| Martial law in Poland | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of thePolish crisis of 1980–1981 and theCold War | |||||||
 PolishT-55 tanks enter the town ofZbąszyń while moving east towardsPoznań, 13 December 1981 | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
Supported by:  Soviet Union (intelligence support and military equipment) |
Supported by:  Polish government-in-exile United States (financial support)*Central Intelligence Agency  United Kingdom (financial support) Vatican City (financial support) | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Lech Wałęsa | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
Initial strength:[1]
| 23,000 members of Solidarity, protesters, governmental defectors and other unprivileged belligerents armed mostly with small arms | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
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Martial law in Poland (Polish:Stan wojenny w Polsce) existed between 13 December 1981 and 22 July 1983. Thegovernment of thePolish People's Republic drastically restricted everyday life by introducingmartial law and amilitary junta in an attempt to counter political opposition, in particular theSolidarity movement.
Since the late 1970s, Poland had been in a deepeconomic recession. Edward Gierek, First Secretary of thePolish United Workers' Party (PZPR), had obtained a series of large loans from foreign creditors to achieve better economic output. This instead resulted in a domestic crisis. Essential goods were heavilyrationed, which acted as a stimulus to establishing the first anticommunisttrade union in theEastern Bloc, known as Solidarity (Polish:Solidarnośćcode: pol promoted to code: pl), in 1980. Gierek, who permitted the trade union to appear per theGdańsk Agreement, was dismissed from his post less than a month later and confined tohouse arrest. Following countless strikes and demonstrations by employees of chief industrial regions, Poland was heading towards bankruptcy. The new First Secretary, GeneralWojciech Jaruzelski, was determined to end the demonstrations by force if necessary.
On 13 December 1981, Jaruzelski announced the imposition of martial law in a televised speech, following the vote of theCouncil of State the previous day which formally authorised its introduction. An extraconstitutionalmilitary junta, theMilitary Council of National Salvation (WRON), was formed to rule Poland during the time. ThePolish People's Army,Citizens' Militia (MO), special paramilitary units of theMotorized Reserves of the Citizens' Militia ("ZOMO"), and tanks were deployed on the streets to demoralize demonstrators, begin regular patrols, control strategic enterprises, and maintainmilitia hour, acurfew. Intercity travelling without a permit was forbidden, food shortages intensified, and censorship was placed on all media and correspondence. TheSecurity Service (Służba Bezpieczeństwa, or SB)wiretapped phones in public booths and state institutions. Thousands of opposition activists wereimprisoned without trial,[2] and although martial law was lifted in 1983, manypolitical prisoners were not released until a generalamnesty in 1986. The crackdown on the opposition led theReagan Administration to introduce economic sanctions against Poland and the neighbouringSoviet Union, further worsening the former's economy.
Some protests appeared in response to the introduction of martial law. On 16 December, thePacification of Wujek, when ZOMO squads pacified the pro-Solidarity miners' strike in theWujek Coal Mine in the industrial city ofKatowice, killed nine demonstrators. Otherdemonstrations across Poland were dispersed by the military or paramilitary units, which utilizedwater cannons,tear gas,batons, truncheons, and clubs, killing 91 people in total. However, this figure is uncertain and is still debated among historians.[2] Martial law succeeded in marginalising the Solidarity movement, which would largely remain on the sidelines until the late 1980s. As fewer people engaged in anti-government demonstrations, martial law was suspended on 31 December 1982,[3] based on a resolution adopted on 19 December[4] and was formally lifted by a resolution of theCouncil of State on 22 July 1983, theNational Day of the Rebirth of Poland, following an appeal of theMilitary Council of National Salvation.
WhenEdward Gierek succeededWładysław Gomułka as the head of state in 1970, he took decisive measures to boost economic growth and develop modern infrastructure.[5] Gierek, a moreliberal figure than his predecessor, was determined to makePoland the wealthiest and most economically significant communist country of theEastern Bloc.[6] However, these ideas prompted resistance from hardline communist leadership as the reform would effectively abandon the fundamental principles of acentrally planned Marxist economy. The grip and emphasis on state-owned enterprises and state-controlled prices or trade were eventually loosened. Small private businesses began to appear and Poland recorded temporary growth inGDP and an improvement in living conditions.[7][8]
Gierek maintained close ties with theUnited States, which he subsequently used for diplomatic and economic purposes.[8] In order to continue with the reforms, large sums of money were borrowed fromcreditors in theWestern Bloc.[9] These sequential and uninterrupted loans were primarily targeted at establishing heavy industry, mines or manufacturing facilities that would produce goods forexport.[9][10] The projected income from the exports would then be used to pay off thedebt. Apart from financing the economic sector, the money was spent onsocial housing and on expanding road connections, for example the first fully operationalhighway linking Warsaw with industrialSilesia was opened for traffic in 1976.[11] Furthermore, over 1.8 millionlarge-panel-system building flats were constructed to house the growing population. Agricultural output rose by nearly 22% between 1971 and 1975, and industrial production by 10.5% annually.[12][13] Gierek also initiated the construction ofWarszawa Centralna railway station, Europe's most modern railway station at the time.[14][15][16][17]
As expenditures increased and debts accumulated, foreign creditors refrained from granting Poland loans. Moreover, the1973,June 1976 protests and1979 oil crises affected the fragile economy. Due to previous GDP growth, higher income and expanded industries, the demand for certain goods andconsumption surged.[18][19] New factories and state enterprises required imported fuel, materials and a workforce to operate production lines.[20] Soon, the country started exporting locally produced stock designated for the Polish populace, thus resulting in widespreadshortages.[21] Because the remaining assets were directed at production, exports and debt repayment, the state also reduced imports to minimize expenses.
In 1976, the communist government introducedration cards for sugar,[22] with meat, dairy and processed food following.[23] Confectionery,cocoa, coffee, rice,tobacco and other goods not produced in Poland were so heavily rationed that they were almost permanently unavailable.[24][23] Due to the constant lack of tobacco, ordinary cigarettes became a form of new currency on theblack market.[25] The living standards began to sharply decline; the supply of imported goods was kept to a low minimum and the country was forced to export everything it could, including coal necessary for basic heating and power plants.Power outages were commonplace.[26] By 1980, the debt accounted to over US$23 billion, then almost half of Poland'snominal GDP.[27]
At the same time, the newly foundedSolidarity movement encouraged farmers to refrain from selling agricultural products (wheat, grain, fruit and others) to the state as a sign of protest. The shortage of goods on the market and in stores was worsened by production being occasionally halted due to the strikes organized by Solidarity.[28] In 1980, the national income fell by 6% compared to the previous year, and in 1981 by 12%.[29] The number of exports declined by 4.2%. Mismanagement and wastefulness were abundant.[30]
On 6 September 1980, Gierek was dismissed from his office, expelled from the Polish United Workers' Party (possibly under the pressure from the Soviet Union) and falsely charged withcorruption.[31][32] A year later, on 10 September 1981, the Soviet authorities informed the Polish government that in connection with the prevailing situation in Poland the USSR would cut oil supply to Poland by 64% and gas by 47%.[33] The import ofdiesel from the Soviet Union was terminated immediately.[33] This action was intended to force the Polish communist authorities to suppress the demonstrations and dissolve Solidarity.[34] The situation was already dire and gradually worsened, which only fueled anti-communist sentiment. Acivil war was hanging by a thread.[35]
In 1981, Poland notifiedClub de Paris (a group of Western-European central banks) about itsinsolvency, which caught the attention of the entire world.[36]
After the short tenure ofStanisław Kania, General and Minister of DefenceWojciech Jaruzelski was chosen as the new first secretary. Before assuming office, Jaruzelski ordered the Polish General Staff to update plans for nationwide martial law on 22 October 1980.[37] In November 1980, theMinistry of Internal Affairs planned to potentially facilitate thousands of oppositionists in state prisons and places of internment.[38]
On 5 December 1980, Kania spoke of the preparations relating to martial law at theWarsaw Pact Summit inMoscow.[39][40] He presented his own view of how to weaken Solidarity and insisted that a "psychological-operational method" would be most appropriate to prevent violence.[41] This method entailed strongpropaganda[41] against the movement and deployingsecret services (SB) to go undercover and infiltrate Solidarity headquarters in the hope of creating internal conflicts within the opposition. General Jaruzelski was not fully satisfied with the plan, and, in case of failure, already planned radical actions involving the army. Stanisław Kania warnedBrezhnev that an armed intervention from the Soviet side to aid Jaruzelski would be met "with a violent reaction, or even with a national uprising"[42] that would shake the politics of theEastern Bloc.[42]
Zbigniew Brzezinski, chief security advisor to US presidentJimmy Carter, stated that if the Soviet Union undertook an armed intervention in Poland, the US would strike back in ariposte manner.[43] According to historian and publicistPaul Kengor, then-US presidentRonald Reagan considered sending American troops to Poland to scare off the Soviets.[44] This claim was not supported by Brzezinski nor byRichard Pipes fromHarvard University.[44] Kengor then elaborated that Reagan eventually abandoned the plan after he was convinced by his own advisors that the US army stationed across Europe was less capable and much weaker than the Soviet forces.[44] The United States eventually struck back with economic sanctions against Poland and the USSR.[43]
In February 1981, theMinistry of National Defence and Ministry of the Internal Affairs carried out a training scenario, the purpose of which was to explore how martial law would be introduced.[45] The ministries agreed that martial law should be preceded by appropriate propaganda calling for its support, and the decision itself should be based on a pretext that it would bring social stability and peace.[46] It was also highlighted that martial law must occur before the fully mobilizedFighting Solidarity and its allies organize ageneral strike that would paralyze the entire country.[46] By March, the situation escalated after theBydgoszcz events, in which local Solidarity delegates invited for aregional national council meeting inBydgoszcz to discuss potential strikes were beaten and abused by thecitizens' militia (MO).[47] The event, which was to feature in newspapers as aprovocation, was concealed bycensors. On 27 March, Solidarity organized a warning strike directed at the government, but, on 30 March,Lech Wałęsa met withMieczysław Rakowski and a compromise was achieved.[48] The general strike was called off and the situation stabilized for a short period.[48]
In July, the Soviets increased their military presence in the military base atBorne Sulinowo, where theRed Army was stationed perWarsaw Pact agreement as in all otherEastern Bloc countries.[49] Without notifying the Polish authorities, the Soviets unexpectedly sent over 600 tanks to Borne Sulinowo. A month later, commander-in-chief of the Warsaw Pact,Viktor Kulikov, requested that Soviet military advisors be placed in the Polish General Staff and assigned to nearly all Polish regiments. It is suspected that Kulikov, acting on behalf of the Soviet Union, was tasked with sending undercoverKGB agents to monitor the situation in Poland from the Polish military's perspective. His request, however, was immediately denied by the Polish government.[49]
Over 25,000 posters announcing martial law were secretly printed in the Soviet Union, transported to Poland by airplane and hidden in the large building housing the Ministry of Internal Affairs.[50] The full extent of the actions undertaken by Jaruzelski to instigate martial law was not known by even some of the highest notables in the Central Committee of thePolish United Workers' Party or the PolishSejm.[51]
On 12 December 1981, shortly beforemidnight, thePolish Council of State gathered in Warsaw'sBelweder Palace and approved nationwide martial law. Simultaneously, theMilitary Council of National Salvation (WRON –Wrona is translated as "Crow") was founded and its members were high-ranking generals or military officers in thePolish People's Army, who were in charge of themilitary junta. The generals and officers later became known to the public as evil "Crows", in relation to the Polish name of the council.
At precisely 00:00 (12:00 a.m.), theMotorized Reserves of the Citizens' Militia (ZOMO) began "Akcja Jodła" (English: Operation Fir) and arrested the first members of Solidarity who were at close reach.[52][53] They were then placed in previously prepared detention facilities.[53] In total, between 70,000 and 80,000 soldiers of the People's Army and 30,000 functionaries of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (including SB, ZOMO and the militia) were deployed for action. Around 1,750 tanks, 1,900 armoured combat vehicles, 500 militarized transport units, 9,000 cars and severalhelicoptersquadrons were in service.[37][1][54] Twenty-five per cent of all units concentrated in the capital, Warsaw, or in surrounding localities.
Preceding Jodła was "Akcja Azalia" (English: OperationAzalea), which began at around 22:30 (10:30 p.m.) on 12 December.[55][56] Per Azalea, the SB secret services, paramilitary troops, the Militia, ZOMO andBorder Protection Troops stormed 451telecommunications exchange facilities and cut telephone lines to allegedly prevent the spread of misinformation.[56] However, the operation's true purpose was preventing Solidarity from contacting its branches in other cities to mobilize protesters. Radio and television stations were also besieged.[55] Any volunteers wishing to assist in the arrests were drafted intoORMO.
Polish Radio offered information about martial law being imposed in a 06:00 (6:00 a.m.) broadcast, and transmitted the speech made by General Jaruzelski.[57]Telewizja Polska network and its chief news programDziennik (English: Journal) aired the speech in a slightly modified version.[58] Thedeclaration was watched by millions of Polish citizens despite the early hour.
Three days after restrictions were imposed, miners at theWujek Coal Mine in the industrial city ofKatowice began striking against the declaration of martial law by General Jaruzelski.[59] Most of the miners and workers at Wujek were allied with the Solidarity Movement, with its leaders boycotting the state industries. Furthermore,coal was a precious fuel source that was used for generating electricity and heat, but also a major export material.[60] By selling and exporting coal, the communist government obtained enough money to gradually pay off the outstanding debt.[60] However, as Solidarity boycotted the mines in Silesia and demonstrations became more frequent, the production level dropped considerably along with revenue.
Jaruzelski perceived this as a threat to both state security and the economy. The forces used in the thrust consisted of eight ZOMO squads supported by ORMO, seven water cannons, three regiments with infantry combat vehicles and one tank regiment.[61] It was decided that the situation was far too serious for adopting the principles ofmorality to appropriately deal with the miners. Instead, the well-equipped ZOMO and army troops fired at the protesters with a "shoot to kill" technique.[61] Twenty-one were wounded, eight were killed on the spot and one died in hospital, with the youngest victim being 19 years old.[62] The remaining crowd was violently dispersed. The miners repeatedly fought back with their work tools and, in retaliation, wounded dozens of soldiers and militiamen.[63] It was one of the deadliest single incidents during the martial law period.[64]
On the same day as Wujek was pacified, a 30,000-strong[65] demonstration was held in the northern port city ofGdańsk. Clashes with ZOMO continued until 17 December and over 324 individuals were injured. The Militia used firearms andmachine guns when the crowd approached thePolish United Workers' Party headquarters in Gdańsk.[66] A short and presumably cautionarygun salvo from the building's roof hit several people and wounded four. One participant was killed.[67] The southern city ofKraków was also witnessing heavy demonstrations, with thousands marching on the street demanding an end to the martial law and communist rule.[68]
On the night of 29–30 April 1982, local miners inWodzisław Śląski planted a bomb and blew up a monument dedicated toSoviet soldiers who took control of Poland from the Nazis in 1945.[69] It was the only incident involving explosives and the caught perpetrators became subsequently known as "Bombers fromSilesia" (Polish: "Bombowcy ze Śląska").[69] The operation was a success as the monument was never reconstructed, though the bombers were sentenced and jailed soon after. Other suspects and hundreds of other miners across Silesia were sacked, which further weakened the economy.
In May 1982, the protests convened by Solidarity were receiving less attention and the struggle against the government was evidently weakening. However, by August, social unrest had again surged. On 31 August 1982, demonstrations took place in around 66[70] towns and cities, with at least 18 in the southwesternprovince of Lower Silesia. InWrocław, one of the main centers of Fighting Solidarity, several thousand people for many hours clashed with ZOMO units.[71] One demonstrator was killed by a bullet. On August 14, 1982, in an even known as "Bloody Saturday", the most brutal pacification of the ZOMO took place in theKwidzyn internment camp located in the territory of the city's prison. For five hours, the riot police beat the prisoners. Some had 50 blows from the batons reflected on their backs. A selection was taking place in the recreation room. The selected internees were herded through the "health path" - a line of beating riot police. 80 prisoners were severely beaten, 20 were taken to hospital, 3 were crippled. Several victims of beatings died after being released. On 6 September 1982, "in the majesty of martial law" 6 beaten prisoners were arrested and sentenced to prison terms ranging from one and a half to two years.[72][73][74]
The copper-mining town ofLubin also became a hotspot for Solidarity-led rallies.[75] On that day, the gathered people sang the Polish national anthem and chanted slurs and slogans against the communist regime, against the military junta with Jaruzelski as its head and against the Soviets. After approximately 30 minutes, the rally of 2,000[75] was surrounded by the Militia, armed withAK-47 assault rifles. In response, agitated protesters shouted slurs such as "pigs", "bandits", "Gestapo", "murderers" and "servants ofBrezhnev".[76] An unsuccessful attempt was made at building abarricade, but the government units were able to pass through and dispersed the first group withtear gas. When the demonstrators regrouped and formed a second wave, ZOMO opened fire and wittingly murdered 2 men. The now infuriated crowd began continuous attacks and the Militia shot several more times, injuring one more man at the back of his head. He died in the hospital a few days later. Reinforcements were sent fromLegnica[77] and the new deployees were organized into so-called "raid groups" inNysa vans.[75][78] These groups roamed the streets, often attacking casual passers-by.[78] Immediately after the protest was pacified, security forces began the destruction of any evidence to conceal the crime.[79] During the night of 31 August – 1 September, the streets were cleared, with all shells and bullets taken for analysis. On 2 September, authorities ordered the repairs of damaged buildings; broken windows were replaced and traces of bullets on the walls were covered with plaster.[79] The investigation, despite consistent statements made by witnesses of the massacre, was closed.
To avoid further escalation, on 14 November, Lech Wałęsa was released from custody in a detention camp. Following his release, no major demonstration took place.[80]
From the very beginning in December 1981, astrict curfew was imposed from 19:00 (7:00 p.m.) until 6 in the morning.[81] The time of curfew was later adjusted to 22:00 (10:00 p.m.)–06:00.[82] Night walks or escapades were forbidden and street patrols were commonplace. TheWRON Military Council sealed off thecountry's borders, closed all airports[83] and road access to main cities was restricted. Special permission passes were issued for individuals in extraordinary cases.[84] Telephone lines were disconnected, mail was subjected to renewedpostal censorship,[85] all independent political organizations were criminalized and lessons in schools and universities temporarily suspended.[86]
The government imposed a six-day workweek while the mass media, public services, healthcare services, power stations, coal mines, seaports, railway stations, and most key factories were placed under military management, with employees having to follow military orders or face acourt martial. As part of the crackdown, media and educational institutions underwent "verification", a process that tested each employee's attitude towards the regime and to the Solidarity movement; as a result, thousands of journalists, teachers and professors were banned from their professions.Military courts were established to bypass the normal court system, to imprison those spreadingfake news.[87] In an attempt to crush resistance, civilian phone lines were routinely tapped and monitored by government agents.
During the initial imposition of martial law, several dozen people were killed. Official reports during the crackdown claimed about a dozen fatalities, while aparliamentary commission in the years 1989–1991 arrived at a figure of over 90.[88] Others were also killed and wounded during a massive second wave of demonstrations on31 August 1982.
At the invitation of Jaruzelski, a delegation of the rulingHungarian Socialist Workers' Party visited Poland between 27 and 29 December. The Hungarians shared with their Polish colleagues their experiences on crushing the"counterrevolution" of 1956. Earlier in the autumn of 1981, Polish television had broadcast a special film on the events of 1956 in Hungary, showing scenes of rebels hanging security officers etc.[89]
Even after martial law was lifted, a number of restrictions remained in place for several years that drastically reduced thecivil liberties of the citizenry. It also led to severe economic consequences. The rulingmilitary dictatorship instituted major price rises (dubbed "economic reforms"), which resulted in a fall in real wages. The resultingeconomic crisis led to even morerationing of most basic products and materials.
As a consequence of the economic hardships and political repressions, an exodus of Poles saw 700,000 migrate to the West between 1981 and 1989.[90]
A number of international flights were even hijacked in attempts to flee the country and its economic problems. Between December 1980 and October 1983, 11 Polish flights were hijacked toBerlin Tempelhof Airport alone.[91]
Around the same time, a group calling themselves the "Polish Revolutionary Home Army" seized the Polish Embassy inBern,Switzerland on 6 September 1982, taking several diplomats as hostages. However, this turned out to be an apparent provocation by the communist Polish secret services aiming to discredit the Solidarity movement.[92]
After the "Wujek" Coal Mine incident in Katowice on 23 December 1981, theUnited States imposedeconomic sanctions against thePeople's Republic of Poland. In 1982, the United States suspendedmost favored nation trade status until 1987 and vetoed Poland's application for membership in theInternational Monetary Fund.[93]
30 January 1982, the first anniversary of the introduction of martial law in Poland, was declared by theadministration of American President Ronald ReaganDay of Solidarity with Poland. The next day, 31 January 1982, television stations in many countries, as well as the radio stationsVoice of America,Radio Liberty andRadio France Internationale broadcast a joint program entitledLet Poland be Poland.[94]
TheCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) transferred around $2 million yearly in cash to Solidarity, for a total of $10 million over five years. There were no direct links between the CIA and Solidarność, and all money was channeled through third parties.[95] CIA officers were barred from meeting Solidarity leaders, and the CIA's contacts with Solidarność activists were weaker than those of theAFL–CIO, which raised $300,000 from its members, which were used to provide material and cash directly to Solidarity, with no control of Solidarity's use of it. The U.S. Congress authorized theNational Endowment for Democracy to promote democracy, and the NED allocated $10 million to Solidarity.[96] CIA support for Solidarity included money, equipment and training, which was coordinated by Special Operations.[97]Henry Hyde, U.S. House intelligence committee member, stated that the USA provided "supplies and technical assistance in terms of clandestine newspapers, broadcasting, propaganda, money, organizational help and advice".[98]
PopeJohn Paul II wrote a letter to the Primate of Poland, CardinalStefan Wyszyński, in which he called for peace talks between the state and the workers, supporting the Poles' "undeniable right to resolve their problems by themselves".[99]
After thefall of Communism in Poland in 1989, members of a parliamentary commission determined that martial law had been imposed in clear violation of the country'sconstitution, which had authorized the executive to declare martial law only between parliamentary sessions (at other times the decision was to be taken by theSejm). However, the Sejm had been in session at the time when martial law was instituted. In 1992 the Sejm declared the 1981 imposition of martial law to be unlawful and unconstitutional.
The instigators of the martial law, such as Jaruzelski, argued that the army crackdown rescued Poland from a possibly disastrousmilitary intervention of theSoviet Union,East Germany, and otherWarsaw Pact countries (similar to the earlier interventions inHungary in 1956 andCzechoslovakia in 1968).[100] Public figures who supported the introduction of martial law (including some of the right-wing figures likeJędrzej Giertych) also cited that threat. In an interview with the Swedish newspaperDagens Nyheter in 1995,[101] Jaruzelski said that on 21 November 1981 he received a formal letter from the Soviet politburo, demanding "not one step back from socialism", not even powersharing. According to Jaruzelski, the letter was far sharper than the letter sent to the Czechoslovak communist party before the invasion in 1968. "The message was ultimative", Jaruzelski said in the interview, "we had no choice".[citation needed]
In 2009, archive documents hinted that in a conversation Jaruzelski had withViktor Kulikov, a Soviet military leader, Jaruzelski himself begged for Soviet intervention as his domestic control was deteriorating.[102][103] Jaruzelski responded by claiming the document was "just another falsification" and denied all charges.[104]
Led byGeneral of the ArmyWojciech Jaruzelski, theMilitary Council of National Salvation (Wojskowa Rada Ocalenia Narodowego, WRON) usurped for itself powers reserved for wartime, hence the name. The plan was presented to the government of theSoviet Union before the declaration in March 1981.
Appearing on Polish television at 6:00 a.m. on 13 December 1981, General Jaruzelski said:[105]
Today I address myself to you as a soldier and as the head of the Polish government. I address you concerning extraordinarily important questions. Our homeland is at the edge of an abyss. The achievements of many generations and the Polish home that has been built up from the dust are about to turn into ruins. State structures are ceasing to function. Each day delivers new blows to the waning economy./.../
The atmosphere of conflicts, misunderstanding, hatred causes moral degradation, surpasses the limits of toleration. Strikes, the readiness to strike, actions of protest have become a norm of life. Even school youth are being drawn into this. Yesterday evening, many public buildings remained seized. The cries are voiced to physical reprisals with the 'reds', with people who have different opinions.
The cases of terror, threats and moral vendetta, of even direct violence are on the rise. A wave of impudent crimes, robberies and burglaries is running across the country. The underground business sharks' fortunes, already reaching millions, are growing. Chaos and demoralization have reached the magnitude of a catastrophe. People have reached the limit of psychological toleration. Many people are struck by despair. Not only days, but hours as well are bringing forth the all-national disaster./.../
Citizens!
The load of responsibility that falls on me on this dramatic moment in the Polish history is huge. It is my duty to take this responsibility – concerning the future of Poland, that my generation fought for on all the fronts of the war and for which they sacrificed the best years of their life. I declare, that today the Military Council of National Salvation has been formed. In accordance with the Constitution, the State Council has imposed martial law all over the country. I wish that everyone understood the motives of our actions. A military coup, military dictatorship is not our goal./.../
In longer perspective, none of Poland's problems can be solved with the use of violence. The Military Council of National Salvation does not replace constitutional organs of power. Its only purpose is to keep the legal balance of the country, to create guarantees that give a chance to restore order and discipline. This is the ultimate way to bring the country out of the crisis, to save the country from collapse./.../
I appeal to all the citizens. A time of heavy trials has arrived. And we have to stand those in order to prove that we are worthy of Poland.
Before all the Polish people and the whole world I would like to repeat the immortal words:
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