Mari (Cuneiform:𒈠𒌷𒆠,ma-riki, modernTell Hariri;Arabic:تل حريري) was an ancientSemiticcity-state in modern-daySyria. Its remains form atell 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) north-west ofAbu Kamal on the western bank of theEuphrates River, some 120 kilometres (75 mi) southeast ofDeir ez-Zor. It flourished as a trade center and hegemonic state between 2900 BC and 1759 BC.[note 1] The city was built in the middle of the Euphrates trade routes betweenSumer in the south and theEblaite kingdom and theLevant in the west.
Mari was first abandoned in the middle of the 26th century BC but was rebuilt and became the capital of a hegemonicEast Semitic state before 2500 BC. This second Mari engaged in a long war with its rivalEbla and is known for its strong affinity with Sumerian culture. It was destroyed in the 23rd century BC by theAkkadians, who allowed the city to be rebuilt and appointed a military governor (Shakkanakku). The governors became independent with the disintegration of the Akkadian Empire, and rebuilt the city as a regional center of the Euphrates valley. The Shakkanakkus ruled Mari until the second half of the 19th century BC, when the dynasty collapsed for unknown reasons. A short time later, Mari became the capital of theAmorite Lim dynasty. The Amorite Mari lasted only a short time before it was destroyed byBabylonia in c. 1761 BC, but it survived as a small settlement under the rule of the Babylonians and theAssyrians before being abandoned and forgotten during theHellenistic period.
The Mariotes worshiped bothSemitic and Sumerian deities and established their city as a major trading center. Although the pre-Amorite periods were characterized by heavy Sumerian cultural influence, Mari was not a city of Sumerian immigrants but a Semitic-speaking nation with a dialect similar toEblaite. The Amorites wereWest Semites who began to settle the area before the 21st century BC; by the Lim dynasty (c. 1830 BC), they became the dominant population in theFertile Crescent.
Mari's discovery in 1933 provided an important insight into the geopolitical map of ancientMesopotamia andSyria, due to the discovery of more than 25,000 tablets explicating the state administration in the 2nd millennium BC and the nature of diplomatic relations among the political powers of the region. They also revealed the wide trading networks of the 18th century BC, which connected areas as far asAfghanistan inSouthern Asia andCrete in theMediterranean.
Written inCuneiform𒈠𒌷𒆠 (ma-riki),[1] the name of the city can be traced toItūr-Mēr, an ancientstorm deity of northernMesopotamia and Syria, who was considered thetutelary deity of the city,[2]Georges Dossin noted that the name of the city was spelled identically to that of the storm god and concluded that Mari was named after him.[3]
Evidence shows that Mari[4] was founded as a new city in c. 2900 BC during the MesopotamianEarly Dynastic period I, established to control the waterways of theEuphrates trade routes connecting theLevant with theSumerian south.[4][5] The city was built about 1 to 2 kilometres (0.62 to 1.24 mi) from the Euphrates river to protect it from floods,[4] and was connected to the river by an artificialcanal 7 to 10 kilometres (4.3 to 6.2 mi) long, the route of which has not been identified.[6]
Mari's landmarks
The Mari site is difficult to excavate as it is buried deep under later layers of habitation.[5] A circular flood embankment was unearthed,[5] containing an area 300 metres (980 ft) in length for gardens and craftsmen's quarters,[6] and a defensivecircular internal rampart 6.7 m (22 ft) thick[5] and 8 to 10 metres (26 to 33 ft) high, strengthened by defensive towers.[6] Other findings include one of the city gates, a street beginning at the center and ending at the gate, and residential houses.[5] Mari had a central mound,[7] but no temple or palace has been unearthed there.[5] A large building was however excavated (with dimensions of 32 m x 25 m), seemingly with an administrative function. It had stone foundations and rooms up to 12 metres (39 ft) long and 6 metres (20 ft) wide.[8] The city was abandoned c. 2550 BC at the end of theEarly Dynastic period II, for unknown reasons.[5]
Mari on the map of Ancient Orient around 2400 BCE. Conflict between Ebla and Mari.
Near the beginning ofEarly Dynastic period III, before 2500 BC,[9] Mari was rebuilt and populated again.[5][10] The new city kept many of the first city's exterior features, including the internal rampart and gate.[5][11] Also kept was the outer circular embankment measuring 1.9 km (1.2 mi) in diameter, which was topped by a wall two meters thick capable of[11] protectingarchers.[5]
The new Mari was carefully planned. Its internal urban structure was radically different from the preceding incarnation.[12] First to be built were the streets that descended from the elevated center into the gates which ensured the drainage of rainwater.[5]
A structure known as theRoyal Palace of Mari was built in the heart of the city; the palace also served as a temple.[5] Four successive architectural levels from the second kingdom's palace have been unearthed (the oldest is designatedP3, while the latest isP0). The last two levels are dated to theAkkadian period of Sumer.[13] The first two levels were excavated;[13] the findings include a temple dubbed the Enceinte Sacrée (sacred enclosure) dedicated to an unknown deity,[13][14] a columned throne room, and a hall with three double wood pillars leading to the temple.[13]
Six smaller temples were also discovered, including the temple called the Massif Rouge (also dedicated to an unknown deity), and temples dedicated toNinni-Zaza [it] (INANA.ZA.ZA),[15]Ishtarat,[16]Ishtar,Ninhursag, andShamash.[14] All the temples except that of Ishtar were located in the center of the city; the area between the Enceinte Sacrée and the Massif Rouge is thought to be the administrative center of thehigh priest.[14]
The second kingdom appears to have been a powerful and prosperous political center,[9] its kings held the title ofLugal,[17] and many are attested in the city, the most important source being the letter of kingEnna-Dagan c. 2350 BC,[note 2][19] which was sent toIrkab-Damu ofEbla,[note 3]. In it, the Mariote king mentions his predecessors and their military achievements.[21] However, the reading of this letter is still uncertain and many interpretations have been presented by scholars.[22][23][24]
Helmetted warrior with axe, MariIshqi-Mari, king of the Second Kingdom of Mari, circa 2300 BC
The earliest attested king in the letter of Enna-Dagan isAnsud, who is mentioned as attacking Ebla, the traditional rival of Mari with whom it had a long war,[25] and conquering many of Ebla's cities, including the land ofBelan.[note 4][24] The next king mentioned in the letter isSaʿumu, who conquered the lands ofRa'ak andNirum.[note 5][24] KingKun-Damu of Ebla defeated Mari in the middle of the 25th century BC.[28] The war continued withIšhtup-Išar of Mari's conquest ofEmar[24] at a time of Eblaite weakness in the mid-24th century BC. KingIgrish-Halam of Ebla had to pay tribute toIblul-Il of Mari,[28][29] who is mentioned in the letter, conquering many of Ebla's cities and campaigning in theBurman region.[24]
Enna-Dagan also received tribute;[29] his reign fell entirely within the reign ofIrkab-Damu of Ebla,[30] who managed to defeat Mari and end the tribute.[20] Mari defeated Ebla's allyNagar in year seven of the EblaitevizierIbrium's term, causing the blockage of trade routes between Ebla and southern Mesopotamia through upper Mesopotamia.[31] The war reached a climax when the Eblaite vizierIbbi-Sipish made an alliance with Nagar andKish to defeat Mari in a battle nearTerqa.[32] Ebla itself suffered its first destruction a few years after Terqa in c. 2300 BC,[33] during the reign of the Mariote kingHidar.[34] According toAlfonso Archi [de], Hidar was succeeded byIshqi-Mari whose royal seal was discovered. It depicts battle scenes, causing Archi to suggest that he was responsible for the destruction of Ebla while still a general.[34][35]
Sargon the King bowed down toDagan inTuttul. He (Dagan) gave to him (Sargon) the Upper Land: Mari, Iarmuti, andEbla, as far as the Cedar Forest and the Silver Mountains
Mari was deserted for two generations before being restored by the Akkadian kingManishtushu.[44] A governor was appointed to govern the city who held the titleShakkanakku (military governor).[45] Akkad kept direct control over the city, which is evident byNaram-Sin of Akkad's appointment of two of his daughters to priestly offices in the city.[45]
In the Akkadian period, the first member of theShakkanakku dynasty on the lists isIdidish, who was appointed in c. 2266 BC.[note 6][47] According to the lists, Ididish ruled for 60 years[48] and was succeeded by his son=, making the position hereditary.[49]
The layout of the third Mari was similar to that of its predecessor;[50] phaseP0 of the old royal palace was replaced by a new palace for the Shakkanakku.[51] Another smaller palace was built in the eastern part of the city[7] housing royal burials that date to the former periods.[52] The ramparts were rebuilt and strengthened while the embankment was turned into a defensive wall that reached 10 metres (33 ft) in width.[51] The former sacred enclosure was maintained,[51] so was the temple of Ninhursag. However, the temples of Ninni-Zaza and Ishtarat disappeared,[51] while a new temple called the "temple of lions" (dedicated toDagan),[53] was built by the ShakkanakkuIshtup-Ilum and attached to it, was a rectangular terrace that measured 40 by 20 metres (131 ft × 66 ft) for sacrifices.[51][7][54]
Akkad disintegrated duringShar-Kali-Sharri's reign,[55] and Mari gained its independence, but the use of the Shakkanakku title continued during the followingThird Dynasty of Ur period.[56] A princess of Mari married the son of kingUr-Nammu ofUr,[57][58] and Mari was nominally under Ur hegemony.[59] However, thevassalage did not impede the independence of Mari,[60][61] and some Shakkanakkus used the royal titleLugal in their votive inscriptions, while using the title of Shakkanakku in their correspondence with the Ur's court.[62] The dynasty ended for unknown reasons not long before the establishment of the next dynasty, which took place in the second half of the 19th century BC.[63][64][65]
The second millennium BC in theFertile Crescent was characterized by the expansion of theAmorites, which culminated with them dominating and ruling most of the region,[66] including Mari which in c. 1830 BC, became the seat of the Amorite Lim dynasty under kingYaggid-Lim.[65][67] However, theepigraphical and archaeological evidences showed a high degree of continuity between the Shakkanakku and the Amorite eras.[note 7][57]
Yaggid-Lim was the ruler ofSuprum before establishing himself in Mari,[note 8][note 9][70] he entered an alliance withIla-kabkabu ofEkallatum, but the relations between the two monarchs changed to an open war.[69][71] The conflict ended with Ila-kabkabu capturing Yaggid-Lim's heirYahdun-Lim and according to a tablet found in Mari, Yaggid-Lim who survived Ila-kabkabu was killed by his servants.[note 10][69] However, in c. 1820 BC Yahdun-Lim was firmly in control as king of Mari.[note 11][71]
Goddess of the vase, Mari, 18th century BC
Yahdun-Lim started his reign by subduing seven of his rebelling tribal leaders, and rebuilding the walls of Mari and Terqa in addition to building a new fort which he named Dur-Yahdun-Lim.[73] He then expanded west and claimed to have reached theMediterranean,[74][75] however he later had to face a rebellion by the Yaminite nomads who were centered atTuttul, and the rebels were supported byYamhad's kingSumu-Epuh, whose interests were threatened by the recently established alliance between Yahdun-Lim andEshnunna.[60][74] Yahdun-Lim defeated the Yaminites but an open war with Yamhad was avoided,[76] as the Mariote king became occupied by his rivalry withShamshi-Adad I ofShubat-Enlil, the son of the late Ila-kabkabu.[77] The war ended in a defeat for Mari,[77][78] and Yahdun-Lim was assassinated in c. 1798 BC by his possible sonSumu-Yamam,[79][80] who himself got assassinated two years after ascending the throne while Shamshi-Adad advanced and annexed Mari.[81]
Shamshi-Adad (r. 1809-1775 BC) appointed his sonYasmah-Adad on the throne of Mari, the new king married Yahdun-Lim's daughter,[82][83] while the rest of the Lim family took refuge in Yamhad,[84] and the annexation was officially justified by what Shamshi-Adad considered sinful acts committed by the Lim family.[85] To strengthen his position against his new enemy Yamhad, Shamshi-Adad married Yasmah-Adad to Betlum, the daughter ofIshi-Addu ofQatna.[83] However, Yasmah-Adad neglected his bride causing a crisis with Qatna, and he proved to be an unable leader causing the rage of his father who died in c. 1776 BC,[83][86][87] while the armies ofYarim-Lim I of Yamhad were advancing in support ofZimri-Lim, the heir of the Lim dynasty.[note 12][87]
As Zimri-Lim advanced, a leader of theSim'alites (Zimri-Lim's tribe) overthrew Yasmah-Adad,[89] opening the road for Zimri-Lim who arrived a few months after Yasmah-Adad's escape,[90] and married princessShibtu, a daughter of Yarim-Lim I, a short time after his enthronement in c. 1776 BC.[87] Zimri-Lim's ascension to the throne with the help of Yarim-Lim I affected Mari's status, Zimri-Lim referred to Yarim-Lim as his father, and the Yamhadite king was able to order Mari as the mediator between Yamhad's main deityHadad and Zimri-Lim, who declared himself a servant of Hadad.[91]
Zimri-Lim started his reign with a campaign against theYaminites, he also established alliances withEshnunna andHammurabi ofBabylon,[84] and sent his armies to aid the Babylonians.[92] The new king directed his expansion policy toward the north in theUpper Khabur region, which was namedIdamaraz [ca],[93] where he subjugated the local petty kingdoms in the region such asUrkesh,[94] andTalhayum [ca], forcing them into vassalage.[95] The expansion was met by the resistance ofQarni-Lim, the king ofAndarig,[96] whom Zimri-Lim defeated, securing the Mariote control over the region in c. 1771 BC,[97] and the kingdom prospered as a trading center and entered a period of relative peace.[87] Zimri-Lim's greatest heritage was the renovation of theRoyal Palace, which was expanded greatly to contain 275 rooms,[7][98] exquisite artifacts such asThe Goddess of the Vase statue,[99] and a royal archive that contained thousands of tablets.[100]
Mari's relations with Babylon worsened with a dispute over the city ofHīt that consumed much time in negotiations,[101] during which a war againstElam involved both kingdoms in c. 1765 BC.[102] Babylon invaded in c. 1761 BC under the rule ofHammurabi and defeated Zimri-Lin, ending the Lim dynasty,[103] while Terqa became the capital of a rump state called theKingdom of Hana.[104] In the south, the region ofSuhum became a Babylonian province.
Mari survived the destruction and rebelled against Babylon in c. 1759 BC, which prompted Hammurabi to raze the city.[105] Marc Van De Mieroop suggests that Hammurab, in a gesture of mercy, may have allowed Mari to survive as a small village under Babylonian administration.[105]
Mari became part ofAssyria and was listed among the territories conquered by the Assyrian kingTukulti-Ninurta I (r. 1243–1207 BC).[106] Mari frequently changed hands between Assyria and Babylon.[106]
In the middle of the eleventh century BC, Mari became part of Hana. The king of HanaTukulti-Mer assumed the titleking of Mari and rebelled against Assyria, prompting Assyrian kingAshur-bel-kala (r. 1074-1056 BC) to attack.[106] In the first half of the 8th century BC Mari came firmly under the authority of theNeo-Assyrian Empire. It was assigned to the governorship of a certainNergal-Erish, under the authority of kingAdad-Nirari III (r. 810–783 BC).[106]
Shamash-Risha-Usur (c. 760 BC)
In c. 760 BCShamash-Risha-Usur,[107] an autonomous administrator under the nominal authority ofAshur-dan III, ruled parts of the upper middle Euphrates; he styled himself the governor of the lands ofSuhu and Mari, as did his sonNinurta-Kudurri-Usur.[106] In 760 BC Mari was part ofLaqe,[note 13], suggesting that the title "governor" was a historical designation.[106]
The city of Mari persisted as a small settlement until theHellenistic period (323 – 30 BCE) when it disappeared from records.[106]
By 2015, theIslamic State (ISIS) had devastated and systematically looted the site, particularly theRoyal Palace of Mari.[109] It was one of the first archaeological sites to be occupied by this group.[110]
A Mariote from the second kingdom. (25th century BC)
Mari's founders were either Sumerians or speakers of anEast Semitic language fromTerqa in the north.[4]Ignace Gelb relates Mari's foundation with the proposedKish civilization,[111] a cultural entity of East Semitic-speaking populations that stretched from the center of Mesopotamia to Ebla in the western Levant.[112]
The population of the second Mari was around 40,000 at its height.[113] The population spoke an East Semitic dialect very similar to theEblaite language.[10][114] In the Shakkanakku period, the population spokeAkkadian, also an East Semitic language.[115]West Semitic names started to be attested in Mari from the second kingdom era,[116] and by the middleBronze-Age, the west SemiticAmorite tribes became the majority of the pastoral groups in the middle Euphrates andKhabur valleys.[117] Amorite names were in use by end of the Shakkanakku period, including by the ruling dynasts.[118]
Mari's population had become predominantly Amorite during the Lim era. Textual evidence shows the continued use of Akkadian names[note 14] and, although theAmorite language became the dominant tongue, Akkadian remained the language of writing.[119][120][121] Thepastoral Amorites in Mari were calledHaneans, a general term referring tonomads.[122] These Haneans were split into theYaminites (sons of the south) andSim'alites (sons of the north), with the ruling house belonging to theSim'al branch.[122] The kingdom of Mari was also home to tribes ofSuteans living in Terqa.[123]
Mari was anabsolute monarchy. The king controlled every aspect of administration, with the aid ofscribes who filled ministerial roles.[124][125] During the Lim era, Mari was divided into four provinces in addition to the capital. The provincial seats were located atTerqa,Saggarâtum,Qaṭṭunān, andTuttul. Each province had its ownbureaucracy;[125] the state supplied the villagers with ploughs and other agricultural equipment in return for a share in the harvest.[126]
The first and second kingdoms were heavily influenced by the Sumerian south.[127] The society was led by an urbanoligarchy,[128] and the citizenry was known for elaborate hair and dress styles.[129][130] They used the Eblaite calendar based on asolar year divided into twelve months.[131][132] Scribes wrote in theSumerian language; art and architecture was indistinguishable from that of Sumer.[133]
Mesopotamia continued to influence Mariote culture during the Amorite period,[134] evidenced by the Babylonian scribal style used in the city.[135] Mesopotamian influence had lessened since former periods, and objects such as royal seals show a clear Syrian origin.[134] The society wastribal,[136], primarily mostly of farmers and nomads (Haneans),[137] Unlike in Mesopotamia, the Mariote temple played only a minor role in everyday life as state power was invested in the royal palace.[138] Women enjoyed a relative equality to men;[139] queen Shibtu ruled in her husband's name while he was away and she had extensive authority over the highest officials.[140]
The pantheon of Mari included both Sumerian and Semitic deities.[141] For most of Mari's history,Dagan was the head of the pantheon[142] and Mer the patron deity.[143] Semitic deities included Ishtar,[141]Athtar,[144] andShamash, an omniscient solar god and one of the most important of the pantheon.[145][146] Sumerian deities included Ninhursag,[141]Dumuzi,[147]Enki,Anu, andEnlil.[148]Prophecy was important to temple activity;[149] prophets participated in religious festivals and gave council to the king.[150]
The first Mari provided the oldest wheel workshop yet discovered in Syria,[151] and was a center of bronzemetallurgy.[4] The city also contained districts devoted tosmelting,dyeing, and pottery manufacture,[13] using charcoal brought by river boats from the upperKhabur and Euphrates area.[4]
The second kingdom's economy was based on both agriculture and trade.[120] It was centralized and directed through a communal organization,[120] with grain stored in communal granaries and distributed according to social status.[120] The organization also controlled the animal herds in the kingdom.[120] Some groups were direct beneficiaries of the palace instead of the communal organization, including the metal and textile producers and military officials.[120] Ebla was an important trading partner and rival,[152] Mari's position made it an important trading center astride the road linking the Levant and Mesopotamia.[153]
The Amorite Mari maintained the older aspects of the economy, still largely based on irrigated agriculture along the Euphrates valley.[120] The city remained a trading center for merchants from Babylonia and other kingdoms,[154] with goods from the south and east transported on riverboats bound for the north, northwest and west.[155] The main trade was metals and tin from theIranian Plateau exported west as far asCrete. Other goods included copper fromCyprus, silver fromAnatolia, wood fromLebanon, gold fromEgypt, olive oil, wine, and textiles, and even precious stones from modernAfghanistan.[155]
Excavations by the archaeological team ofAndré Parrot in 1936. Discovery of the statue of military GovernorIshtup-Ilum
Mari was discovered in 1933, on the eastern flank of Syria, near the Iraqi border.[156] ABedouin tribe was digging through a mound called Tell Hariri for a gravestone that would be used for a recently deceased tribesman, when they came across a headless statue.[156] After the news reached theFrench authorities currently incontrol of Syria, the report was investigated, and digging on the site was started on December 14, 1933, by archaeologists from theLouvre in Paris.[156] The location of the fragment was excavated, revealing the temple of Ishtar, which led to the commencing of the full scale excavations.[157] Mari was classified by the archaeologists as the "most westerly outpost of Sumerian culture".[158]
Mari has been excavated in annual campaigns in 1933–1939, 1951–1956, and since 1960.[163]André Parrot conducted the first 21 seasons up to 1974,[164] and was followed byJean-Claude Margueron [fr] (1979–2004),[165] andPascal Butterlin (starting in 2005).[163] A journal devoted to the site, released in 8 volumes between 1982 and 1997, wasMari: Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires.[166][167] Archaeologists have tried to determine how many layers the site descends, according to French archaeologist André Parrot, "each time a vertical probe was commenced in order to trace the site's history down to virgin soil, such important discoveries were made that horizontal digging had to be resumed."[168]
Over 25,000 tablets were found in the burnt library of Zimri-Lim written in Akkadian[169] from a period of 50 years between circa 1800 – 1750 BC.[170] They give information about the kingdom, its customs, and the names of people who lived during that time.[67] More than 3000 are letters, the remainder includes administrative, economic, and judicial texts.[171] Almost all the tablets found were dated to the last 50 years of Mari's independence,[171] and most have now been published.[172] The language of the texts is officialAkkadian, but proper names and hints in syntax show that the common language of Mari's inhabitants wasNorthwest Semitic.[173] Six of the tablets found were in theHurrian language.[174]
Excavations stopped from 2011 as a result of theSyrian Civil War and have not restarted.[175] The site came under the control of armed gangs and suffered large scale looting. A 2014 official report revealed that robbers were focusing on the royal palace, the public baths, the temple of Ishtar, and the temple of Dagan.[176] Based on satellite imagery, looting continued until at least 2017.[177]
^Dates are estimated according to theMiddle chronology unless otherwise stated.
^In old readings, it was thought that Enna-Dagan was a general of Ebla. However, the deciphering of Ebla's tablets showed him in Mari and receiving gifts from Ebla during the reigns of his Mariote predecessors.[18]
^Irkab-Damu is not named in the letter but it is almost certain that he was the recipient.[20]
^Located in the Euphrates middle valley close toSweyhat.[27]
^According toJean-Marie Durand, this Shakkanakku was appointed by Manishtushu, other opinions consider Naram-Sin as the appointer of Ididish.[46]
^This ruled out the former theory that there was an abandonment of Mari during the transition period.[57]
^Suprum is 12 kilometers upstream from Mari, perhaps the modern Tel Abu Hasan.[68]
^It is not certain that Yaggid-Lim controlled Mari, however he is traditionally considered the first king of the dynasty.[69]
^The credibility of the tablet is doubted as it was written byYasmah-Adad who was Ila-kabkabu grandson.[69]
^The transition of the Lim family from Suprum to Mari could have been the work of Yahdun-Lim after the war with Ila-kabkabu.[72]
^Although officially a son of Yahdun-Lim, in reality he was a grandchild or nephew.[88]
^An ancient designation for the land that include the confluence of the Khabur and the Euphrates rivers.[108]
^Jean-Marie Durand, although not speculating the fate of the East-Semitic population, believe that the Akkadians during the Lim dynasty are not descended from the East-Semites of the Shakkanakku period.[115]
^Campbell, Dennis R. M., and Sebastian Fischer, "A HURRIAN RITUAL AGAINST TOOTHACHE: A REANALYSIS OF MARI 5", Revue d’Assyriologie et d’archéologie Orientale, vol. 112, pp. 31–48, 2018
^Casana J, Laugier EJ (2017) Satellite imagery-based monitoring of archaeological site damage in the Syrian civil war. PLoS ONE 12(11): e0188589.https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0188589
Akkermans, Peter M. M. G.; Schwartz, Glenn M. (2003).The Archaeology of Syria: From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Early Urban Societies (c.16,000-300 BC). Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-79666-8.
Archi, Alfonso; Biga, Maria Giovanna (2003). "A Victory over Mari and the Fall of Ebla".Journal of Cuneiform Studies.55. The American Schools of Oriental Research:1–44.doi:10.2307/3515951.ISSN2325-6737.JSTOR3515951.S2CID164002885.
Armstrong, James A. (1996). "Sumer and Akkad". In Fagan, Brian M. (ed.).The Oxford Companion to Archaeology. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-507618-9.
Astour, Michael C. (2002). "A Reconstruction of the History of Ebla (Part 2)". In Gordon, Cyrus Herzl; Rendsburg, Gary (eds.).Eblaitica: Essays on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language. Vol. 4. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-1-57506-060-6.
Aubet, Maria Eugenia (2013).Commerce and Colonization in the Ancient Near East. Translated by Turton, Mary. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-51417-0.
Bonatz, Dominik; Kühne, Hartmut; Mahmoud, Asʻad (1998).Rivers and Steppes: Cultural Heritage and Environment of the Syrian Jezireh: Catalogue to the Museum of Deir ez-Zor. Damascus: Ministry of Culture, Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums.OCLC41317024.
Bretschneider, Joachim; Van Vyve, Anne-Sophie; Leuven, Greta Jans (2009). "War of the lords, The Battle of Chronology: Trying to Recognize Historical Iconography in the 3rd Millennium Glyptic Art in seals of Ishqi-Mari and from Beydar".Ugarit-Forschungen.41. Ugarit-Verlag.ISBN978-3-86835-042-5.
Bryce, Trevor (2009).The Routledge Handbook of the Peoples and Places of Ancient Western Asia. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-15908-6.
Bryce, Trevor (2014).Ancient Syria: A Three Thousand Year History. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-100292-2.
Burns, Ross (2009) [1992].Monuments of Syria: A Guide (revised ed.). I.B.Tauris.ISBN978-0-85771-489-3.
Charpin, Dominique (2011). "Patron and Client: Zimri-Lim and Asqudum the Diviner". In Radner, Karen; Robson, Eleanor (eds.).The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-955730-1.
Charpin, Dominique (2012) [2003].Hammurabi of Babylon. I.B.Tauris.ISBN978-1-84885-752-0.
Chavalas, Mark (2005). "The Age of Empires, 3100–900 BCE". In Snell, Daniel C. (ed.).A Companion to the Ancient Near East. Blackwell Publishing.ISBN978-1-4051-3739-3.
Cohen, Mark E. (1993).The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. CDL Press: The University Press of Maryland.ISBN978-1-883053-00-0.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
Cooper, Jerrold S (1999). "Sumerian and Semitic Writing in Most Ancient Syro-Mesopotamia". In van Lerberghe, Karel; Voet, Gabriela (eds.).Languages and Cultures in Contact: At the Crossroads of Civilizations in the Syro-Mesopotamian realm. Proceedings of the 42th RAI. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. Vol. 92. Peeters Publishers & Department of Oriental Studies, Leuven.ISBN978-90-429-0719-5.
Dalley, Stephanie (2002) [1984].Mari and Karana, Two Old Babylonian Cities (2 ed.). Gorgias Press.ISBN978-1-931956-02-4.
Daniels, Brian I.; Hanson, Katryn (2015). "Archaeological Site Looting in Syria and Iraq: A Review of the Evidence". In Desmarais, France (ed.).Countering Illicit Traffic in Cultural Goods: The Global Challenge of Protecting the World's Heritage. The International Council of Museums.ISBN978-92-9012-415-3.
DeVries, LaMoine F. (2006).Cities of the Biblical World: An Introduction to the Archaeology, Geography, and History of Biblical Sites. Wipf and Stock Publishers.ISBN978-1-55635-120-4.
Dolce, Rita (2008). "Ebla before the Achievement of Palace G Culture: An Evaluation of the Early Syrian Archaic Period". In Kühne, Hartmut; Czichon, Rainer Maria; Kreppner, Florian Janoscha (eds.).Proceedings of the 4th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 29 March - 3 April 2004, Freie Universität Berlin. Vol. 2. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.ISBN978-3-447-05757-8.
Dougherty, Beth K.; Ghareeb, Edmund A. (2013). Woronoff, Jon (ed.).Historical Dictionary of Iraq. Historical Dictionaries of Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East (2 ed.). Scarecrow Press.ISBN978-0-8108-7942-3.
Evans, Jean M. (2012).The Lives of Sumerian Sculpture: An Archaeology of the Early Dynastic Temple. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-1-139-78942-4.
Feliu, Lluís (2003).The God Dagan in Bronze Age Syria. Translated by Watson, Wilfred GE. Brill.ISBN978-90-04-13158-3.
Finer, Samuel Edward (1997).Ancient monarchies and empires. The History of Government from the Earliest Times. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-820664-4.
Fleming, Daniel E. (2004). "Prophets and Temple Personnel in the Mari Archives". In Grabbe, Lester L.; Bellis, Alice Ogden (eds.).The Priests in the Prophets: The Portrayal of Priests, Prophets, and Other Religious Specialists in the Latter Prophets. T&T Clark International.ISBN978-0-567-40187-8.
Fleming, Daniel E. (2012).The Legacy of Israel in Judah's Bible: History, Politics, and the Reinscribing of Tradition. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-1-139-53687-5.
Fowden, Garth (2014).Before and After Muhammad: The First Millennium Refocused. Princeton University Press.ISBN978-1-4008-4816-4.
Frayne, Douglas (1990).Old Babylonian Period (2003–1595 BC). The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Early Periods. Vol. 4. University of Toronto Press.ISBN978-0-8020-5873-7.
Frayne, Douglas (2001). "In Abraham's Footsteps". In Daviau, Paulette Maria Michèle; Wevers, John W.; Weigl, Michael (eds.).The World of the Aramaeans: Biblical Studies in Honour of Paul-Eugène Dion. Vol. 1. Sheffield Academic Press.ISBN978-0-567-20049-5.
Frayne, Douglas (2008).Pre-Sargonic Period: Early Periods (2700–2350 BC). The Royal inscriptions of Mesopotamia Early Periods. Vol. 1. University of Toronto Press.ISBN978-1-4426-9047-9.
Gadd, Cyril John (1971). "The Cities of Babylonia". In Edwards, Iorwerth Eiddon Stephen; Gadd, Cyril John; Hammond, Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière (eds.).Part 2: Early History of the Middle East. The Cambridge Ancient History (Second Revised Series). Vol. 1 (3 ed.). Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-07791-0.
Gates, Charles (2003).Ancient Cities: The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Near East and Egypt, Greece and Rome. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-67662-0.
Grabbe, Lester L. (2004). "Introduction and Overview". In Grabbe, Lester L.; Bellis, Alice Ogden (eds.).The Priests in the Prophets: The Portrayal of Priests, Prophets, and Other Religious Specialists in the Latter Prophets. T&T Clark International.ISBN978-0-567-40187-8.
Grayson, Albert Kirk (1972).Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: From the Beginning to Ashur-Resha-Ishi I. Records of the Ancient Near East. Vol. 1. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.ISBN978-3-447-01382-6.ISSN0340-8450.
Green, Alberto Ravinell Whitney (2003).The Storm-god in the Ancient Near East. Biblical and Judaic studies from the University of California, San Diego. Vol. 8. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-1-57506-069-9.
Haldar, Alfred (1971).Who Were the Amorites?. Monographs on the ancient Near East. Vol. 1. Brill.OCLC2656977.
Hamblin, William J. (2006).Warfare in the Ancient Near East to 1600 BC. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-52062-6.
Harris, Rivkah (2003) [2000].Gender and Aging in Mesopotamia: The Gilgamesh Epic and Other Ancient Literature. University of Oklahoma Press.ISBN978-0-8061-3539-7.
Hasselbach, Rebecca (2005).Sargonic Akkadian: A Historical and Comparative Study of the Syllabic Texts. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.ISBN978-3-447-05172-9.
Heimpel, Wolfgang (2003).Letters to the King of Mari: A New Translation, with Historical Introduction, Notes, and Commentary. Mesopotamian civilizations. Vol. 12. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-1-57506-080-4.ISSN1059-7867.
Heintz, Jean Georges;Bodi, Daniel; Millot, Lison (1990).Bibliographie de Mari: Archéologie et Textes (1933–1988). Travaux du Groupe de Recherches et d'Études Sémitiques Anciennes (G.R.E.S.A.), Université des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg (in French). Vol. 3. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.ISBN978-3-447-03009-0.
Kramer, Samuel Noah (2010) [1963].The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character. University of Chicago Press.ISBN978-0-226-45232-6.
Kupper, Jean Robert (1973). "Northern Mesopotamia and Syria". In Edwards, Iorwerth Eiddon Stephen; Gadd, Cyril John; Hammond, Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière; Sollberger, Edmond (eds.).Part 1: The Middle East and the Aegean Region, c.1800–1380 BC. The Cambridge Ancient History (Second Revised Series). Vol. 2 (3 ed.). Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-1-139-05426-3.
Launderville, Dale (2003).Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia. William B. Eerdmans Publishing.ISBN978-0-8028-3994-7.
Leick, Gwendolyn (2002).Who's Who in the Ancient Near East. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-78796-8.
Liverani, Mario (2013).The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-75084-9.
Maisels, Charles Keith (2005) [1990].The Emergence of Civilisation: From Hunting and Gathering to Agriculture, Cities and the State of the Near East. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-86328-0.
Malamat, Abraham (1980). "A Mari Prophecy and Nathan's Dynastic Oracle". In Emerton, John Adney (ed.).Prophecy: Essays presented to Georg Fohrer on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Vol. CL. Walter de Gruyter.ISBN978-3-11-083741-4.
Malamat, Abraham (1998).Mari and the Bible. Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East. Vol. 12. Brill.ISBN978-90-04-10863-9.ISSN0169-9024.
Margueron, Jean-Claude (1992). "The 1979–1982 Excavations at Mari: New Perspectives and Results". In Young, Gordon Douglas (ed.).Mari in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Mari and Mari Studies. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-0-931464-28-7.
Margueron, Jean-Claude (2013). "The Kingdom of Mari". In Crawford, Harriet (ed.).The Sumerian World. Translated by Crawford, Harriet. Routledge.ISBN978-1-136-21912-2.
Matthews, Victor Harold; Benjamin, Don C. (2006) [1994].Old Testament Parallels: Laws and Stories from the Ancient Near East (3 ed.). Paulist Press.ISBN978-0-8091-4435-8.
McMahon, Augusta (2013). "North Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium BC". In Crawford, Harriet (ed.).The Sumerian World. Routledge.ISBN978-1-136-21912-2.
Michalowski, Piotr (1993). "Memory and Deed: The Historiography of the Political Expansion of the Akkad State". In Liverani, Mario (ed.).Akkad: the First World Empire: Structure, Ideology, Traditions. History of the Ancient Near East Studies. Vol. 5. Padua: S.a.r.g.o.n. Editrice Libreria.OCLC32011634.
Michalowski, Piotr (2000). "Amorites". In Freedman, David Noel; Myers, Allen C. (eds.).Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible. Eerdmans Publishing.ISBN978-90-5356-503-2.
Nadali, Davide (2007). "Monuments of War, War of Monuments: Some Considerations on Commemorating War in the Third Millennium BC".Orientalia.76 (4). Pontificium Institutum Biblicum.OCLC557711946.
Nissinen, Martti; Seow, Choon Leong; Ritner, Robert Kriech (2003). Machinist, Peter (ed.).Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East. Writings from the Ancient World. Vol. 12. Society of Biblical Literature. Atlanta.ISBN978-1-58983-027-1.
Ochterbeek, Cynthia (1996). "Dan". In Berney, Kathryn Ann; Ring, Trudy; Watson, Noelle; Hudson, Christopher; La Boda, Sharon (eds.).Middle East and Africa: International Dictionary of Historic Places. Vol. 4. Routledge.ISBN978-1-134-25993-9.
Oldenburg, Ulf (1969).The Conflict between El and Ba'al in Canaanite Religion. Dissertationes ad Historiam Religionum Pertinentes. Vol. 3. Brill.ISSN0419-4233.OCLC63449.
Otto, Adelheid; Biga, Maria Giovanna (2010). "Thoughts About the Identification of Tall Bazi with Armi of the Ebla Texts". In Matthiae, Paolo; Pinnock, Frances; Nigro, Lorenzo; Marchetti, Nicolò; Romano, Licia (eds.).Proceedings of the 6th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East: Near Eastern archaeology in the past, present and future: heritage and identity, ethnoarchaeological and interdisciplinary approach, results and perspectives; visual expression and craft production in the definition of social relations and status. Vol. 1. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag.ISBN978-3-447-06175-9.
Pardee, Dennis; Glass, Jonathan T. (1984). "Literary Sources for the History of Palestine and Syria: The Mari Archives".The Biblical Archaeologist.47 (2). The American Schools of Oriental Research.ISSN2325-534X.
Pitard, Wayne T. (2001) [1998]. "Before Israel: Syria-Palestine in the Bronze Age". In Coogan, Michael David (ed.).The Oxford History of the Biblical World (revised ed.). Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-513937-2.
Podany, Amanda H. (2010).Brotherhood of Kings: How International Relations Shaped the Ancient Near East. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-979875-9.
Porter, Anne (2012).Mobile Pastoralism and the Formation of Near Eastern Civilizations: Weaving Together Society. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-521-76443-8.
Riehl, Simone; Pustovoytov, Konstantin; Dornauer, Aron; Sallaberger, Walther (2013). "Mid-to-Late Holocene Agricultural System Transformations in the Northern Fertile Crescent: A Review of the Archaeobotanical, Geoarchaeological, and Philological Evidence". In Giosan, Liviu; Fuller, Dorian Q.; Nicoll, Kathleen; Flad, Rowan K.; Clift, Peter D. (eds.).Climates, Landscapes, and Civilizations. Geophysical Monograph Series. Vol. IICC. American Geophysical Union.ISBN978-0-87590-488-7.ISSN0065-8448.
Smith, Mark S. (1995). "The God Athtar in the Ancient Near East and His Place in KTU 1.6 I". In Zevit, Ziony; Gitin, Seymour; Sokoloff, Michael (eds.).Solving Riddles and Untying Knots: Biblical, Epigraphic, and Semitic Studies in Honor of Jonas C. Greenfield. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-0-931464-93-5.
Stieglitz, Robert R. (2002). "The Deified Kings of Ebla". In Gordon, Cyrus Herzl; Rendsburg, Gary (eds.).Eblaitica: Essays on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language. Vol. 4. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-1-57506-060-6.
Strommenger, Eva (1964) [1962].5000 Years of the Art of Mesopotamia. Translated by Haglund, Christina. Harry N. Abrams.OCLC505796.
Suriano, Matthew J. (2010).The Politics of Dead Kings: Dynastic Ancestors in the Book of Kings and Ancient Israel. Vol. 48. Mohr Siebeck.ISBN978-3-16-150473-0.ISSN1611-4914.{{cite book}}:|journal= ignored (help)
Teissier, Beatrice (1996) [1995].Egyptian Iconography on Syro-Palestinian Cylinder Seals of the Middle Bronze Age. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis- Series Archaeologica. Vol. 11. University Press Fribourg Switzerland.ISBN978-3-525-53892-0.ISSN1422-4399.
Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier (2004).Women, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society: The Ancient Near East. Vol. 1. Continuum.ISBN978-0-8264-1628-5.
Thompson, Thomas L. (2007). "A Testimony of the Good King: Reading the Mesha Stela". In Grabbe, Lester L. (ed.).Ahab Agonistes: The Rise and Fall of the Omri Dynasty. T&T Clark International.ISBN978-0-567-04540-9.
Van De Mieroop, Marc (2002). "Foreign Contacts and the Rise of an Elite in Early Dynastic Babylonia". In Ehrenberg, Erica (ed.).Leaving No Stones Unturned: Essays on the Ancient Near East and Egypt in Honor of Donald P. Hansen. Eisenbrauns.ISBN978-1-57506-055-2.
Van De Mieroop, Marc (2007) [2005].King Hammurabi of Babylon: A Biography. Blackwell Ancient Lives. Vol. 19. Blackwell Publishing.ISBN978-0-470-69534-0.
Van De Mieroop, Marc (2011) [2003].A History of the Ancient Near East ca. 3000 - 323 BC. Blackwell History of the Ancient World. Vol. 6 (2 ed.). Wiley-Blackwell.ISBN978-1-4443-2709-0.
Van Der Meer, Petrus (1955) [1947].The Chronology of Ancient Western Asia and Egypt. Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui. Vol. 2 (2 ed.). Brill.OCLC4727997.
Van Der Toorn, Karel (1996).Family Religion in Babylonia, Ugarit and Israel: Continuity and Changes in the Forms of Religious Life. Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East. Vol. 7. Brill.ISBN978-90-04-10410-5.ISSN0169-9024.
Viollet, Pierre-Louis (2007) [2005].Water Engineering in Ancient Civilizations: 5,000 Years of History. IAHR Monographs. Vol. 7. Translated by Holly, Forrest M. CRC Press.ISBN978-90-78046-05-9.
Walton, John H. (1990) [1989].Ancient Israelite Literature in Its Cultural Context: A Survey of Parallels Between Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Texts. Zondervan Publishing House.ISBN978-0-310-36591-4.
Wossink, Arne (2009).Challenging Climate Change: Competition and Cooperation Among Pastoralists and Agriculturalists in Northern Mesopotamia (c. 3000–1600 BC). Sidestone Press.ISBN978-90-8890-031-0.
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
_Colorized_per_source.jpg)
%2c_Hamadan_mint.jpg)
