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Makhzen

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Governing institution in North Africa
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Makhzen (Arabic:المخزن,Moroccan Arabic:لمخزن,Berber languages:ⵍⵎⴻⵅⵣⴻⵏ,romanized: Lmexzen) is the governing institution inMorocco and inpre-1957 Tunisia, centered on the monarch and consisting of royal notables, top-ranking military personnel, landowners, security service bosses, civil servants and other well-connected members of theestablishment. The term "Makhzen" is also popularly used in Morocco as a word meaning "State" or "Government".

Etymology

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The wordmakhzen (Arabic:مخزن) literally means "warehouse" inArabic (fromkhazana 'to store up'), originally referred to where the king's civil servants would receive their wages, but over timemakhzen inMoroccan Arabic became synonymous with the elite.[1] It is likely ametonymy related totaxes, which themakhzen used to collect; the term may also refer to the state or its actors, but this usage is increasingly rare and is primarily used by the older generation.[citation needed]

It is the origin of theSpanish andPortuguesealmacén andarmazém (with addition of theArabic definite article), meaning warehouse. It was also incorporated intoFrench andItalian asmagasin (meaning 'store') andmagazzino. It came into theEnglish language fromMiddle French asmagazine, originally referring to astorehouse for ammunition and later topublications.[2][3] With the "store" meaning, it was also adopted from French intoRussian as Магазин and intoRomanian asmagazin.[citation needed]

In the Berber culture of Morocco, the Berber equivalent ofmakhzen would beagadir. Berber tribes also considered theagadir (warehouse of the tribe's crops and valuables) as a powerhouse guarded and managed through a legal system.[citation needed]

Makhzen in Morocco

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Further information:Pre-colonial Makhzen

The Makhzen is a very ancient notion in Morocco, it roughly coincides with the notion of the feudal state predating theFrench protectorate in Morocco.Bilād al-makhzen ('the land of the makhzen') was the term for the areas under central government authority, while those areas still run by tribal authority were known asbilād as-siba ('the land of dissidence').[4]Hubert Lyautey, who served as resident-general of Morocco from 1912 until 1925 during the era of the protectorate, was a fervent proponent of indirect colonisation, especially inBerber-speaking areas. Lyautey maintained the role of the Makhzen and even enhanced it by giving important roles to local notables such asThami El Glaoui. Local notables acted as a relay between the population and the French authorities.[5]

Post Arab Spring

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In the post-Arab Spring era the Makhzen system has been forced to evolve in order to adapt to calls for reform, but has continued to operate. Whilst the 2011 constitutional reforms in Morocco nominally handed more power to elected officials the monarchy controlled these reforms and ensured that they did not remove it from the political sphere.[6][7] The Makhzen system has remained important in the informal working of the Moroccan Parliament. The process of government formation has forced political parties to include within their ranks those with close ties to the palace,[6] as the palace remained highly active in coalition negotiations so as to ensure the government they wanted was formed.[6] In order to gain power political parties may not criticise the Makhzen system, accuse the monarchy of operating a deep state or take any actions that could contradict the palace's positions on any issue in which the king has spoken directly.[6] Meanwhile the monarchy has retained control over certain ministries in the government, preventing the PM from fully appointing their own cabinet, and has retained control over the security council.[8]

Makhzen in Tunisia

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Further information:Makhzen (Tunisia)

Makhzen in Algeria

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Further information:Makhzen (Algeria)

See also

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References

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  1. ^Akhbari, Rouzbeh; Kalmenson, Felix (2017-05-11). "Casablanca: From Protectorate to Neoliberal Polis- Reading the City Through Order and Progress". InSaffari, Siavash; Akhbari, Roxana; Abdolmaleki, Kara; Hamdon, Evelyn (eds.).Unsettling Colonial Modernity in Islamicate Contexts.Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 114.ISBN 978-1-4438-9374-9.
  2. ^"'Magazine'".Oxford Living Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. 2018. Archived fromthe original on May 4, 2018. Retrieved4 May 2018.
  3. ^Dorren, Gaston (August 2019).Babel : around the world in twenty languages. Profile Books.ISBN 978-1-78125-641-1.OCLC 1104596014.
  4. ^Bernard Hours; Pepita Ould Ahmed (10 April 2015).An Anthropological Economy of Debt. Taylor & Francis. pp. 83–84.ISBN 978-1-317-49708-0.
  5. ^M. Hamad; K. al-Anani (20 February 2014).Elections and Democratization in the Middle East: The Tenacious Search for Freedom, Justice, and Dignity. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 109–110.ISBN 978-1-137-29925-3.
  6. ^abcdMaghraoui, Driss (2020-11-01)."On the relevance or irrelevance of political parties in Morocco".The Journal of North African Studies.25 (6):939–959.doi:10.1080/13629387.2019.1644920.ISSN 1362-9387.
  7. ^"Morocco 2011 Constitution - Constitute".www.constituteproject.org. Retrieved2025-05-07.
  8. ^Sadiki, L; Bouandel, Y (2016). "The Post Arab Spring Reform: The Maghreb at a Cross Roads".Domes (Milwaukee, Wis.).
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