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InJapanese popular culture,lolicon (ロリコン,rorikon) is a genre of fictional media which focuses on young or young-looking girl characters, particularly in a sexually suggestive, fetishistic or erotic context. The term, aportmanteau of the English-language phrase "Lolitacomplex", also refers to desire and affection for such characters (ロリ, "loli"), and their fans. Associated mainly with stylized imagery inmanga,anime, andvideo games,lolicon inotaku culture is generally understood as distinct from desires for realistic depictions of young girls, or real young girls as such,[1][2][3] and is associated withmoe, or affection for fictional characters, oftenbishōjo (cute girl) characters in manga or anime.
The phrase "Lolita complex", derived from the novelLolita, entered use in Japan in the 1970s. During the "lolicon boom" inerotic manga of the early 1980s, the term was adopted in the nascentotaku culture to denote attraction to earlybishōjo characters, and later only to younger-looking depictions asbishōjo designs became more varied. The artwork of thelolicon boom, which was strongly influenced by the styles ofshōjo manga, marked a shift from realism, and the advent of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero), an aesthetic which is now common in manga and anime broadly. Thelolicon boom faded by the mid-1980s, and the genre has since made up a minority of erotic manga.
Since the 1990s,lolicon has been a keyword in manga debates in Japan and globally. Child pornography laws in some countriesapply to depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, do not.[4] Opponents and supporters have debated if the genre contributes tochild sexual abuse. Culture and media scholars generally identifylolicon with a broader separation between fiction and reality withinotaku sexuality.
Lolicon is aJapanese abbreviation of "Lolitacomplex" (ロリータ・コンプレックス,rorīta konpurekkusu),[5] an English-language phrase derived fromVladimir Nabokov's novelLolita (1955) and introduced to Japan in Russell Trainer'sThe Lolita Complex (1966, translated 1969),[6] a work ofpop psychology in which it is used to denoteattraction to pubescent and pre-pubescent girls.[7] In Japanese, the phrase was adopted to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women,[8] which remains the term's common meaning.[9] Due to its association withotaku culture, the term is more often used to describe desires for young or young-looking girl characters (ロリ, "loli") inmanga oranime, which are generally understood to exist within fiction.[10] However, the meaning of the term remains contested,[11] and it carries a connotation ofpedophilia for much of the public.[12][13][a]Lolicon also refers to works, particularly sexually suggestive or erotic, which feature such characters, and their fans.[16]Lolicon is distinct from words for pedophilia (yōji-zuki andpedofiria; clinically,shōniseiai andjidōseiai)[b] and forchild pornography (jidō poruno).[c][11]
The meaning oflolicon within theotaku context developed in the early 1980s, during the "lolicon boom"[d] in erotic manga (see§ History). According to Akira Akagi, the meaning oflolicon moved away from the sexual pairing of an older man and a young girl, and instead came to describe desire for "cuteness" and "girl-ness" in manga and anime.[17] Others definedlolicon as a desire for "cute things",[18] "manga-like" or "anime-like" characters, "roundness", and the "two-dimensional" as opposed to the "real".[19] At the time, all eroticism in the manga style featuringbishōjo (cute girl) characters was associated with the term,[20] and synonyms of "Lolita complex" included "two-dimensional complex" (nijigen konpurekkusu), "two-dimensional fetishism" (nijikon fechi), "two-dimensional syndrome" (nijikon shōkōgun), "cute girl syndrome" (bishōjo shōkōgun), and simply "sickness" (byōki).[e][21] As character body types within erotic manga became more varied by the end of thelolicon boom in 1984, the scope of the term narrowed to younger-looking depictions.[22][23]
Lolicon became a buzz word after the 1989 arrest ofTsutomu Miyazaki, a serial killer of young girls who was portrayed by the Japanese media as anotaku (see§ History).[24] Aslolicon was conflated with pedophilia in the public debates on "harmful manga",[f] its meaning was replaced amongotaku bymoe, which refers to feelings of affection for characters more generally.[24] Likemoe,lolicon is still used by manyotaku to refer to attraction which is consciously distinct from reality;[24] someotaku identify as "two-dimensionallolicon" (nijigen rorikon)[g] to specify their attraction to characters.[11] The term has become a keyword in criticism of manga and sexuality within Japan,[25] as well as globally with the spread ofJapanese popular culture.[26]
In the 1970s,shōjo manga (marketed to girls and young adult women) underwent a renaissance in which artists, such as those of theYear 24 Group, experimented with new narratives and styles, and introduced themes such as psychology, gender, and sexuality.[27] These developments attracted adult male fans ofshōjo manga, who crossed gendered boundaries to produce and consume it.[28] The first appearance of the term "Lolita complex" in manga was inStumbling Upon a Cabbage Patch,[h] anAlice in Wonderland–inspired work byShinji Wada published in a 1974 issue of theshōjo manga magazineBessatsu Margaret, where a male character callsLewis Carroll a man with a "strange character of liking only small children" in an inside joke to adult readers.[29][i] Earlylolicon artwork was influenced by male artists mimickingshōjo manga,[30][31] as well as erotic manga created by female artists for male readers.[9]
The image of theshōjo (young girl) rose to prominence in Japanese mass media in the 1970s as a symbol of cuteness, innocence, and an "idealizedEros", attributes which became attached to imagery of younger girls over time.[32] Nude photographs ofshōjo, conceived asfine art, gained popularity: a photo collection titledNymphet: The Myth of the 12-Year-Old was published in 1969, and in 1972 and 1973 there was an "Alice boom" in nude photos themed aroundAlice in Wonderland.[33] Specialty adult magazines carrying nude photos, fiction, and essays on the appeal of young girls emerged in the 1980s;[34] this trend faded in the late 1980s, due to backlash and because many men preferred images ofshōjo in manga and anime.[35] The spread of such imagery, both in photographs[36] and in manga,[37] may have been helped by prohibitions on displayingpubic hair under Japan's obscenity laws.[j]
The rise oflolicon as a genre began atComiket (Comic Market), a convention for the sale ofdōjinshi (self-published works) founded in 1975 by adult male fans ofshōjo manga. In 1979, a group of male artists published the first issue of thefanzineCybele [ja];[40] its standout creator wasHideo Azuma, who is known as the "Father ofLolicon".[39] Prior toCybele, the dominant style inseinen (marketed to men) andpornographic manga (hentai) wasgekiga, characterized by realism, sharp angles, darkhatching, and gritty linework.[41] Azuma's manga, in contrast, displayed light shading and clean, circular lines, which he viewed as "thoroughly erotic" and sharing withshōjo manga a "lack of reality".[41] Azuma's combination of the stout bodies ofOsamu Tezuka's works and the emotive faces ofshōjo manga marked the advent of thebishōjo and the aesthetic of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero).[k][42] While erotic,lolicon manga was initially mainly viewed as humorous and parodic, but a large fan base soon grew in response to the alternative to pornographicgekiga that it represented.[39][43] Erotic manga began to move away from combining realistic bodies and cartoony faces towards a wholly-unrealistic style.[39]Lolicon manga played a role in attracting male fans to Comiket, whose participants were 90 percent female in 1975; by 1981, the proportion of male and female participants was equal.[44]Lolicon manga, mostly created by and for men, served as a response toyaoi manga (featuring malehomoeroticism), mostly created by and for women.[45]
The early 1980s saw a "lolicon boom" in professional and amateur art. The popularity oflolicon within theotaku community attracted the attention of publishers, who founded specialty publications dedicated to the genre such asLemon People andManga Burikko, both in 1982.[46] Other magazines of the boom includedManga Hot Milk [ja],Melon Comic,[l] andHalfliter [ja].[47] The genre's rise was closely linked to the concurrent development ofotaku culture and growing fan consciousness;[48] the wordotaku itself was coined inBurikko in 1983.[49] Originally founded as an unprofitablegekiga magazine, the publication was transformed into alolicon magazine in 1983 by editorEiji Ōtsuka,[50] whose intention was to publish "shōjo manga for boys".[51][m] Reflecting the influence ofshōjo manga, there was an increasingly small place inlolicon artwork for realistic characters and explicit depictions of sex;[53] in 1983,Burikko's editors yielded to reader demands by removing photographs ofgravure idol models from its opening pages, publishing an issue with the subtitle "TotallyBishōjo Comic Magazine".[54]Lolicon magazines regularly published female artists, such asKyoko Okazaki andErika Sakurazawa,[53] and male artists such asAki Uchiyama [ja], dubbed the "King ofLolicon", who produced 160 pages of manga per month to meet demand.[55] Uchiyama's works were published both in niche magazines such asLemon People and in the mainstreamShōnen Champion.[56] The first-ever pornographic anime series wasLolita Anime, anOVA released episodically in 1984 and 1985.[57]
Iconic characters of thelolicon boom include Clarisse from the filmLupin III: Castle of Cagliostro (1979) and Lana from the TV seriesFuture Boy Conan (1978), both directed byHayao Miyazaki.[58] Clarisse was especially popular, and inspired a series of articles discussing her appeal in the anime specialty magazinesGekkan Out [ja],Animec [ja], andAnimage,[59] as well as a trend of fan works dubbed "Clarisse magazines"[20] which were not explicitly sexual, but instead "fairytale-esque" and "girly" in nature.[46] Many earlylolicon works combinedmecha andbishōjo elements;[60] the premiere of theDaicon III Opening Animation at the 1981Japan SF Convention is one notable example of the prominence of science fiction andlolicon in the nascentotaku culture of the time.[61] Anime shows targeted at young girls with young girl heroines, such asMagical Princess Minky Momo (1982–1983), gained new viewership from adult male fans, who started fan clubs[62] and were courted by creators.[63]
Thelolicon boom in commercial erotic manga only lasted until 1984.[64] Near the end of the boom, because "readers had no attachment tololicon per se" and "did not take [young girls] as objects of sexual desire",[50] a majority of readers and creators of erotic manga moved towards the diversifyingbishōjo works featuring "baby-faced and big-breasted" characters, which were no longer consideredlolicon.[65] At Comiket,lolicon manga declined in popularity by 1989 following developments in eroticdōjinshi, including new genres of fetishism and the growing popularity of softcore erotica popular with men and women, particularly inyuri manga (featuringlesbian themes).[44]
In 1989,lolicon andotaku became the subject of amedia frenzy andmoral panic after the arrest ofTsutomu Miyazaki, a young man who had kidnapped and murdered four girls between the ages of four and seven and committed sexual acts with their corpses.[66] Widely disseminated photos of Miyazaki's room revealed an extensive collection of video tapes, which included horror and slasher films on which he had modelled some of his crimes,[67] and manga, includingshōjo andlolicon works.[68][n] In the extended public debates that followed, Miyazaki's crimes were blamed on supposedmedia effects: namely, a reduction in his inhibitions to crime, and a blurring of the lines between fiction and reality.[70] Miyazaki was labelled as anotaku, and an image ofotaku as "socially and sexually immature" men, and for some as "pedophiles and potential predators", was established for much of the public.[71] In February 1991, there weredoujinshi creators who sold their work through supportive comic book stores. This practice came to light when three managers of such shops were arrested for having alolicondoujinshi for sale.[72] The decade saw local crackdowns on retailers and publishers of "harmful manga", and the arrests of some manga artists.[73][74] Despite this,lolicon imagery expanded and became more acceptable within manga in the 1990s,[75] and the early 2000s saw a small boom in the genre sparked by the magazineComic LO.[76]
The artist Shadman became known online in the 2010s for hislolicon depictions of video game and film characters, including those fromThe Incredibles, and of politicians such asHillary Clinton andJill Stein.[77] He announced that he would stop creatinglolicon artwork in July 2019.Rolling Stone described him in 2024 as "controversial" due to hislolicon artwork; he had accrued more than 727 thousand followers on Twitter and more than 321 thousandYouTube subscribers by 2021.[78][79]
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Lolicon media is loosely defined. Some define its characters by age, while others define its characters by appearance (those which are small and flat-chested, independent of age).[10]Lolicon works often depict girl characters as innocent, precocious, and sometimes flirtatious;[80] characters may appear in borderline or outright sexual situations, though the term can be applied to works with neither.[80] According to Kaoru Nagayama, manga readers definelolicon works as those "with a heroine younger than a middle school student", a definition which can vary from characters under age 18 for "society at large", to characters "younger than gradeschool-aged" for "fanatics", and to "kindergarteners" for "more pedophiliac readers".[81] Girl characters inlolicon can display a contradictory performance of age in which their body, behavior, and role in a story conflict;[82] for example,lolibaba[o] ("Lolita granny") characters speak and behave with the mannerisms of older women, which runs in contrast with their appearance or other aspects of their behaviors that may be seen as youthful.[83] Curvy hips and othersecondary sex characteristics similarly appear as features in many of the genre's characters.[84] Plot devices often explain the young appearance of characters who are non-human or actually much older, although this is not always the case.[85]
Akira Akagi identifies themes inlolicon manga includingsadomasochism, "groping objects" (aliententacles or robots in the role of the penis), "mecha fetishes" (combinations of a machine and a girl), erotic parodies of mainstream manga and anime, and "simply indecent or perverted stuff", also noting common themes of lesbianism and masturbation.[86] Media scholar Setsu Shigematsu argues that forms of substitution and mimicry enablelolicon to "transform straight sex into a parodic form".[87] More extreme works depict themes including coercion, rape, incest,bondage, andhermaphroditism.[88] Nagayama argues that most pornographiclolicon manga deal with a "consciousness of sin", or a sense of taboo and guilt in its consumption.[89] Some manga manage this by portraying the girl as enjoying the experience in the end, while others represent the girl as the active partner in sex who seduces men to her.[90] Otherlolicon manga, where "men are absolute evil and girls are pitiable victims", indulge in the "pleasure of sin" through the breaking of taboos,[91] which he argues affirms the fragility of the characters.[92] He posits that manga depicting sex between children avoid the "consciousness of sin" via mutual innocence, while also thematizing nostalgia and an idealized past,[93] while otherlolicon manga accomplish this through characters with especially unrealistic andmoe designs, where "it is precisely because fiction is distinguished from reality as fiction that one can experiencemoe".[94]
Lolicon manga, often published asdōjinshi or compiled in anthology magazines,[95] is mostly consumed by male audiences,[9] though Nagayama notes that the works ofHiraku Machida [ja] have "resonated with female readers" and "earned the support of women".[96] Other notable artists includeAguda Wanyan,Takarada Gorgeous [ja],[97] and female creators Erika Wada[98] andFumio Kagami [ja].[99]Lolicon imagery is a prominent theme inSuperflat, a manga-influenced art movement founded byTakashi Murakami. Superflat artists whose works incorporatelolicon includeMr. andHenmaru Machino.[100]
In the 1990s,lolicon imagery evolved and contributed to the mainstream development ofmoe, the generalized affective response to fictional characters (typicallybishōjo characters in manga, anime, and computer games) and its associated design elements.[14][101] Thebishōjo character form moved from niche,otaku publications to mainstream manga magazines, and saw explosive popularity in the decade with the rise ofbishōjo games and anime series such asNeon Genesis Evangelion, which pioneered media and merchandising based on fan affection for their female protagonists.[102]Moe characters, which tend to be physically immature girl characters exemplified by cuteness,[103] are ubiquitous in contemporary manga and anime.[104] In contrast tololicon, sexuality inmoe is treated indirectly[14] or not at all;[105] themoe response is often defined with emphasis onplatonic love.[106] John Oppliger ofAnimeNation identifiesRo-Kyu-Bu!,Kodomo no Jikan, andMoetan as examples of series which challenge the distinction betweenmoe andlolicon through use ofsexual innuendo, commenting that they "satire the chaste sanctity of themoé phenomenon" and "poke fun at viewers and the arbitrary delineations that viewers assert".[105] "Moe-style"lolicon works depict mild eroticism, such asglimpses of underwear, and forgo explicit sex.[107]
Child pornography laws in some countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, have expanded since the 1990s to include sexually explicit depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, exclude fiction from relevant definitions.[4] In 1999, Japan passeda national law criminalizing the production and distribution of child pornography.[108] The law's original draft included depictions of fictional children in its definition of child pornography; after "criticism from many in Japan", this text was removed in the final version.[109] In 2014, Japan's parliament amended the 1999 law to criminalize possession of child pornography;[108] the 2013 draft introduced by theLiberal Democratic Party (LDP), which maintained the existing legal definition, included a provision for a government investigation on whether manga, anime, and computer-generated images "similar to child pornography" were connected to child sexual abuse, which would be followed by a later decision on regulation.[110] This provision was opposed by manga-related organizations, including theJapan Cartoonists Association, which argued that regulation would infringe uponfreedom of expression and negatively impact the industry.[111] The provision was removed from the final version of the law, which took effect in 2015.[112]
Lolicon media is a common target of local ordinances in Japan which restrict distribution of materials designated "harmful to the healthy development of youth",[113] which were strengthened throughout the 1990s and 2000s.[114] An amendment proposed in 2010 tothe Tokyo law on material banned from sale to minors (described by Vice GovernorNaoki Inose as targeting non-pornographiclolicon manga, writing that "We had regulation foreromanga, but not forlolicon")[115] restricted depictions of "non-existent youths" who appeared under age 18 and were portrayed in "anti-social sexual situations".[116] After heavy opposition from manga creators, academics, and fans,[117][118][119] the bill was rejected in June 2010 by theTokyo Metropolitan Assembly;[120] however, a new revision passed in December 2010 which restricts "manga, anime, and computer games" where any characters engage in "sexual or pseudo sexual acts that would be illegal in real life" depicted in a way that "glorifies or exaggerates" such acts.[121] In 2011, several manga were listed for restriction, includingOku-sama wa Shōgakusei [ja] ("My Wife Is an Elementary Student");[122] it was published online byJ-Comi, avoiding restriction.[123][p]
Sexualized depictions of young girl characters have also been subject to censorship and restriction outside of Japan. In 2006, North American publisherSeven Seas Entertainment licensed the manga seriesKodomo no Jikan for release under the titleNymphet, but cancelled its plans in 2007 after vendor cancellations. In a statement, the company stated that the manga "cannot be considered appropriate for the US market by any reasonable standard".[125] In 2020, Australian senatorStirling Griff criticized theAustralian Classification Board for giving ratings to manga and anime depicting "child exploitation", and called for a review of classification regulations;[126] later that year, the board banned the import and sale of three volumes of thelight novel seriesNo Game No Life for sexual depiction of young characters.[127][q] Some online platforms, includingDiscord,[129]Reddit,[130] andTwitter,[131] actively banlolicon content.
Explaining the exclusion oflolicon material from the 2014 child pornography law amendment, an LDP lawmaker stated that "manga, anime, and CG child pornography don't directly violate the rights of girls or boys" and that "it has not been scientifically validated that it even indirectly causes damage".[132] Manga creators and activists argue that theJapanese constitution guarantees artistic freedom of expression, and that laws restrictinglolicon material would be unconstitutional.[133] Statistically, sexual abuse of minors in Japan has declined since the 1960s and 1970s as the prevalence oflolicon media has increased;[134] cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith interprets this as evidence thatlolicon imagery does not necessarily influence crimes,[75] while Steven Smet suggests thatlolicon is an "exorcism of fantasies" that contributes to Japan's low crime rates.[135] Drawing on his fieldwork, Galbraith argues thatotaku culture collectively promotes media literacy and an ethical position of separating fiction and reality, especially when the conflation of the two would be dangerous.[136] A 2012 report by the Sexologisk Klinik for the Danish government found no evidence that individuals that view cartoons and drawings depicting fictitious child sexual abuse are more likely to engage in child sexual abuse in the real world.[137] Sharalyn Orbaugh argues that manga depicting underage sexuality can help victims of child sexual abuse to work through their own trauma, and that there is greater harm in regulating sexual expression than potential harm caused by such manga.[138]
Legal scholar Hiroshi Nakasatomi opines thatlolicon material can distort consumers' sexual desires and induce crime,[139] a view shared by the non-profit organization CASPAR, whose founder Kondo Mitsue argues that "freedom of expression does not allow for the depiction of little girls being violently raped, depriving them of their basic human rights".[133] Some critics, such as the non-profit organizationLighthouse, argue thatlolicon works can be used forsexual grooming, and that they encourage a culture which accepts sexual abuse of children.[140] In 2015, theUnited Nations Special Rapporteur on the Sale and Sexual Exploitation of Children,Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, called for further discussion and research on "manga depicting extreme child pornography" and a resultant "banalization of child sexual abuse" in Japan, and called for a ban on such material.[141] Guidelines released in 2019 by theUnited Nations Human Rights Committee encouraged state parties to include explicit drawings of fictional children in laws against child pornography, "in particular when such representations are used as part of a process to sexually exploit children".[142][143] Feminist critic Kuniko Funabashi argues that the themes oflolicon material contribute to sexual violence by portraying girls passively and by "presenting the female body as the man's possession".[144] Legal scholar Shin'ichirō Harata argues that child pornography laws should not collapse reality and fiction together, but also that fans should not dismiss an ambivalence represented bylolicon. He describes the practice of keeping the two separated as the "ethics ofmoe", or "responsibility ofotaku".[145]
Culture and media scholars responding tololicon generally identify it as distinct from attraction to real young girls.[146] Cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith finds that "from early writings to the present, researchers suggest thatlolicon artists are playing with symbols and working with tropes, which does not reflect or contribute to sexual pathology or crime".[24] PsychologistTamaki Saitō, who has conducted clinical work withotaku,[147] highlights an estrangement oflolicon desires from reality as part of a distinction forotaku between "textual and actual sexuality", and observes that "the vast majority ofotaku are not pedophiles in actual life".[148] Manga researcherYukari Fujimoto argues thatlolicon desire "is not for a child, but for the image itself", and that this is understood by those "brought up in [Japan's] culture of drawing and fantasy".[149] Sociologist Mark McLelland identifieslolicon andyaoi as "self-consciously anti-realist" genres, given a rejection by fans and creators of "three-dimensionality" in favor of "two-dimensionality",[150] and compareslolicon to theyaoi fandom, in which fans consume depictions of homosexuality which "lack any correspondent in the real world".[151] Setsu Shigematsu argues thatlolicon reflects a shift in "erotic investment" from reality to "two-dimensional figures of desire".[152] Queer theorist Yuu Matsuura criticizes the classification oflolicon works as "child pornography" as an expression of "human-oriented sexualism" which marginalizesfictosexuality, ornijikon, describing sexual or affective attraction towards two-dimensional characters.[153][154]
Many scholars also identifylolicon as a form of self-expression on the part of its male creators and consumers.[155] Sociologist Sharon Kinsella suggests that forlolicon fans, "the infantilized female object of desire [...] has crossed over to become an aspect of their own self image and sexuality".[156] Akira Akagi argues thatlolicon manga represented a notable shift in reader identification from the "hero" penetrator common to pornographicgekiga: "Lolicon readers do not need a penis for pleasure, but rather they need the ecstasy of the girl. [...] They identify with the girl, and get caught up in a masochistic pleasure."[157] Manga critic Gō Itō views this as an "abstract desire", quoting alolicon artist who told him that "he was the girl who is raped in his manga", reflecting a feeling of being "raped by society, or by the world".[158] Kaoru Nagayama posits thatlolicon readers adopt a fluid perspective that alternates between that of an omniscient voyeur and the multiple characters in a work,[8] reflecting an active reader role and a projection onto girl characters.[159] Writing inThe Book of Otaku (1989), feministChizuko Ueno argued thatlolicon, as an orientation towards fictionalbishōjo, is "completely different from pedophilia", and characterized it as a desire to "be part of the 'cute' world ofshōjo" for male fans ofshōjo manga who "find it too much to be a man".[160]
Several scholars identify the emergence oflolicon with changes in Japanese gender relations. Sociologist Kimio Itō attributes the rise oflolicon manga to a shift in the 1970s and 1980s, when boys, driven by a feeling that girls were "surpassing them in terms of willpower and action", turned to the "world of imagination", in which young girl characters are "easy to control".[161] Kinsella interpretslolicon as part of a "gaze of both fear and desire" stimulated by the growing power of women in society, and as a reactive desire to see theshōjo "infantilized, undressed, and subordinate".[162] Media scholar Chizuko Naitō viewslolicon as reflecting a broader "societal desire" for young girls as sex symbols in Japan (which she calls a "loliconized society").[163] Cultural anthropologist Christine Yano argues that eroticized imagery of theshōjo, "real or fictive", reflects "heteronormative pedophilia" in which emphasis is placed on the ephemerality of childhood: "it isas child that [theshōjo] becomes precious as a transitory figure threatened by impending adulthood".[164]
〘名〙 「ロリータコンプレックス」の略。([noun] abbreviation of "Lolita complex")
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