TheHouse Divided Speech was an address given by senatorial candidate and futurepresident of the United StatesAbraham Lincoln, on June 16, 1858, at what was then theIllinois State Capitol inSpringfield, after he had accepted theIllinois Republican Party's nomination as candidate forUS senator. The nomination of Lincoln was the final item of business at the convention, which then broke for dinner, meeting again at 8 pm. "The evening session was mainly devoted to speeches",[1] but the only speaker was Lincoln, whose address closed the convention, save for resolutions of thanks to the city of Springfield and others. His address was immediately published in full by newspapers,[2][3][4] as a pamphlet,[5] and in the published proceedings of the convention.[6] It was the launching point of his unsuccessful campaign for the senatorial seat held byStephen A. Douglas; the campaign would climax with theLincoln–Douglas debates. When Lincoln collected and published his debates with Douglas as part of his1860 presidential campaign, he prefixed them with relevant prior speeches. The "House Divided" speech opens the volume.[7]
Lincoln's remarks in Springfield depict the danger ofslavery-baseddisunion, and it rallied Republicans across theNorth. Along with theGettysburg Address and hissecond inaugural address, the speech became one of the best-known of his career. It begins with the following words, which became the best-known passage of the speech:[8]
"A house divided against itself, cannot stand." (Quoting Mark 3:25).
I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free.
I do not expect theUnion to be dissolved – I do not expect the house to fall – but I do expect it will cease to be divided.
It will become all one thing or all the other.
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become lawful in all the States, old as well as new – North as well as South.[6]: 9
Lincoln's goals were to differentiate himself from Douglas – the incumbent – and to voice aprophecy publicly. Douglas had long advocatedpopular sovereignty, under which the settlers in each new territory would decide their own status as a slave or free state; he had repeatedly asserted that the proper application of popular sovereignty would prevent slavery-induced conflict and would allow Northern and Southern states to resume their peaceful coexistence. Lincoln, however, responded that theDred Scott ruling had closed the door on Douglas's preferred option, leaving the Union with only two remaining outcomes: the country would inevitably become either all slave or all free. Now that the North and the South had come to hold distinct opinions on the question of slavery, and now that the issue had come to permeate every other political question, the Union would soon no longer be able to function.
"A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure, permanently halfslave and halffree. I do not expect the Union to bedissolved – I do not expect the house tofall – but Ido expect it will cease to be divided. It will becomeall one thing, orall the other. Either theopponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or itsadvocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful inall the states,old as well asnew – North as well asSouth. Have we notendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination – piece ofmachinery so to speak – compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision.
The Kansas-Nebraska Act opened all the national territory to slavery .... This ... had been provided for ... in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if anyone man, choose to enslaveanother, nothird man shall be allowed to object.
While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress, a law case, involving the question of a negro's freedom ... was passing through the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska Bill and lawsuit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The Negro's name was "Dred Scott" ....
[The points decided by the "Dred Scott" decision include] that whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free state, makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave state the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to be pressed immediately ... [that] the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in the free state Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any otherone, or onethousand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free state.
While the opinion of ... Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case ... expressly declare[s] that the Constitution of the United States neither permits congress nor a territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States territory, ... [Taney]omit[s] to declare whether or not the same constitution permits astate, or the people of a state, to exclude it. Possibly, this was a mere omission; but who can be quite sure ....
The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a state over slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, andalmost the language too, of the Nebraska Act. On one occasion his exact language is, "except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In whatcases the power of thestates is so restrained by the U.S. Constitution, is left anopen question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the power of theterritories was left open in the Nebraska Act. Putthat andthat together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit astate to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made.
Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome, or unwelcome, such decisionis probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shalllie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their Statefree, and we shallawake to thereality instead that the Supreme Court has madeIllinois a slave state.
The expression "a house divided against itself" appears three times in the Bible. In theGospel of Mark3:25,Jesus states, "And if a house be divided against itself, that house cannot stand." That is in response to the scribes' claim that "by the prince of the devils casteth he out devils."[9] In theGospel of Matthew12:25: "Jesus knew their thoughts, and said unto him, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand" (King James Version). And in theGospel of Luke11:17: "Jesus knew their thoughts and said to them: “Any kingdom divided against itself will be ruined, and a house divided against itself will fall" (New International Version).
Saint Augustine, in hisConfessions (Book 8, Chapter 8) describes his conversion experience as being "a house divided against itself."
It also appears in widely-read English writers:
Thomas Hobbes, in his 1651Leviathan (Chapter 18), states that "a kingdom divided in itself cannot stand."
InThomas Paine's 1776Common Sense, he describes the composition of the English constitution "hath all the distinctions of a house divided against itself. ... "
In the United States:
InFederalist No. 4,John Jay wrote "when a people or family so divide, it never fails to be against themselves."[10]
During theWar of 1812 a line appeared in a letter fromAbigail Adams toMercy Otis Warren: "... A house divided upon itself – and upon that foundation do our enemies build their hopes of subduing us."[12]
The "house divided" phrase had been used by Lincoln himself in another context in 1843.[14]
Famously, eight years before Lincoln's speech, during the Senate debate on theCompromise of 1850,Sam Houston had proclaimed: "A nation divided against itself cannot stand."
However and most relevantly, the expression was used repeatedly earlier in 1858 in discussions ofthe situation in Kansas, where slavery was the central issue.
It appeared, in quotation marks, in aletter to the editor published inThe Liberator on April 23.[18] Lincoln receivedThe Liberator, as it was sent free to all prominent politicians outside the South, but it is not known if he read it.
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