Manual |
| Awards | National hero |
| Nickname | Ramón |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance |  Dominican Republic |
| Branch/service |  Haitian Army
|
| Years of service | 1838–1864 |
| Rank | General |
| Battles/wars | Reform Revolution Dominican War of Independence Cibaeño Revolution Dominican Restoration War |
| Honors | Order of Merit of Duarte, Sánchez and Mella |
Matías Ramón Mella Castillo (25 February 1816 – 4 June 1864), commonly known asRamón Mella, was aDominicanrevolutionary,politician, andmilitary general.[1] He is recognized as one of 'La Trinateria', three figures involved in theproclamation ofThe First Dominican Republic. He contributed to the establishment of the country now known as theDominican Republic, and his importance is recognized by the featuring of his name in theOrder of Merit of Duarte, Sánchez, and Mella.
Mella,Juan Pablo Duarte andFrancisco del Rosario Sánchez formed the independence movement, aiming to promote a vision of a sovereign Dominican Republic. In 1861, the country again fell underSpanish rule. Facing health issues, internal political disputes, and financial difficulties; Mella witnessed many of his comrades face dire consequences for their support of Dominican independence. Mella authored aguerrilla warfare manual which played a key role in training soldiers during theDominican Restoration War. He remained an active supporter of Dominican independence until his death in 1864. One year later, in 1865, Dominican Independence was restored when the revolutionaries overthrew theirSpanish occupiers.
Mella was born inSanto Domingo on the 25th February 1816, during theEspaña Boba. This was a period of severeeconomic decline andpolitical unrest inSanto Domingo, which was experiencing a population collapse following thecession of Santo Domingo to France under theTreaty of Basel in 1795.
At 11 days old, Mella was baptized into the Catholic faith atSanto Domingo Cathedral on the 6th March 1816.
As a child, Mella witnessed early Dominican independence leaderJosé Núñez de Cáceres successfully overthrow Spanish rule and declare independence as 'TheRepublic of Spanish Haiti' on the 1st December 1821.
Little is documented about Mella’s education, but due to the scarcity of public schools during his childhood, it is likely[citation needed] his parents sourced his education privately from respected Dominican educators. Mella is said to have displayed skill with asword andsabre from a very young age, earning him a local reputation for bravery. He engaged in military service, gaining recognition for his discipline, responsibility, and courage. He reportedly was involved in the dispersal of groups of armed Haitians with the goal of disrupting local gatherings.[2]
When Mella reached 19, he began trade as a precious wood cutter inSan Cristóbal. This is an important job culturally tied to official roles, which he continued for several years.[3]
This work exposed him to diverse social groups and societal structures, informing his leadership skills, local knowledge, and supporting his modest lifestyle.[1]
Mella became aFreemason at the age of 21.
His parents, Antonio and Francisca, were ofSpanish descent. His father worked as a merchant.[4] His paternal grandmother, Juana Álvarez Pereyra, was a native ofSan Carlos but had origins in theCanary Islands.[5]
Mella had two siblings – Ildefonso and Manuela. Ildefonso also played a key role in Dominican independence, known as one of the first to protest the annexation to Spain. Before his exile to Cuba, Ildefonso rode throughPuerto Plata with a Dominican flag, apparently declaring, “Long live the Dominican flag, regardless of who it may be".[3]
In August 1836, Mella married Josefa Brea. Together, they were the parents of 4 children:
Studied in Paris, originally working as a painter. During theDominican Restoration War, he became an official and served as deputy forSantiago in 1866. He was a veteran of theSix Years' War against the government ofBuenaventura Baez.
Mella's only daughter, was not active in politics.
Studied in Paris. He worked as a lawyer, painter, and judge of First Instance, eventually serving as governor of the province.
Mella's youngest son, working as a high society menswear tailor inHavana, also avoided taking part in politics. He was one of the founders of thePopular Socialist Party, the original Cubancommunist party, founded in 1925.[citation needed] His sonJulio Antonio Mella, aCuban activist, was later assassinated under order fromGerardo Machado inMexico City,Mexico.
Upon Josefa's death inPuerto Plata on the 2nd January 1899, her will lacked contributions from both parties. Some sources consider that Mella may have been supported financially by his father during the marriage. The will also contains a strong declaration from Mella confirming his devoutRoman Catholic faith.[6]
 | This sectioncontainstoo many or overly lengthy quotations. Please helpsummarise the quotations. Consider transferring direct quotations toWikiquote or excerpts toWikisource.(October 2025) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
To this day,historians have debated the correct pronunciation of his name. In his baptism certificate, marriage certificate as well as in his will and official documents such as his appointment as Minister of War and later Vice President of the Dominican Republic during the restoration government, it is stated that his name wasRamón Mella Castillo and he cannot be found any historical support, except for a few documents that he signed asMr. Mella andM. Ramón Mella, that his name wasMatías Ramón Mella.[citation needed]
For example, Mella's baptismal certificate, signed by the parish priest Agustín Tavares, reads as follows:
“In the city of Santo Domingo and March six of one thousand eight hundred and sixteen, I, the undersigned Lieutenant Priest of this Holy Church of the Cathedral, solemnly baptized I put oil and chrisma on Ramón, eleven days old, the legitimate son of Antonio de Mella and Francisca Castillo, natives of this city and our parishioners."
On August 30, 1836, he was married and the marriage documentation read “at seven o'clock at night, before me, Martín Guzmán Galicia, Official of the Civil Status of the Common of Santo Domingo, the citizens Ramón Mella, a native of this city, of older age, Preposé of the common of San Cristóbal and Josefa Brea, a native of this city, of older age.”[7]
Historian Alcides García Lluberes maintains that Mella was born around midnight between February 24 and 25, 1816, because his middle name,Matías, corresponds to the Saint of the day February 24. Before independence, however, there are documents in Mella signed asMR Mella, as recorded in the Manifestation of January 16, 1844, and in a communication of February 28 that the Central Government Board addressed to the French Consul Saint Denys. However, his friends and co-religionists of the Trinitarios did not call himMatías. In a letter dated November 15, 1843, written in correspondence between his peers, among other things, was written: “Ramón Mella He is preparing to go there, although he tells us that he is going to Saint Thomas and you should not trust him”.[7]
The generality of the official and private documents consulted indicates that, during his public life, Mella never signedMatías Ramón, but instead indistinctly stamped his signature asRamón Mella, R. Mella or simplyMella. In his Will, made and signed on May 5, 1859, the following is recorded: “Before me, José Leandro García, Public Notary of the residence of Puerto Plata, signed below. Mr. Don Ramón Mella, Division General of the Armies of the Republic, Commander of Arms of this city, where he is the owner and domiciled, appeared at my office and declared”. At the end of the aforementioned will, he signed:R. Mella; the signature with which he also endorsed a patriotic Proclamation addressed “To my fellow citizens", on 16 January 1864. During the restoration war, several official documents show that the Minister of War and also General in Chief of the Armies of the South wasRamón Mella, a name that appears in various decrees issued by the restoration government. On March 17, 1864, with his health already very deteriorated, Mella was elected vice president of the restoration government. Additionally, in the Book of Minutes of the Sessions of the Supreme Government of the Republic it states that "by secret scrutiny, and the vote was collected, the honorable General Ramón Mella was unanimously elected". Immediately afterwards the Government ordered that "it be duly communicated to Mr. General Ramón Mella the election that has been made in his person for vice president".[7]
In various letters that he shared with his relatives and collaborators of the independence cause, they never referred to him asMatías and in fact, they did not mention his middle name, so it is not known how or why in some history texts their first names have been exchanged. Because of this, it has led to historical confusion about his name. But in most cases, he is referred to asMatías Ramón Mella.[citation needed]
By 1838, Mella's association with Perez allowed him to be introduced to his mentor,Juan Pablo Duarte. Duarte was looking to recruit new members for the nationalistic movement,La Trinitaria, a secret organization that sought to establish an independent nation by liberating the Dominican people from Haitian rule. For Duarte and the other independence members, imbued with thenationalist andliberal ideology that had spread throughout Europe since theFrench Revolution, the former Spanish part of the island had its own identity and should become an independent state. Mella accepted the invitation to join the movement. Although he may not have been among those who took the oath on July 16, 1838, Duarte later identified him as one of the founders of La Trinitaria. Regardless, Mella became an active participant in efforts to promote independence. Duarte emphasized the importance of action and patriotism, ideas that resonated with Mella and other members of the movement.[8]
Over the next five years, the Trinitarios carried out various activities in order to propagate separatist and independence ideas to other Dominicans. However, when this movement was caught on by the Haitian authorities, it became necessary to create two other organizations, which were much more flexible than La Trinitaria – La Filantrópica and La Dramática, through which awareness-raising efforts were less compromising. Within these five years, Mella gained recognition for his contributions and earned Duarte's trust.[9]
Duarte and his companions worked to convince many Dominicans that independence was achievable. In the early 1830s, a liberal opposition emerged in theHaitian Chamber of Deputies against Boyer. Almost all the delegates from the Department of the South were part of this opposition, which had as its social base a segment of the same ruling mulatto sector. Boyer proceeded to dismiss some of the elected liberals, mainlyHérard Dumesle and David Saint Preux, with which some claim his government adopted a dictatorial style of leadership. The liberal leaders resorted to conspiracy in order to overthrow Boyer. Aware of the plans of the Haitian liberals, and strategizing about what the process of preparing the conditions for Dominican independence should be, Duarte decided to establish an alliance with them. Duarte calculated that the fall of the Boyer regime would lead to a worsening of the conflicts within Haiti and weaken their power.[10]
Duarte saw Mella as disciplined and capable, qualities he believed suited him for leadership roles. AfterJuan Nepomuceno Ravelo's unsuccessful mission to establish an alliance with Haitian liberals, Duarte tasked Mella with traveling to theHaitian village ofLes Cayes in January 1843. Mella's mission was to seek support for a reform movement to challenge Boyer's regime. There, Mella stayed at the house ofJérôme-Maximilien Borgella, a Haitian general and politician, who was also a former governor of Santo Domingo. Meanwhile, Boyer's acceptance had begun to wane because of the excessive rise in taxes, the benefits of which did not revert to the population, but toFrance, to which Boyer had promised compensation in exchange for recognizing Haitian independence. In this way, groups opposed to the Boyer regime arose in Haiti itself. By this time the island had become increasingly frustrated with Boyer's repressive dictatorship, combined with his negligent response following asudden earthquake that had struck Haiti a year earlier, and was plotting to overthrow the government, a situation to which Duarte believed could be used as an advantage.[11]
Subsequently, Mella came into contact with the Haitian opposition leaderCharles Rivière-Hérard, who in turn led the reform movement, which came to be known as the Reform Revolution, in March 1843. It only took Mella several days to reach an agreement with the revolutionaries. Thanks to Mella's demonstration of diplomatic skills, the Trinitarios placed themselves in a solid position against the Haitian Reformists and were able to organize themselves in favor of the movement. However, Hérard was completely unaware that the Dominicans' true purpose was to prepare for the definitive separation of the Haitian government. On March 24, Mella, along with Perez andPedro Alejandro Pina met at Plaza del Carmen to proclaim the Dominican adherence to the Reform movement.[2][9] After a month and a half of military operations in the vast southern peninsula of Haiti, Boyer's troops were defeated, causing Boyer to flee the island, bringing an end to Boyer’s regime.[12]
It can be inferred that the Triniatrios and the Haitian liberals in the city of Santo Domingo did not have much strength, as they had to wait for the news to arrive that Boyer had resigned to start an uprising in favor of La Reforma. In fact, many people spontaneously took to the streets when news of the events in the Haitian capital became known. However, the Trinitarios placed themselves at the forefront of the demonstrations, thus becoming the representatives of the population's desires. Mella was one of those who stood out in the events that led to the capitulation of the Boyer's troops of Santo Domingo. He, along with Duarte, was among the members of the Popular Board of Santo Domingo, a local body of power in which Trinitarios and Haitian liberals coexisted. Relations between the two sectors quickly deteriorated. The Trinitarios began to carry out almost open independence propaganda, and on the basis of that preaching, they won the local elections held on June 15 in Santo Domingo. At this moment the rupture between Haitian liberals (reformists) and Dominican liberals (Trinitarios) was consummated.[12]
In June of that same year, Duarte, who considered necessary it for the next stage of the cause, entrusted Mella to return to Santo Domingo with the mission of disseminating the political ideas advocated by the revolutionaries. At that time, debates arose in the eastern portion of the island about who would obtain the representation of the Dominicans, causing friction between liberals and conservatives. Thus, in July 1843, Mella departed from Les Ceyes and moved to Central Cibao to continue promoting his republican Ideals for independence. However, Hérard, who was now the president of Haiti, learned of the true motives of Mella and his companions and traveled to the eastern part of the island to arrest the conspirators.
He would imprison Mella, (who was arrested inSan Francisco de Macorís), inPort-au-Prince, where he remained for two months. However, in this very city a rebellion erupted against Hérard, who was only able to dominate with the help of Mella and the incarcerated veterans whom he freed.[9] Herárd mistakenly believed that Dominican insurrection attempts had ceased, and was persuaded that they lacked sufficient power to crystallize independence because the eastern part was branded as poor, distant and sparsely populated. (In fact, from a demographic point of view, Haiti had approximately 800,000 inhabitants compared to Santo Domingo, whose population numbered only 135,000 inhabitants).[13]
As civil unrest continued to erupt in Haiti, Mella used the opportunity to return to Santo Domingo to proceed to the next phase of independence. But by now, Duarte was not present due to his exile when learning of the tenacious persecution that would be made against him by the Haitians. This left the Trinitarios without their leader. Therefore, in agreement withVicente Celestino Duarte, Tomas de la Concha,Jacinto de la Concha,Gabino Puello andJosé Joaquín Puello, they were left to lead the revolution and declare independence. It was agreed then that the date of which the Declaration of Independence and the birth of the new nation was arranged for February 27, 1844.
However, following the Reform movement, the political situation of the eastern portion of the island became extremely effervescent. According to historianJosé Gabriel García, there was widespread concern to the point that all was left to do was for the statement to be made. However, clashes between the Trinitarios and various groups (pro-French and pro-Spanish separatists) disputed the primacy of the revolutionary movement and the new order of the change that was approaching.
Mella restarted his work in favor of independence and took the initiative on his own. The most important, as the documents indicate, was to advocate for an alliance with the conservatives. Taking stock of the raid carried out by Hérard, he came to the conclusion that the liberal sector lacked the necessary strength to overthrow Haitian rule on its own. Initially,Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, who had been in charge of the Trinitarios after Duarte's departure, opposed this approach, trying to have the declaration of independence made by the Trinitarios separately. Finally, Sánchez was convinced of the relevance of the alliance, so he resumed collaboration with Mella. The latter had established relations withTomás Bobadilla, one of the most senior conservatives, who had also come to the conclusion that it was necessary to overcome the differences with the “boys". since neither of the two parties had the capacity to promote independence without the help of the other. Mella's impact on the agreement between liberals and conservatives was part of the inspiration for the Manifesto of January 16, 1844, a document that set out the reasons for Dominican independence. The content of the document was first discussed between Sánchez and Mella, who then presented it to Bobadilla, so that he could introduce corrections and extensions, in recognition of his experience and intellectual capacity and because he acted as the representative of the higher social sectors. In the days before the revolution, after the agreement between liberals and conservatives, Mella had a hand in everything that was being planned.[14]
Sources vary on how the events of the "blunderbuss" shot transpired. It is said that on the night of February 27, 1844, when the revolutionaries met at the destined meeting spot, they were shocked to discover the number of those expected to appear was much smaller than expected. This was due to the Haitian authorities being alerted, who responding to the conspiracy, deployed a military operation in key parts of the city. Faced with this situation, one of those present, having verified that not all of his fellow freedom fighters were present, suggested postponing these plans until further favorable circumstances. Mella, however, objected to the proposal and declared the impossibility of turning back. He then fired hisblunderbuss shot into the air to end the hesitation that threatened to bring failure. A testimony, written byEustache Juchereau de Saint Denys, a member of the French consul in Santo Domingo, who had heard the famous blunderbuss, writes:[9]
The night of the 27th was the day set for that attempt. The authority was on guard, the general restlessness, it was hoped, however, that the order would not be disturbed. The Vicar General, the most influential people in the city made useless efforts to bring more reasonable sentiments to that youth. They were unbreakable, and as they announced, the signal was given at 11 at night by a rifle shot fired into the air.
José María Serra de Castro, one of the founders ofLa Trinitaria, who was an author of one of the main historical sources of the 1844 revolution, wrote that once Duartistas and Febreristas met at La Misercordia, they found that the number of attendees was less than expected. He explains:[9]
"The situation is compromised," said Mella. "Let's play everything for everything," and he fired his blunderbuss into the air.
However,Manuel de Jesús Galván, a politician and author, narrates those events in these terms:[9]
The solemn hour arrived: a group of patriots anxiously awaited the defaulters in the secluded and lonely end of the city, called La Misericordia, at the foot of the Fort of San Gil. The exact ones to the appointment were counted with concern: the largest number of those committed to the company were missing. The conspirators always have to count these cowardly defections at the precise and critical moment of action. One of the faithful finally arrives, moved and painting: "I think everything is discovered," he says, "a patrol has chased me, and I've made a long detour to get here." These words spread suspicion among the few listeners; and someone full of fright talks about retiring home and giving up the glorious project: "NO," answers a robust and manly voice firmly, disturbing the nocturnal silence without any caution. "It is no longer given to back; Cowards as brave, we all have to go to the end. Long live the Dominican Republic!" He says, and a resounding detonation of the rock from him resoundingly accentuates the heroic cry. No one hesitates anymore: everyone makes a sacrifice of their lives and runs towards the classic Puerta del Conde. The bold shot made by the intrepid Ramón Mella announced to the world the birth of the Dominican Republic.
After this, the patriots marched toward the stronghold of San Gennaro (now Conde Gate), where another patrician,Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, proclaimed to the world the birth of the Dominican Republic.
After the formation of theFirst Dominican Republic, Mella was acquired by the Central Government Board, with Sánchez serving as president. On March 2, 1844, Mella sent a letter to Duarte, Pérez, and Pińa, all of whom were in Curaçao, informing them of the success of the revolt and of affairs of the new state. A few days later, Mella left for theCibao in order to direct the defense against the Haitians and proceed to the organization of the new state in said region, the most important in the country from the economic wealth and the size of its population. With the rank of colonel and delegate of the board, Mella proposed to organize the defense around the city of Santiago, believing that the city would prove to be vital in the war. Mella was aware that if the city was captured, the road to the capital would be clear for the enemy troops. Upon reaching the city, he replaced the weapons commander. He then realized then the city lacked soldiers, so he left a command chart and a combat plan before marching towardsSan José de Las Matas, (then known as La Sierra), to recruit more soldiers. He also left the instruction of forcing the characters to subordinate themselves to the influential leaders, from the northwest line, of the new government who were still hesitating, avoiding actions of small conflicts against the Haitians and concentrating all resources to defend Santiago, since defending the city was an easier tactic. Mella even considered the fact that since Santiago was far from the border, the invading troops would have to endure an exhausting march as well as supply difficulties.[15]
He used that time to enlistJosé María Imbert, fromMoca, as second in command of the newly constituted National Army, which would later become the Liberation Army. Mella would also assume the position of governor of Santiago and delegate of the Central Government Board, acting as chief political and general for the army.
When leaving Santiago in the direction of La Sierra, Mella did not calculate the enemy's maneuverability. The governor of the Department of Northern Haiti, GeneralJean-Louis Pierrot, at the head of 10,000 men, was approaching Santiago by forced marches. This was facilitated by the fact that he registered almost no opposition due to numerical superiority and Mella's directive to concentrate all available resources in Santiago. In a panic, Mella embarked on his journey back to Santo Domingo to warn his comrades, but not before giving instructions to Imbert, who was now the lieutenant, to combat the upcoming attack. The forecasts made by Mella and the competent leadership of Imbert resulted in a crushing defeat being inflicted on the Haitians in theBattle of Santiago, who had hundreds of dead, while, apparently, few Dominicans lost their lives. The confusion for the Haitians was so great that Pierrot accepted a truce and decided to return hastily toCap-Haïtien when he was shown a flyer containing the false news that President Hérard had died in Azua. This withdrawal guaranteed the safety of the Cibao.[16]
Over the next two months, Mella dedicated himself to consolidating the defense of the region and ordered the advance of Dominican troops to the border. As a representative of the liberal Trinitarios, Mella faced opposition from conservative sectors of the region, who obeyed the guidance of the majority of the Government Board. Despite this, Mella obtained broad support, which was a sign that liberal positions found greater acceptance in Cibao than in Santo Domingo. (The capital was the focus of the conservative group, as the residence of the leading sectors of the country. On the other hand, in the southern region, there were social relations that largely had their origin in colonial times, especially extensive livestock farming. On the other hand, in the surroundings of Santiago, tobacco production had been developing, allowing the emergence of a peasantry linked to the market and a more modern and dynamic urban middle class than that existing in Santo Domingo).[17]
On one hand, in the South Band, there were social relations that largely had their origin in colonial times, especially extensive livestock farming. On the other hand, in the surroundings of Santiago, tobacco production had been developing, allowing the emergence of a peasantry linked to the market and a more modern and dynamic urban middle class than that existing in Santo Domingo.[18]
Events took a different turn following the victory in theBattle of Azua. With Duarte's return to the country, Mella voted to elect him as president of the Central Government Board with the purpose of preventing another annexation by any foreign power. He would address this in a letter to Sánchez:[6]
These towns had no more disturbances than the coming of the Delegation; This ended with the arrival of Juan Pablo, thank God! Finally, I conclude by telling you that my wish has arrived and I will return it, President of the Dominican Republic.
But by now, Sánchez was no longer in power. The board was under the presidency of Bobadilla that the organization proposed, through the letter of March 8, 1844, addressed toAuguste Levasseur, the French diplomat, a French protectorate, which evidently implied a return to the Levasseur Plan. Apparently, Bobadilla, Sánchez,José María Caminero, and various other politicians had signed this letter. But Mella's signature does not appear there: on that date, he was still active trip to Cibao. Bobadilla had not yet assumed the Presidency of the Board, when it agreed to send the schooner “Leonor” to Curaçao in search of Duarte, who arrived in the capital on March 14, 1844, and was immediately incorporated into the Central Government Board.[citation needed]
After learning of Bobadilla's annexationist plans, Duarte decided to stage a military uprising to stop it. On June 9, 1844, representatives of the “protectionist” sectorwere toppled, and Sánchez was reinstated. The new Board withdrew the powers of that Commission, and Mella felt free to act. He then concentrated his efforts on promoting a movement aimed at bringing Duarte—in whom he continued to see the immaculate teacher—to the Presidency of the Republic. Faced with such a situation of divergence, the Trinitarios, who were now in control of the government, decided to send Duarte to Cibao, in order to reinforce Mella's authority. This promoted Duarte being treated in a godlike way in all the towns he passed through. In Santiago, the troops and people gathered together and hailed Duarte as president of the Dominican Republic. Even though Mella may have promoted the pronouncement, there is no doubt that Duarte was considered the father of the country and acted as an interpreter of popular sentiment, contrary to what some historians have stated, who maintain that the Trinitarios lacked influence in those critical moments.[18]
Several historians have criticized Mella for having led the proclamation of Duarte as president, arguing that it was an improvised act and the first of the illicit pronouncements that would later give rise to civil strife. In reality, the proclamation responded to a well-defined criterion that the Trinitarios had about their leader and teacher. Additionally, at that time Mella and other liberals understood that the fate of the Republic was in danger, which justified Duarte being elevated to supreme command. They considered it imperative to confront the anti-national efforts of the conservatives, who by all means wanted the country to become a secret colony of France. On the other hand, it was not intended to establish an illegal dictatorship, since Duarte's presidency was always considered provisional, subject to subsequent consultation with the population, in accordance with the democratic conceptions of the Trinitarios.[18]
Far from having been a mistake, Duarte's proclamation to the presidency demonstrates Mella’s influence; and shows that he captured in all its intensity the greatness of the father of the country and what he represented against the annexationism of the conservatives. Mella showed that he was endowed with superior ideas and showed signs of courage and audacity, traits that allowed him a significant role in the independence process. However, Duarte's proclamation of the presidency lacked practical consequences in resolving the debate between conservatives and liberals.[19]
Meanwhile,Pedro Santana, backed by his troops and by the tacit alliance they had reached with the French Consul and the most prominent members of the “colonialist” group, headed towards the capital of the new State, with the purpose of assuming the entire power. Eager to avoid this event, Juan Isidro Pérez andPedro Alejandro Pina did everything possible to organize a solid defense in the city. Unfortunately, on July 12, 1844, Santana crossed the city walls, where he found no opposition, and the next day he carried out a coup d'état. When the changes that had occurred in Santo Domingo became known, Mella's position weakened. The Cibaeño conservatives intensified the conspiracy and the liberals found themselves unable to confront the implementation of the Santana dictatorship. In any case, at the beginning Mella managed to maintain the fidelity of the main authorities, but his situation became increasingly unstable.[19]
Despite its economic and demographic weight, the Cibao region lacked power mechanisms, especially in the military aspect, as there were no command systems that could compete with those of Santo Domingo. A considerable part of its leaders – although they were not supporters of Santana and the conservatives – came to the conclusion that it was impossible to oppose them because it introduced the risk of a civil war, in which they would probably be defeated and open the doors upon the return of the Haitians. The fear of the Cibaeño leaders of civil war, which led them to lean towards an agreement with the authority established in Santo Domingo, meant the defeat of the region against the centralism of Santo Domingo, which would be reiterated on subsequent occasions.[19]
Immediately, the Trinitarios were persecuted: Duarte was reduced to prison inPuerto Plata, and Mella himself suffered the same fate. Under pressure from some prestigious figures in the area, Mella decided to go to Santo Domingo to negotiate with Santana on behalf of Cibao. Upon arriving at the end of August, he was immediately reduced to prison, which gave the signal for all Cibaeño authorities to decide to abide by Santana's authority. The hostility towards Mella was led by General Francisco Antonio Salcedo, but other figures with a hesitant stance, such as General Antonio López Villanueva, decided to join the conservative Junta. In fact, no one dared to support Duarte after Mella left Santiago.[19] That same day, the new government issued the resolution that condemned them to permanent exile. While in exile, Mella chose to settle in Puerto Rico, opting to remain close to his homeland.[citation needed]
Eventually, in 1848, Mella, along with Sánchez, was granted an amnesty decreed by presidentManuel Jimenes to return to the country. A few weeks after arriving in the country, he attempted to hatch a conspiracy against the Jiménes administration, which he rightly accused of being improvident and inept. But he gave up the purpose since he encountered the opposition of Pina, Sánchez, and Juan Evangelista Jiménez, who had also returned to the homeland protected by the amnesty decree. He then resettled inPuerto Plata, working in the woodcuts, away from political affairs. However, by March 1849, Haitian PresidentFaustin Soulouque issued the third campaign against the Dominican Republic. Mella, having rejoined the ranks of the army, commanded a battalion sent to the border to confront the overwhelming force. Forced to retreat to Azua, he advisedAntonio Duvergé to continue the retreat towardsBaní. Two weeks later, Santana took over the leadership of the army by Congress. Mella took part in theBattle of Las Carreras, in one of the main command positions.[20] He was said to have occupiedPalmar de Ocoa to repel the attack of the invading Haitian army, securing Dominican victory.[citation needed]
After delivering the famous defeat to the Haitian troops, Santana ignored the Jiménez government. Mella became linked to Santana, who appointed him his private secretary. Like Sánchez, Mella saw that there was no possibility of reconstituting a liberal grouping, so he believed it was necessary to integrate into current politics. Now, the two heroes took largely divergent positions in the politics of the time: while Sánchez associated with Buenaventura Báez, Mella maintained a constant relationship with Santana. Mella made the mistake of supporting the autocrat in associating the fate of the country with the protection of power. This position opens a difficult stage to evaluate in the life of Mella, who as part of the leadership team that surrounded Santana, remained silent in the face of the ruler's despotic actions. However, he did not renounce his liberal conceptions; Even when he accepted the establishment of a protectorate, at all times he conditioned it on respecting the independent status of the State.[20]
When Baez became president in September 1849, Mella was appointed Secretary of State for Commerce and the Treasury. He even briefly served asMinister of Finance of the Dominican Republic from 1849 to 1850. After serving his term, Mella once again retired to his home in Puerto Plata. For unknown reasons, Mella did not reconcile with Báez, instead choosing to align himself with Santana. Thus, upon Santana's return to power, Mella denounced Báez and even advocated to banished him.[20]
Mella's most important performance during those years was the diplomatic mission to the Spanish government, in order for it to agree to take charge of a protectorate over the Dominican Republic or, if it was not interested, to make diplomatic recognition. Mella believed that the plans of Haiti's government constituted a real and imminent danger and that the country had no other option than to obtain the protection of power. The panic caused by the previous Haitian invasion was still alive in the collective memory, and the reports reaching Santo Domingo indicated that a new invasion would occur at any moment. It can be deduced that this fear was the basis of Mella's agreement with the Santana leadership, who was seen as a guarantee of independence against the aggressions from Haiti. In mid-December 1853, Mella embarked for Puerto Rico, where he obtained credentials from the governor,Fernándo Norzagaray y Escudero, and from there, he continued to Spain.[21]
This mission lasted for six months. He arrived in the old metropolis at the beginning of February 1854 and during the following months, he held negotiations with Spanish officials, without any consequences. At that time, Spain had no interest in taking charge of a protectorate over the Dominican Republic and refused to recognize independence because it considered that it did not bring it any advantages. Secretly, Mella, still holding onto the morals of the Trinitarios, had anticipated Spain to agree to recognize Dominican independence. However, in one of the documents that he presented to the Spanish government, he stated that Spain was the legitimate owner of the territory of the Dominican Republic and that the protectorate over the latter meant for the old Metropolis one more guarantee, over those it may have today to be preserved indefinitely in theCaribbean.[21] In May 1854, Mella decided to return to the Dominican Republic, but not before addressing in a farewell letter toLuis José Sartorius, who also was the President of the Council of Ministers, the reluctance of the Spanish government to recognize the independence of the Dominican Republic. In that letter, he writes:[6]
Denied by Spain the recognition of the independence of the Republic; that is to say, having denied everything that today would surely make the Haitian invasion impossible or frustrating, it only remains for me to go to the point of danger to consecrate to my country and my family the services that I owe them as a citizen, as a soldier, and as a father. The case is serious and urgent; There is no time to lose; and the days that I spend here outside of mine are long and eternal centuries for my just how painful impatience.
At the end of May, Mella leftMadrid and arrived sick in Santo Domingo in the first days of August. Days later he received votes for the vice presidency. Upon his return from Spain, Mella asked to be given a mission in Puerto Plata for the purpose of attending his mahogany court. After declining the position of Secretary of War, he was appointed to Commander of Arms for the city. He even accepted the position of governor of La Vega and became of one Santana's advisors.[22]
By 1856, there was another threat to Dominican sovereignty. The Spanish consul,Antonio María Segovia, conspiring with Báez, carried out a plan to destabilize Santana's administration. This was due to the fact that Mella's mission in Madrid had failed, causing Santana to turn his attention to the United States for a protectorate. Alarmed, Spain reconsidered the recognition of Dominican independence to cease detrimental effects on its control of Cuba, an island that the U.S. aspired to annex. This resulted in a political scandal known asSegovia Registration Scandal. Báez's supporters registered at the consulate and took advantage of their status as Spaniards to deploy an active opposition. At one point Mella proposed to exercise dictatorship in order to counteract the Spanish consul, but he did not accept, and advocated for Segovia to be expelled from the nation. During a meeting at theDominican National Palace, Mella exclaimed with the following: "The Constitutional Government has enough force of law to be respected and save the Nation. I, the Government, take Segovia, I wrap him in his flag, and expel him from the country." Santana, however, did not share his views.[22]
In July 1856, he was tasked to draft a bill with the purpose of organizing the army, once again demonstrating his skills as a combatant and military man. He was even nominated for the position of Vice President, but he rejected it, instead suggesting the position to Felipe Alfau. The position was eventually filled byManuel de Regla Mota, but resigned after a short term, handing the seat back to Báez. Immediately after assuming office, Baez ordered Santana's arrest and expulsion from the island. Santana would be deported toMartinique. However, most of his supporters, including Mella, were spared from persecution. He once again remained in Puerto Plata, away from public affairs, and concentrated on his wood cutting.[23]
When therevolution against Buenaventura Baez began in Santiago on July 7, 1857, who with his economic mistakes had led the country to the threshold of a financial catastrophe, Mella was one of the first to join that movement of liberal and neo-Duartist orientation. In this famous civil war, Mella consolidated his immense military prestige with the audacious seizure of Plaza de Semaná, which he personally directed at the beginning of May 1858. Because of this action, he received one of the most brilliant and jubilant receptions that the people of Santiago gave him, of which the government was headed byJosé Desiderio Valverde. Although they did not coincide in frontal combat, the revolution put Mella and his old friend, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, on opposing sides.[24] Mella remained related to Santana after he took the presidency of the Dominican Republic for the last time in August 1858, after Báez's flight. Despite the consideration that President Valverde had shown him, Mella supported Santana's coup d'état, who again appointed him commander of arms of Puerto Plata.[25]
After the revolution, Mella retired to the countryside, while still remaining active in the national affairs of the country. It was around those days thatJean-François-Maxime Raybaud, Consul General of France in Port-au-Prince, and already known as a sympathizer of the Dominicans, (like his predecessor Levasseur), appeared in the country to propose to President Santana to accept Emperor Soulouque's demands to merge the country with Haiti. Santana, outraged, not only rejected the proposal, but even sent Raybaud his passport so that he could immediately leave the Dominican Republic.[26] The military authorities throughout the country adhered to Santana's attitude, and Mella, in Puerto Plata, led such a demonstration.[citation needed]
Following President Pedro Santana's decision to seek protection from Spain, the Dominican Republic was annexed on 20 March 1861.[27] Matías Ramón Mella refused allegiance and was imprisoned in Fortaleza Ozama before being deported to Saint Thomas, where he lived in poverty.
General, the time has come to remind you by means of this letter that I am not a subject of her Catholic Majesty […] I will fulfill my duty always as a son and citizen of the Dominican Republic.—Mella to Santana, 3 June 1861
Mella later returned clandestinely and attempted to reclaim command but fell ill. He learned that Francisco del Rosario Sánchez had been executed on 4 July 1861 for resisting annexation.[27]
After Francisco del Rosario Sánchez's execution in July 1863, Matías Ramón Mella clandestinely returned to the Dominican Republic by August, posing as a Spanish subject to evade authorities. He joined the provisional government in Santiago and was appointed Minister of War.[28]
In January 1864, Mella issued a military manual advocating guerrilla tactics adapted to local terrain, arguing that small-unit, irregular warfare would offset the Spanish army's superiority in numbers and firepower.[29] He also collaborated with Pedro Florentino and Gregorio Luperón to recruit and organise restoration troops across the south.[citation needed]
Despite his declining health, Mella attempted a southward mission via Jarabacoa and Constanza in February 1864 to bolster resistance in San Juan de la Maguana. The journey worsened his illness, and he returned to Santiago shortly before his death on 4 June 1864.[28]
On 27 March 1864, Juan Pablo Duarte travelled from Caracas to visit his comrade Matías Ramón Mella at his home in Jamao.[30] Five days later, Duarte brought Mella to Santiago, where he spent his final days in a modest house beneath the San Luis Fortress.[citation needed]
He visited the illustrious Mella on 27 March, a soldier of two great eras, who was prostrated on his deathbed in a small improvised house near Fort San Luis. Duarte embraced him there, after twenty years of separation, not without expressing indignation at the extreme poverty in which that hero of February 27, 1844, lived. Mella told Duarte that, unable to live to see his homeland free, he wished to be buried wrapped in the national flag. This request moved Duarte to tears as he gave his final embrace.
Mella died on 4 June 1864 at age 48, having requested burial in the national flag. In 1894, President Ulises Heureaux officially recognized Duarte, Mella, and Francisco del Rosario Sánchez as the Dominican Republic’s Founding Fathers. On 27 February 1944, Rafael Trujillo ordered their transfer to the Altar of the Homeland at Puerta del Conde, where their ashes remain beneath the triumphal arch.[30]
Matías Ramón Mella remains one of the most celebrated Founding Fathers of the Dominican Republic, revered for his leadership in the War of Independence and the Restoration War.[31]
Luperón made his colleagues observe that since the former General Ramón Mella was in Jamao, it was of utmost importance to request an interview between the young restaurateur and the patriot of Independence... The nobleman veteran was not insensitive to this late call: hero of February 27, 1844, it was satisfactory for him to share the hardships of those of August 16, 1863.[citation needed]
Mella, one of those sympathetic figures of independence throughout the continent who, in addition to the internal qualities that great actions demand, had the personal attractions that seduce the crowds and the social merits that attract the most cultured portion of a society.[citation needed]
Mella, in addition to being a patriot, was a beautiful, educated nobleman [...] Mella was not much happier than the master of patriotism, Duarte, and his companion in noble actions, Sánchez.[citation needed]
His remains were exhumed in 1890 and reinterred in Santo Domingo on 25 February 1891, the 75th anniversary of his birth, with a state funeral on 27 February. In 1894, Ulises Heureaux formally designated Duarte, Mella, and Sánchez as the Republic’s official Founding Fathers. On 27 February 1944, Rafael Trujillo ordered their transfer to the Altar of the Homeland (Puerta del Conde), where their ashes rest beneath the triumphal arch.[32]
Mella's legacy is honoured by monuments and place names:
| Ancestors of Matías Ramón Mella[33] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
Media related toMatías Ramón Mella at Wikimedia Commons| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by | Minister of Finance 1849–1850 | Succeeded by Manuel Joaquín del Monte |
| Preceded by | Vice President of the Dominican Republic 1863–1864 | Succeeded by |
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
