TheLínjì school (Chinese:臨濟宗;pinyin:Línjì zōng) is a school ofChan Buddhism named afterLinji Yixuan (d. 866). It took prominence inSong China (960–1279), spread to Japan as theRinzai school and influenced thenine mountain schools ofKorean Seon.
Before the Song dynasty, the Linji school was rather obscure and very little is known about its early history.[1]
TheFive Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (simplified Chinese:五代十国;traditional Chinese:五代十國;pinyin:Wǔdài Shíguó) (907–960/979 CE) was an era of political upheaval between the fall of theTang dynasty and the founding of the Song. During this period, five dynasties quickly succeeded one another in the north, and more than twelve independent states were established, of which only ten are traditionally listed.
This division into various regions and kingdoms led to a diversification of Chan factions,[citation needed] reflected in theFive Houses of Chán.[citation needed] TheFayan school was especially influential in theSouthern Tang (937-975) andWuyue (907-978).[2] It propagatedjiaochan yizhi, "harmony between Chan and the Teaching", in opposition tojiaowai biechuan, "a special transmission outside the teaching", the latter eventually becoming one of the defining slogans of Chan.[3]
The Song was a rulingdynasty between 960 and 1279. It is divided into two distinct periods: Northern and Southern Song.
During the Northern Song (960–1127), the Song capital was in the northern city of Bianjing (nowKaifeng) and the dynasty controlled most ofChina proper. The Fayan school was the first faction to gain recognition at the Song court, due to the influence of the buddhist scholar-official Zanning (919–1001).[4] After his death this position was taken over by the Linji school.[4]
The Linji school brought together the classical elements of Chan Buddhism:
All of these elements, which shaped the picture of the iconoclastic Zen-master who transmits a wordless truth, were shaped by and dependent onliterary products that shaped theTraditional Zen Narrative which furthered the position of the Linji-school. It is possible that this narrative does not describe the actual Chan-practice, of the Song-Dynasty, nor of the Tang Dynasty.[6]
The Linji-school became the dominant school within Chan at the beginning of the Song due to support from literati and the court.[6] The figure of Linji, as one of the exemplary masters of Chan, was detailed in a series of writings in the tenth and eleventh century, which supported the Linji school and contributed to its influence and standing.[4]
The first mention of Linji is in theZutang ji (祖堂集 "Anthology of the Patriarchal Hall), compiled in 952, 86 years after Linji's death.[6] TheZutang ji was written to support theXuefeng Yicun lineage. It pictures this lineage as heir to the legacy of Mazu and the Hongzhou school.[6] It was written by two students of Zhaoqing Wendeng (884-972), a dharma descendant ofXuefeng Yicun, whose lineage was traced back toShitou Xiqian (700-790). Xuefeng's studentYunmen Wenyan (862 or 864–949 CE) established theYunmen school, while Xuefeng's "grand-disciple" Fayan Wenyi established theFayan school.[8]
TheTransmission of the Lamp (景德傳燈錄), compiled in 1004 by Daoyuan, is one of the essential Chan writings. It was compiled by a member of theFayan school, but published after editorial revision by Yang Yi (974-1020), a leading Song literati figure, and a supporter of the Linji faction at the Song court.[6] The Fayang school still has prominence among the competing factions which are portrayed in the Chuangdeng lu, but the growing influence of the Linji-faction is emerging in this document.[6]
TheTransmission of the Lamp first gives brief biographical information on Linji, followed by Linji's interactions with Hunagbo, to strengthen the claim of Linji's descendancy form Hunagbo and the Mazu-lineage.[6]
TheTransmission of the Lamp served several needs and interests:[8]
The convergence of these influences led to the creation of the image of the iconoclastic Chan-master, who fulfilled all these requirements:[8]
He was free and spontaneous, and so served the liberalwen faction in their struggle against theguwen partisans at court. He was untainted by any need for political power, and so did not threaten the authority of the dynasty or its bureaucracy. He was Buddhist, and so could be brought forward when the need arose to show that the empire supported Buddhism. He made for entertaining reading, which suited the needs of a newly-literated reading public. Finally, he asserted the superiority of the Linji lineage and its "golden age of Chan" style, thus suiting the then-dominant faction.[8]
Nevertheless, this picture deviates from what is believed to be the character of many of the Chan-masters from earlier times, who were fairly conventional: "they routinely accepted invitations to court, received purple robes and honorary titles, and had monasteries built for them by rulers and officials".[8]
According to Welter, the real founder of the Linji school was Shoushan (or Baoying) Shengnian (首山省念)(926-993), a fourth generation dharma-heir of Linji. TheTiansheng-Era Expanded Lamp Record (天聖廣燈錄), compiled by the official Li Zunxu (李遵勗)(988-1038) confirms the status of Shoushan Shengnian, but also pictures Linji as a major Chan patriarch and heir to theHongzhou school ofMazu Daoyi, displacing the prominence of the Fayan lineage.[6] It also established the slogan of "a special transmission outside the teaching", supporting the Linji-school claim of "Chan as separate from and superior to all other Buddhist teachings".[4]
Linji's teachings are already more or less completed in this document, and he is pictured as the dharma-heir ofHuangbo Xiyun (d.850). The Guangdeng lu contains brief biographical details on the life and actions of Linji.[6]
The main elements of classical Chan are fully displayed in theTiansheng Era Expanded Lamp Record: encounter dialogue, enlightenment verses, the sayings of the masters and the commentaries upon these sayings, the lack of historical contextualization and biographical detail.[8]
TheSijia yulu "Discourse Records of the Four Masters", compiled 1066–1069 by Huanglong Huinan (1002–1069), contains the discourse records ofMazu Daoyi (709–788),Baizhang Huaihai (720–814),Huangbo Xiyun (d.850) and Linji, the major patriarchs of the Tang Dynasty according to the Linji faction. In this text, Linji is explicitly placed in line with these teachers of theHongzhou school.[6]
Chan orthodoxy was still not settled by this time. At around the same time theDeshan Sijia lu was compiled, a comparable text containing the records ofDeshan Xuanjian (780–865), whose lineage was traced back toShitou Xiqian, and included the Chan-branch ofXuefeng Yicun, Yumen and Fayan.[6] OtherSijia lu included theHuanglong Sijia (compiled 1141) and theCiming Sijia lu (compiled 1153).[6]
TheZhenzhou Linji Huizhao Chansi yulu ("The record of Linji"), compiled by Yuanjue Zongan in 1120, is the classic version of the record of Linji. Yuanjue Zongan belonged to the Yunmen-faction, and also re-issued theYunmen yulu, the "Discourse Records of Yunmen".[6]
The separate publication of Linji's records signals the newly acquired status of Linji as one of Chan's major patriarchs.[6] It also reflects the changing identity of Chan during the Song Dynasty, and the growing status of yulu-texts.[6]
The text of Linji's record is the same as in theTiansheng Guangdeng lu, but in a different order. TheLinji yulu opens with lectures given by Ljnji at the request of the prefect Governor and other officials, highlighting the close connection of the Linji-faction with the court. The biographical data on Linji's life are expanded, and appear at the end of the text.[6]
In theLinji yulu the phrase "a special transmission outside the scriptures" is ascribed to Linji himself. It served as a leading slogan for the establishment of the Linji Chan identity by the Linji-faction of Shoushan Shengnian, and was seen as trademark of the Linji Chan identity by Yang Yi and Li Zunxu, the court-related literati who had an essential role in the construction of Linji's record and reputation.[6]
TheSouthern Song (Chinese:南宋, 1127–1279) refers to the period after the Song lost control ofnorthern China to theJin dynasty. During this time, the Song court retreated south of theYangtze and established their capital at Lin'an (nowHangzhou). The principal figures of the Linji-school also moved to the south.[9]
During the 12th century, a clear difference between the Linji and the Caodong schools emerged. The two schools were competing for support of the literati, who became more powerful when the Song-government started to limit her influence on society.[clarification needed][citation needed]Hongzhi Zhengjue (1091–1157) of the Caodong-school emphasized silent illumination orshikantaza as a means for solitary practice, which could be undertaken by lay-followers.Dahui Zonggao (1089–1163) introducedkanhua practice, "observing the word-head", as a means of solitary practice.[7] He organized the study ofkoans into a system,[9] which was exported to Japan in this period.[10]
TheYuan Dynasty was the empire established byKublai Khan, the leader of the Mongol clan of theBorjigin, after theMongol Empire conquered theJin and theSouthern Song. Chan teachings started to be mixed withPure Land Buddhism, as in the teachings ofZhongfeng Mingben (1263-1323).
Chan Buddhism enjoyed something of a revival in the Ming dynasty with teachers such asHanshan Deqing (憨山德清), who wrote and taught extensively on both Chan and Pure Land Buddhism;Miyun Yuanwu (密雲圓悟), as well asYunqi Zhuhong (雲棲祩宏, 1535—1615) andOuyi Zhixu (蕅益智旭). Linji Chan was "reinvented" during the late Ming by the "revival of beating and shouting practices" by Miyun Yuanwu (1566–1642), whose school was extremely influential and widespread, spreading even to Japan and Vietnam. Miyun himself led numerous communities of thousands of monks and confirmed twelve dharma heirs.[11]
With the downfall of the Ming, several Chinese Chan masters fled to Japan, founding the Ōbaku school.[12] Miyun came to be seen posthumously as the first patriarch of theŌbaku school since his studentYinyuan Longqi (Japanese: Ingen Ryūki, 1592–1673) was the founder of Ōbaku.[13][14]
This lineage also spread the Linji gōng'àn teachings toVietnam, mainly through the efforts of Yuanshao 元韶 (1648–1728).[15] According to Bingenheimer, "the Nguyên‑Thiêu lineage that began with Yuanshao was successful and is still one of the largest in Vietnamese Chan".[15]
Chan was taught alongside Pure Land Buddhism in many Chinese Buddhist monasteries. In time much of the distinction between them was lost, and many masters taught both Chan and Pure Land.[16]
TheQing dynasty was the last imperial dynasty of China.
At the beginning of the Qing, the Tiantong sect of Linji Chan continued to be very influential. This era saw the publication of theWudeng yantong ("The strict transmission of the five Chan schools") byFeiyin Tongrong (1593–1662), a dharma heir of Miyun Yuanwu. The book placed self-proclaimed Chan monks without proper Dharma transmission in the category of "lineage unknown" (sifa weixiang), thereby excluding several prominentCaodong monks.[17]
After further centuries of decline during the Qing, Chan was revived again in the early 20th century byXuyun, a well-known figure of 20th-century Chinese Buddhism. Many Chan teachers today trace their lineage back to Xuyun, includingSheng-yen (聖嚴, Shèngyán) andHsuan Hua (宣化, Xuānhuà), who have propagated Chan in the West where it has grown steadily through the 20th and 21st century.
Chan was repressed in China during the recent modern era in the early periods of thePeople's Republic, but has more recently been re-asserting itself on the mainland, and has a significant following inTaiwan andHong Kong as well as amongOverseas Chinese.
The Japanese Zen sect known as theRinzai school is a branch of the lineage Linji founded. The smaller Japanese Ōbaku school came to Japan in the 17th century as a separate Linji lineage and existed in Japan for many years as a culturally Ming Dynasty Chinese Zen within Japan.
Later the Ōbaku semi-merged into the Rinzai lineage afterHakuin Ekaku's revival of Rinzai in the 18th century. Today the Rinzai and Obaku schools are closely related.[web 1]
The now-defunctFuke-shū also had close ties to the Rinzai school and claimed affiliation with the Linji lineage.
The Linji school had a considerable influence on the already existing KoreanJogye Order, the name adopted by thenine mountain schools, which were established by students ofMazu Daoyi.Jinul (知訥) (1158-1210) took over theHua Tou practice of Dahui, but mixed it with the intellectual teachings ofGuifeng Zongmi (780–841). Jinul emphasizedsudden insight, to be followed by gradual cultivation.[18]
The Korean Linji school facedthe challenge of expressing its teachings ofsuchness without getting stuck in words or concepts; the alleged use of shouting and beating was instrumental in this non-conceptual expression—after the students were well educated in the Buddhist tradition.[19]
According to Buswell, the Korean Linji tradition used the Three Mysterious Gates (三玄門) schema to maintain the Chán emphasis on the nonconceptual nature of reality, while employingsūtras and teachings to instruct students. This schema contains three main elements:[19]
The Linji school (Vietnamese:Tông Lâm Tế) was first transmitted to Vietnam during theTrần dynasty, primarily through Chinese Chan masters such as Thiền Phong (Tianfeng), Đạo Viên (Daoyuan), and others, as recorded in historic Vietnamese Zen chronicles by Phúc Diên.[20] Major Linji texts like theLinji Lu andDahui Yulu were introduced, significantly shaping the Vietnamese Thiền tradition.[20]
Vietnamese rulers and monk-sages—including KingTrần Thái Tông,Tuệ Trung Thượng Sĩ,Quốc sư Đại Đăng, andPhật Hoàng Trần Nhân Tông—were deeply influenced by these teachings. Trần Thái Tông engaged actively in kōan practice and formulated commentaries on 43 kōans, embedding principles such as the “Three Mysterious Gates” (Tam huyền), the “Three Essentials” (Tam yếu), and the “True Person of No Rank” (Vô vị chân nhân) into his instruction to monastics.[21] King Trần Nhân Tông was particularly influenced by theDahui Yulu, which he regularly lectured on for his monastic community.[22]
By the 17th century, Linji Zen experienced a revival in northern Vietnam through Chinese monks such as Viên Văn Chuyết and Minh Hành Tại. Vietnamese master Chân Nguyên Tuệ Đăng played a pivotal role in reviving Trúc Lâm Zen literature and restoring Trúc Lâm monasteries.[23] In central Vietnam, Chinese monks such as Nguyên Thiều, Minh Hoằng Tử Dung, Minh Hải Pháp Bảo, and Minh Lượng Thành Đẳng were invited by theNguyễn lords to support monastic ordinations and the teaching of general Buddhist disciplines. However, they did not transmit the classical Linji *gong’an* (koan) or *huatou* methods.[24]
An exceptional case was Minh Hoằng Tử Dung, a Chinese master who transmitted huatou-style practice to his Vietnamese discipleLiễu Quán Thiệt Diệu, formally recognizing his awakening (ấn chứng).[25] Nonetheless, most Vietnamese Linji lineages focused on ceremonial Dharma-name succession rather than authentic enlightenment verification, diverging from traditional Chan criteria that mandate awakening confirmation for transmission.[26]
In the late 20th century, Vietnamese-Chinese Zen master Thích Duy Lực of the Tào Động (Caodong) school guided many monks and laypeople in authentic Linji huatou practice, attracting large followings in southern Vietnam and California and producing respected translations of koan literature.[27]
The VietnameseThiền Buddhist monkThích Nhất Hạnh founded thePlum Village Tradition and theOrder of Interbeing based on the Linji school. As stated in the charter:
The aim of the Order is to actualise Buddhism by studying, experimenting with, and applying Buddhism in modern life with a special emphasis on the bodhisattva ideal. The Order of Interbeing was founded within the Linji School of Dhyana Buddhism. It is grounded in the Four Spirits: the spirit of non-attachment from views, the spirit of direct experimentation on the nature of interdependent origination through meditation, the spirit of appropriateness, and the spirit of skillful means. All four are to be found in all Buddhist traditions.
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