Mamoru Shinozaki | |
|---|---|
篠崎（しのざき）護（まもる） | |
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| Born | February 1908 (1908-02) Fukuoka, Japan |
| Died | 1991 |
| Occupations | journalist, spy, military executive, businessman, writer |
| Known for | Shinozaki Case [ja], witness forSook Chingtrial |
Mamoru Shinozaki (篠崎 護,Shinozaki Mamoru; February 1908 – 1991) was a journalist forDentsu (laterDōmei) andspy for theMinistry of Foreign Affairs in pre-war years, a military executive inJapanese-occupied Singapore, and a businessman and writer in post-war years. He is known for theShinozaki Case [ja] in 1940, and for his testimony in thewar crimes trial in 1947 for theSook Ching massacre.
He was also known for his autobiography, which related the history of Japanese-occupied Singapore and was criticized by many researchers and Singaporean residents for his self-praise and for alleged lies and distortions of many historical facts.[1][2]
Shinozaki was born inFukuoka Prefecture in February 1908.[3][4]
According to his autobiography, his father owned a coal mine in Fukuoka and was often away on business. He was raised mainly by his grandmother, who wanted him to become a monk, but his father opposed the idea. She sent him to a Buddhist temple for a year at the age of six. As a student, he was interested in socialism, secretly reading the works ofKarl Marx andFriedrich Engels, a serious offense which got him expelled from his high school inKyoto.[3]
He studied journalism atMeiji University.[3][4]
After dropping out of university in 1931 or 1932, he worked as a reporter atDenpo Tsushinsha (Nippon Telegraph News Agency). In 1934 he was posted toShanghai, and later toNanking andHankou.[5][4]
In December 1936, he was recalled to Japan, and he became a spy for theJapanese Foreign Ministry.[6] He was soon posted toBerlin as "assistant press attache" at the Japanese Embassy. His relationship with a German woman resulted in his reassignment to Singapore in October 1938.[5][4][7]
While in Singapore, superficially as "press attaché" to the Japanese consul-general or a member of the staff of theEastern News Agency, he provided "fresh and undistorted news" (i.e. propaganda) aboutThe Empire of Japan's movement which ran from Domei News to theSingapore Herald,The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser or such English-language newspapers published in Singapore. At the same time, he collected intelligence both on the Chinese community of Singapore by using Chinese informers, and also on the defence of Singapore by hosting parties to make connections with British Servicemen of Singapore.[8]
On 21 September 1940, Shinozaki was arrested by the BritishSpecial Branch detectives and was subsequently charged with obtaining military intelligence fromFrank Gardner, a British Serviceman. He was tried and sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment and a fine of $1,000, or an extra six months' simple imprisonment.[9] Frank Gardner was sentenced to five years penal servitude and was dismissed from the service with ignominy.[10] Kitsuji Kashiwabara, Shinozaki's cooperator, was sentenced to two months of rigorous imprisonment and was deported from Singapore.[11][12]
Upon the British surrender of Singapore on 15 February 1942, Shinozaki was "released" by theTwenty-Fifth Army fromChangi Prison and went on to become "special adviser" or an interpreter for the Twenty-Fifth Army'sKempeitai inSyonan and supported their actions.[15][16][17] After the Pacific War began on 7/8 December 1941, Japanese residents of pre-war Malaya had moved to thePurana Qilainternment camp.[18] Among 32 Japanese prisoners of Changi, Shinozaki was the only person familiar with Singapore's political circumstances, so his knowledge was crucial to occupying Japanese forces.[19][20][21]
He participated in the Sook Ching Massacre as one of the staff who tempted English-speaking Chinese leaders such asLim Boon Keng, who was captured during the "great inspection", to cooperate with the Japanese Military Administration (JMA).[22]
He might have been engaged in the task of checking the list of people who promoted theChina Relief Fund and thus who became the target of Kempeitai.[27][28][29]
According to his autobiography, in his working capacity at the Defence Headquarters, he deliberately stored food supplies at theThomson Road home of theLittle Sisters of the Poor so that the nuns there would have a ready supply of food.[30]
In April 1942, he continued to support the Kempeitai by identifying "hostile" residents.E. J. H. Corner wrote that when he was working inRaffles Museum, Shinozaki came to the museum to arrest Corner, because Mrs. Arbenz, a Swiss who was mentally affected by the Japanese occupation, had reported to Shinozaki that Corner was hostile to Japan.[31]
As the Special Advisor of Kempeitai, Shinozaki supervised Chinese leaders who were persuaded or forced to interact with JMA by foundingThe Overseas Chinese Association (OCA), a Japanese-sponsored body started on 2 March 1942 as the main representative of the Chinese community. The OCA was ordered to raise $50 million through compulsory "donations" although Shinozaki denied any involvement in the process in his biography.[32][23][33]
He mainly managed English-speaking Chinese leaders, though Takase and Wee Twee Kim oppressed Chinese-speaking Chinese leaders during the same period.[22][36] He also said that he made the list of persons who werenot sustainable to the burden of the "donation" before he left the OCA.[37]
Until June 1942, during the period when JMA's official staff hadn't arrived from Japan, Shinozaki was relocated to the Syonan municipal office as the Chief Education Officer. While the schools were still inactive, for the ceremony ofThe Emperor's Birthday scheduled to be held on 29 April 1942, Shinozaki taught children to singKimigayo andAikoku Kōshinkyoku to please General Yamashita.[38]
In June 1942, Shinozaki returned to Japan.[39] According to his autobiography, he met withShigenori Tōgō,Minister of Foreign Affairs, who rewarded his long imprisonment with "a thick wad of cash".[40]
In August 1942, he went back to Singapore and became the Chief Welfare Officer of the Syonan municipal office.[41]
In this period, the Welfare Office issued "thousands of Good Citizen's Ticket" which was necessary to travel to the suburbs of Singapore (that was not to rescue the people from the threat ofSook Ching).[44]
In mid 1943, M.Gaus, who was fromSumatera and had been a member ofMalayan Welfare Association (MWA), was called by Shinozaki, who had supervised each "Welfare Associations", and attended a meeting. There were other members of MWA and the meeting was called to criticize Gaus. During the meeting, Gaus was blamed by Shinozaki for his opinion, which was based onMelayu Raya's attempt to disturb the unity of Malayan society. Shinozaki angrily requested Gaus to cooperate to maintain the unity of Malayan society because the "Holy War" was ongoing. Gaus wrote that he was confused by Shinozaki's groundless criticism.[45]
In September 1943, due toOperation Jaywick, theSouthern Expeditionary Army Group became anxious about the recapture operation of theAllied army and the residents of Singapore, especially the Chinese and Eurasian residents. TheKempeitai started theDouble Tenth incident and S.E.A.G. directed to Syonan municipal the "evacuation" of civilians.[46]
Shinozaki suggested to the OCA and the EWA the "settlement" plan, on the surface was for the purpose of filling up the shortage of food.[47][48]
Shinozaki told them to look for participants, advertising that the "settlement" was free from Kempeitai monitoring and was abundant with soil and crops, that it was utopia. Then, they sent the Chinese and Eurasian residents that applied for the plan, who were seen as "hostile" to the JMA, toEndau ("New Syonan"), where sufficient irrigation facilities was lacking until re-development by JapanesePOWs in 1946, andBahau("Fuji-go"), where Malayan policemen were always monitoring the "settlers" and many died frommalaria.[47][51][52][53]
When dawn broke the glowing picture that was painted by those responsible for the scheme took on the complexion of a bad dream. Yes, they had been lured to their doom. These were the fruits of the Japanese Occupation. Before their very eyes lay not fertile valleys that could be profitably tilled, not the Utopia that Shinozaki and company had lectured them on, not wells that produced sparkling water within a few feet of the earth's surface. There, all around, the ugly, virulent Pahang jungle reared its treetops: jungle, jungle, everywhere!Fuji-go was nothing more than a clearing four miles square in extent and not even that, for the giants of the forest that had been felled lay exactly where they were when cut down.
— Van Cuylengurg, Singapore through sumshine and shadow,[54]
Bishop Devals got sick and died from overwork in January 1945 at a hospital ofSeremban.[55]
Shinozaki wrote (and it was believed by some) that he sent foods to the "settlers" and retained a lifeline of them.
ButProfessor Yamada [ja] had claimed that Shinozaki wrote of himself like the man behind the "evacuation" plan. Yamada was the then chief of Headquarter of Syonan Evacuation Plan, and he wrote that "Shinozaki wrote that we did a good thing, "evacuation" of Singapore residents. I don't know Shinozaki might be responsible for the plan originally, but I know that the one actually involved was me, and not him. Shinozaki touched nothing. So he doesn't know the detail of things, though I know them."[59]
Though JMA advertised that the "settlement" might resolve the food shortage, the "settling" population was limited to 1,200-1,500 through the Japanese Occupation period, so "settlement" was not effective in this point of view.[60] In 1944, as the reality of the "settlement" (few actual benefits, need to wait for food from Syonan, and rampant malaria) was orally spread to Singapore, people applying to be "settlers" declined sharply.[61] Shinozaki, in his autobiography, didn't refer to such situations and blamed theMPAJA saying that they disturbed Endau and Eurasians by being lazy in Bahau.[62][63] But despite the terrible situations of "settlement", especially in Bahau, Syonan municipal didn't desert the "settlement" and return the "settlers" back to Singapore, because the true purpose was to "evacuate" the residents.[64]
In July 1945, Shinozaki urged Singaporeans to "evacuate" immediately.
All sensible people should be able to understand the true intentions of the authorities and the serious circumstances all may be placed in. Later the people will understand the good intentions of the authorities and have cause to thank them.
— Shinozaki's declaration at a meeting of JMA on 26 July 1945,Syonan Shimbun[65]
On 26 July 1945, Shinozaki was appointed to Sub Chief ofAuxiliary Police Force.[66]
After the Japanese surrender, Shinozaki was captured from the Japanese internment camp inJurong but he was soon released and began to help theBritish Field Security Force during the War Crimes Trials as an interpreter and prosecution witness. According to his autobiography, it was because so many survivors in Singapore vouched for his exemplary behavior.[67]
However, according to some newspaper articles at that time, Shinozaki was one of a hundred Japanese residents of pre-war Malaya who had applied to remain in Singapore. Because he was ruled guilty as a spy in 1940, there was little hope of approval, so he cooperated with the British Field Security Force by prosecuting his colleague, a member of the Kempeitai as a war criminal, to obtain forgiveness for himself.[68][69]
In 1946, public opinion was not against to him, because he apologized for the fault of JMA and the Sook Ching Massacre, and he agreed to compensate for those crimes.[70][71] He also argued theCollaborator Case in January 1946 for Dr. Pagular, the leader of EWA, and said: "Please punish me".[72]
But his testimony at the War Criminal Court of Sook Ching Massacre in 1947 drew strong protests from Singaporean residents. In Court, though he was one of the prosecution witnesses, he said thatSaburo Kawamura [ja], commander of the Syonan Defence Garrison and who was the commander of Sook Ching Massacre, had ordered Shinozaki to save thousands of Chinese and Eurasians and that he had complied. He also said that each of the three defendants who were facing the death penalty had very kind and merciful characters, but were following orders.[73]
... His lip service to humanity is nauseating at this juncture; if he had the courage of his convictions, why didn't he speak out at the time of the atrocities? Ask any political victim of the Kempeitai what Shinozaki did for them.
— The People's Postbag; Letters To The Editor,Malaya Tribune, 15 February 1947[74]
Chuang Hui Tsuan blamed Shinozaki as the "wire-puller" of Sook Ching Massacre, required that all the defendants be executed and that Shinozaki be deported from Singapore.[75] Though not all of the defendants were sentenced to death, Shinozaki was deported from Singapore in 1948.[2] He was blocked from re-entering Singapore until 1973, though other Japanese people were allowed back from 1953.[76][77]
In February 1972,New Nation reported that Shinozaki returned to Singapore as an industrialist, and that he had just completed a book.[78]
His memoir in Japanese was first published serially onSouthern Cross, the journal ofThe Japanese Association, Singapore [ja] from Jul./Aug. 1972 to Mar./Apr. 1974.[79] From 28 August 1972 to 5 October 1972, his autobiography was translated into Chinese byChin Kah Chong, published serially on Nanyang Siang Pau.[80][81] Then in May 1973, the Chinese version of his autobiography was published in the book form (Shinozaki 1973z), which was reprinted in June 1973 and in August 1973.[82][83]
In the same year, he was interviewed by Lim Yoon Lin of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies for its oral history programme and the record of the interview, which was written in English, (Shinozaki 1973e) was published.[84]
From July 1974 to December 1974, the Japanese version of his autobiography was published serially onSyokun!, a Japanese journal byBungeishunjū.[4][85] It was published in the book form in 1976 (Shinozaki 1976).
In 1975, the English version of his autobiographySyonan - My Story was published by Asia Pacific Press. His autobiography was later reprinted in 1982.[86][87]
On 1 November 1972, onSin Chew Daily, Chuang Hui Tsuan wrote an article which criticized Shinozaki's self-praising in his autobiography.[2] Then in 1973, on Sin Chew Daily,Lee Kim Chuan and Qing Mu-duan also criticized Shinozaki for his boastfulness.[2]
On 18 June 1973,Wu You on Nanyang Siang Pau criticized Shinozaki's autobiography as unworthy as a historical resource of Singapore, and to allow their history to depend on his autobiography was a fearful thing. He wrote that Shinozaki wrote about saving the life of one person, which was his heroic and voluntary action, but didn't write about JMA killing and afflicting hundreds of citizens and Shinozaki implementing it as a member of staff of JMA.[88] On 7 July 1973, on Nanyang Siang Pau, Shinozaki pleaded to Wu You that he merely wrote of his own experiences.[89] Then Wu You again criticized Shinozaki for distorting their painful history. He pointed out that the "Good Citizen's Ticket" was not so special but required for all staff who cooperated with JMA during the occupation period, so each member of the Japanese staff of Syonan Municipal, not only Shinozaki but other staff too got it. He also criticized Shinozaki for writing that the OCA was founded to save the life of Chinese leaders. Anybody who lived through that period knew that the Japanese Army, after occupying Malayan City, set up a "Security Preservation Committee" or similar organization, so Singapore couldn't be an exception.[90]
On 30 and 31 July 1973, Tan Y. S. on Nanyang Siang Pau commented that Shinozaki's autobiography wrote many things about JMA which Tan didn't know, but Shinozaki didn't know the sorrows of Singaporean citizens. Then he corrected some "mistakes" of Shinozaki based on Tan's own experience and asked readers to report their own experiences to compare with what Shinozaki wrote.[91]
On 28 August 1973, Wu Cha on Nanyang Siang Pau followed Tan Y.S., he pointed out that he heard from credible sources that when JMA let Singaporean leaders move to the "settlements", they made a "Black List" and was prepared, if the Allied Army landed Malay Peninsula, to immediately kill the people on that list. Shinozaki referred to the "evacuation" plan, but the fact that he didn't refer to its true aim was unnatural. If he had forgotten to write the dark side of JMA, he could understand that, but if the distortion and fabrication of history had been done intentionally, he couldn't forgive that. Then he also asked readers to tell and record their experiences to debunk the lies of Shinozaki.[92]
On 12 September 1973, Lee Kim Chuan on Nanyang Siang Pau criticized Shinozaki, that though he was inForce 136 and was not in Singapore during the War, what was written in Shinozaki's autobiography was far different from what he had heard from his friends in Singapore or from the evidence of the War Criminal Court. Writing such a self-praising book was shameful behavior.[93]
In November 1974 onScience of Thought [ja], a Japanese journal, Hiroshi Tanaka introduced the series of articles from Singaporean Newspapers which criticized Shinozaki's autobiography. He translated some of them.[94]
In May 1975, a writer ofNew Nation doubted the credibility of Shinozaki's autobiography when he had written that 10,000 Japanese prisoners had died in Singapore, in British PoW camps after the war. He interviewed Shinozaki, but Shinozaki gave no explanation for how he had arrived at that number.[95][96]
In June 1983,Chua Ser Koon onLianhe Zaobao pointed that Shinozaki in his Chinese autobiography (Shinozaki 1973z) admitted that the estimate of victims "which was recorded by theChinese Chamber of Commerce" was relatively accurate compared with what the Japanese Occupied Army had argued, but in his Japanese autobiography (Shinozaki 1976), he wrote that because the number of victims "which was recorded by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce" contained an estimate of dead during theBattle of Singapore, Japanese might feel the accumulation unacceptable, and the estimate ofSook Ching victims "by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce" was inaccurate. Shinozaki in his Chinese autobiography agreed that the estimate by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce was only to seek Chinese readers' favour, his true point of view was not so different from what Japanese Kempei-tai had claimed.[97]
There is no detailed information about what Shinozaki did in his later years. In 1978 he was interviewed byYoji Akashi atHirakata, Osaka.[98] Up to 1983, he wrote some articles about the modern history of Singapore which were published in Japanese magazines such as "Shi (History)" by "Gendai-shi Konwakai (social meeting on modern history)" and he took part in the Japan Safety Appliances Association.[99] He died in 1991.[100]
Chuang Hui Tsuan, who protested the deportation of Shinozaki and who first criticized Shinozaki's autobiography, collected the materials about the history of Japanese occupation period and then committed the editorial to ProfessorHsu Yun Tsiao ofNanyang University. Though Chuang died in 1974 and Hsu died in 1981,Chua Ser Koon continued editing and in 1984 the book titledXin Ma Huaren Kangri Shiliao (Malayan Chinese Resistance to Japan) 1937-1945 was published to tell the experiences of the Singaporean citizens who lived through the period of Japanese occupation and to tell the "true history" to the next generation.[101]
In 1987,Hara (1987) again criticized many distortions of Shinozaki's autobiography and warned that there are still many books in Japan which are misleading about the history of Japanese-Occupied Singapore and some of them referenced Shinozaki's autobiography.
Afterwards, Singaporeans started to call Shinozaki the"Schindler" of Singapore.[102]
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