Madhav Sadashivrao Golwalkar | |
|---|---|
 Golwalkar in 1949 | |
| 2ndSarsanghchalak of theRashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh | |
| In office 21 June 1940 – 5 June 1973 | |
| Preceded by | K. B. Hedgewar |
| Succeeded by | Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Madhav Sadashivrao Golwalkar 19 February 1906 |
| Died | 5 June 1973(1973-06-05) (aged 67) |
| Education | BSc,MSc,LL.B. |
| Alma mater | |
| Occupation |
|
Madhav Sadashivrao Golwalkar (19 February 1906 – 5 June 1973) was an Indian politician who served as the secondSarsanghchalak ("Chief"[1]) of theRashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), aright-wingHindutvaparamilitary organisation. Golwalkar is considered one of the most influential and prominent figures among the RSS by his followers. He was the first person to put forward the concept of theHindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation) theocratic state, which is believed to have evolved into the concept of theAkhand Bharat. Golwalkar was one of the earliest prominentHindu nationalist thinkers in India.[2][3] Golwalkar authored the bookWe, or Our Nationhood Defined (1939).[4][5][6]Bunch of Thoughts (1960) is a compilation of his speeches.[7]
Golwalkar was born to Sadashivrao and Lakshmibai Golwalkar in aMarathiKarhade Brahmin family atRamtek, nearNagpur inBritish India'sCentral Provinces and Berar.[8] His family was prosperous and supported him in his studies and activities. Sadashivrao, a former clerk in thePosts and Telegraphs Department became a teacher in theCentral Provinces and Berar and ended his career as headmaster of a high school. Golwalkar was the only surviving son of nine children. Since his father was frequently transferred around the country, he was transferred to many schools. Golwalkar was apolitical as a student. As an adolescent, he developed a deep interest in religion and spiritual meditation.[9][10][11][8]
In 1922, Golwalkar was enrolled by his parents in the Intermediate of Science programme atFergusson College inPoona. However, he was compelled to withdraw due to a newly imposed regulation by theBombay Presidency, which restricted admission in provincial institutions to local students. This regulation was rescinded a few months later, but Golwalkar did not return to Fergusson. Instead, he chose to continue his studies atHislop College in Nagpur, a missionary-run institution. While his strict father had intended for him to pursue a career in medicine following his intermediate studies, Golwalkar sought a means of freedom from his family. His decision to study at Hislop was, in part, an effort to distance himself from his household. He lived under the guardianship of his uncle, Balkrishna Raikar, when in Nagpur. However, he struggled academically at Hislop.[12] He was also reportedly incensed at theopen advocacy of Christianity and thedisparagement of Hinduism; much of his concern for the defense of Hinduism is traceable to this experience.[13]
After passing from Hislop College, a pressurised Golwalkar applied for admission in a medical college inLucknow, but he could not succeed. He subsequently moved to theBenaras Hindu University (BHU) inBenaras, a decision prompted and facilitated by Raikar.[14] He received aBachelor of Science degree in 1927, and a master's degree in biology in 1929.[13][9] He was influenced byMadan Mohan Malaviya, a nationalist leader and the founder of the university.[15]
Although Golwalkar attended meetings and was esteemed by its members, there is no indication that Golwalkar took a keen interest in theRashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In 1931, Golwalkar metK. B. Hedgewar, the founder andSarsanghchalak (Chief) of the RSS, who was visiting Benares.[9] After returning to Nagpur, Hedgewar exerted great influence on Golwalkar. According to RSS sources, Hedgewar encouraged him to pursue a law degree because it would give him the reputation required of an RSS leader. In 1934, Hedgewar made himKaryavah (Secretary) of the main Nagpur branch. After he began practising law, Hedgewar tasked him with the management of theAkola Officers' Training Camp.[13][16]
In October 1936, Golwalkar abandoned his law practice and RSS work for theSargachi Ramakrishna Missionashram inWest Bengal to renounce the world and become asanyasi. He became a disciple ofAkhandananda, who was himself a disciple ofRamakrishna and brother monk ofVivekananda.[16]
On 13 January 1937, Golwalkar reportedly received hisdiksha but left the ashram soon afterwards.[17] He returned to Nagpur in a state of depression and indecision to seek Hedgewar's advice after his guru died in 1937, and Hedgewar convinced him that his obligation to society could best be fulfilled by working for the RSS.[18]
After Golwalkar rejoined the RSS, Hedgewar began grooming him for leadership and he was placed in charge of the All-India Officers' Training Camp from 1937 to 1939.[19] Although he had only ever been a lab assistant, Golwalkar presented himself as a professor, in an attempt to enhance popular admiration and glorify his personality. His acquaintances and followers referred to him as "Guruji" (meaning "Teacher"), largely due to his image as a former professor and intellectual.[20]
Golwalkar's abilities (managing complex details of the large camp, public speaking, reading, and writing) were appreciated. In 1938, he was asked to translateG. D. Savarkar's 1934Marathi languageRashtra Mimansa (Nationalism) intoHindi and English. The resulting book,We, or Our Nationhood Defined, was published in Golwalkar's name and regarded as a systematic treatment of RSS ideology;[19] the claim that it was an abridged translation was only made by Golwalkar in a 1963 speech.[21] However, a comparative analysis ofMarathi languageRashtra Mimansa andWe, or Our Nationhood Defined shows that the latter was indeed not a translation, but only text inspired by the former. Specifically, the pro-Nazi ideas were Golwalkar's own.[22]
In 1939, at aGurupooja festival, Hedgewar announced that Golwalkar would be the next general secretary (sarkaryavah, the second-most-important position in the RSS). A day before his death on 21 June 1940, he gave Golwalkar a sheet of paper asking him to be the RSS leader. On 3 July, five state-levelsanghchalak (directors) in Nagpur announced Hedgewar's decision.[23]
Golwalkar's choice was said to have stunned the RSS volunteers as Hedgewar had passed over several senior activists. Golwalkar's background, training, and interests made him an unlikely successor, andMadhukar Dattatraya Deoras said that several RSS leaders were skeptical about Golwalkar's ability as asarsanghchalak.[9] In retrospect, Hedgewar's grooming (including encouragement to obtain a law degree and the authorship ofWe, or Our Nationhood Defined), is seen as key to Golwalkar's later success. One reason for his choice is that he was thought likely to maintain RSS independence, otherwise liable to be regarded as a youth front of theHindu Mahasabha.[24]
As the leader of the RSS for more than 30 years, Golwalkar made it one of the strongest religious-political organisations in India; its membership expanded from 100,000 to over one million, and it branched out into the political, social, religious, educational, and labour fields through 50front organisations. The RSS extended to foreign countries, where Hindus were recruited into organisations such as the Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh or theHindu Swayamsevak Sangh. There was a subtle yet important shift in the RSS worldview. One of Golwalkar's major innovations was ananti-communist,anti-socialist ideology, with the slogan "Not socialism but Hinduism". According toD. R. Goyal, the RSS'anti-Marxist tinge made it popular with the wealthy sections of society who generously supported it.[25]
The RSS expanded intoJammu and Kashmir in 1940, whenBalraj Madhok was sent as apracharak toJammu withPrem Nath Dogra as director. Ashakha was founded inSrinagar in 1944, and Golwalkar visited the city in 1946.[26][27][28]
Golwalkar's religiosity and apparent disinterest in politics convinced some RSS members that the organisation was no longer relevant to thenationalist struggle. It remained separate from thefreedom movement, and connections with the Hindu Mahasabha were severed. The RSS membership in the Marathi-speaking districts of Bombay became disillusioned and the Bombaysanghchalak, K. B. Limaye, resigned. Severalswayamsevaks defected and formed theHindu Rashtra Dal in 1943, with an agenda of a paramilitary struggle against British rule;Nathuram Godse (Gandhi's assassin) was a leader of that group.[19]
However, Golwalkar moved quickly to consolidate his position. He created a network ofprant pracharaks (provincial organisers), who would report to him rather than to thesanghchalaks. Golwalkar recruited local Congress leaders to preside over RSS functions, demonstrating the organisation's independence from the Hindu Mahasabha. The RSS continued to expandduring the Second World War, especially inNorth India and present-dayPakistan. Many new members were religious,small-scale entrepreneurs interested in consolidating theircaste positions with the RSS' Hindu symbols.[29]
Organisation policy during the war years was influenced by potential threats to Hinduism, with the RSS expected to be prepared to defend Hindu interests in the event of apossible Japanese invasion. It also expected a renewed Hindu-Muslim struggle after the war. Golwalkar did not want to give theBritish colonial government an excuse to ban the RSS. He complied with all governmental instructions, disbanding the RSS military department and avoiding theQuit India movement. The British acknowledged that "the organisation scrupulously kept itself within the law, and refrained from taking part in the disturbances that broke out in August, 1942".[30][31][32] In a speech given in June 1942, Golwalkar stated, "Sangh does not want to blame anybody else for the present degraded state of the [Indian] society. When the people start blaming others, then there is basically weakness in them. It is futile to blame the strong for the injustice done to the weak… Sangh does not want to waste its invaluable time in abusing or criticising others. If we know that large fish eat the smaller ones, it is outright madness to blame the big fish. Law of nature, whether good or bad, is true all the time. This rule does not change by terming it unjust".[33]
Golwalkar appeared ideologically opposed to an anti-British struggle.[34] As perShamsul Islam andRam Puniyani, the RSS pledged to defend India's freedom by defending religion and culture, and there was "no mention of the departure of the British".CITEREFIslam,_Indian_Nationalism2006191CITEREFPuniyani,_Religion_Politics135
He called the conflation of anti-Britishism with patriotism and nationalism a 'Reactionary View', which would have disastrous effects upon the entire course of the freedom struggle.[35][36] Golwalkar acknowledged that his attitude confused people (including manyswayamsevaks in the RSS), leading them to distrust the Sangh.CITEREFIslam,_Indian_Nationalism2006187CITEREFPuniyani,_Religion_Politics135
At the peak of the freedom struggle Golwalkar had famously uttered:
"Hindus, don't waste your energy fighting the British. Save your energy to fight our internal enemies that areMuslims,Christians, andCommunists."[37][38][39]
WhenMahatma Gandhi was assassinated in January 1948 byNathuram Godse, there was widespread apprehension that the RSS was involved.[40] Golwalkar and 20,000swayamsevaks were arrested on 4 February, and the RSS was banned for "promoting violence and subversion".[41] Godse said that he acted on his initiative, and no official connection between the RSS and Gandhi's assassination has ever been made. However, Nathuram Godse's brotherGopal Godse—also accused in the assassination plot—said that Nathuram never left the RSS, and his statement was designed to protect the RSS and Golwalkar (who were in deep trouble after the assassination).[42] Golwalkar was released on 5 August, after the six-month statutory limit expired.[40]
The RSS ban continued, and Golwalkar tried to negotiate withHome MinisterVallabhbhai Patel about having it lifted. The mass arrests, violence against members, and the ban by an independent Indian government of what was understood as a patriotic organisation was a shock to the RSS membership.[40]
Although Patel asked the RSS to join the Congress, Golwalkar disapproved. Patel then demanded, as a precondition, that the RSS adopt a written constitution. Golwalkar responded by beginning asatyagraha on 9 December 1948, and he and 60,000 RSS volunteers were arrested. RSS leadersEknath Ranade,Bhaiyaji Dani, andBalasaheb Deoras suspended the satyagraha in January 1949 and, in collaboration with liberal leaderT. R. Venkatarama Sastri,[43] wrote an RSS constitution of which Patel approved. The ban was lifted on 11 July 1949.[44] The government of India stated that the decision to lift the ban had been made given Golwalkar's promise of loyalty to theConstitution of India and the acceptance of India's national flag explicitly in the RSS constitution.[45][46] Organisations founded and supported by RSS volunteers became collectively known asSangh Parivar.[47]
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Golwalkar is known to have propagated Dharmic teachings. A book based on extracts of his writings, titledGuruji: Vision and Mission, includes a chapter titled "Hindu—the Son of this Motherland", which claims that 'Bhartiya' includes only those who have followed faiths rooted in pluralism, and thatIndic faith followers represent this in India since it accepts all approaches towards spirituality. In another chapter, titled "Our Identity and Nationality", he wrote, "All the elements required to develop as a great nation are present in thisHindu society in their entirety. This is why we say that in this nation of Bharat, the living principles of the Hindu society are the living systems of this nation. In short, this is 'Hindu Nation'."[48]
Some of Golwalkar's ideas differed from those of the RSS. For example, in his bookWe, or Our Nationhood Defined, published in 1939, he compares the creation of a Hindu culture propagating the concept of acceptance of a shared Hindu heritage.[49]
Golwalkar always believed thatcasteism served a great purpose in critical times.[50] He calledManu (traditionally ascribed as the writer ofManusmriti) the first, greatest, and the wisest lawgiver of mankind.[51]
According toRamachandra Guha's bookMakers of Modern India, Golwalkar saw Muslims, Christians, and communists as the biggest threats to the creation of a Hindu state. Golwalkar has been "criticised" for "similarities in ideas" with those of theNazis, particularly by Hindutva adversaries and critics alike.[52] For instance, Golwalkar's bookWe, or Our Nationhood Defined, published in 1939, includes the following quote:
To keep up the purity of the nation and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of Semitic races – the Jews. National pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by.[53]
However, Golwalkar "cooperated" with the British inWorld War II in their war againstAdolf Hitler andNazism, and theAxis powers, and was supportive of theJews, showing admiration and sympathy for them.[34][54] He was firmly supportive of the formation ofIsrael.[55]
Golwalkar believed that people followingSemitic faiths (particularly Muslims and Christians) must either adopt or respectHindu culture, otherwise they do not deserve the rights the citizens.[56]
The non-Hindu peoples inHindustan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of glorification of the Hindu race and culture—in one word they must cease to be foreigners, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less preferential treatment—not even citizen's rights.[57][58]
The Central Government's motion to rename the second campus ofRajiv Gandhi Centre for Biotechnology after Golwalkar led to controversy inKerala.[59][60]Shashi Tharoor, in a series of tweets, asked whether the center should "memorialise a bigoted Hitler-admirer who in a 1966 speech to VHP asserted the supremacy of religion over science."[61]Communist Party of India (Marxist) opposed this move andKerala Chief MinisterPinarayi Vijayan has sent a letter to thecentral government requesting it to reconsider its decision to name the second campus of Rajiv Gandhi Centre for Biotechnology (RGCB), coming up inThiruvananthapuram, after M. S. Golwalkar.[62][63]
After I went through Rashtramimansa, I found that all the critical formulations mentioned in We belonged solely to Golwalkar—especially its project of promoting a Hindu culture along the lines of Nazi antisemitism and its prescription of total assimilation or ethnic cleansing to deal with the problem of minorities in India.
| Preceded by | Sarsanghchalak of the RSS 1940–1973 | Succeeded by |
| International | |
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| National | |
| Academics | |
