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Left-wing nationalism orleftist nationalism (in certain contexts also calledpopular nationalism by those who do not adhere to the left-right plane, or in contrast toconservative nationalism) is a form ofnationalism which is based uponnational self-determination,popular sovereignty, andleft-wing political positions such associal equality.[1] Left-wing nationalism can also includeanti-imperialism andnational liberation movements.[2][3] Left-wing nationalism often stands in contrast toright-wing politics andright-wing nationalism.[4]
Terms such asnationalist socialism,social nationalism andsocialist nationalism are not to be confused with the Germanfascism espoused by theNazi Party, which called itselfNational Socialism. This ideology advocated the supremacy and territorial expansion of the German nation, while opposingpopular sovereignty,social equality andnational self-determination for non-Germans. Left-wing nationalism does not promote the view that one nation is superior to others.[5][6]
Some left-wing nationalist groups have historically used the termnational socialism for themselves, but only before the rise of the Nazis or outside Europe. Since the Nazis' rise to prominence,national socialism has become associated almost exclusively with their ideas and it is rarely used in relation to left-wing nationalism in Europe, withnationalist socialism orsocialist nationalism being preferred overnational socialism.
Left-wing nationalists typically have a socialist (democratic or authoritarian), social democratic, progressive, or societally conservative background (the conservative left) combined with a preference for nation-state sovereignty. Left-wing nationalists therefore strive to reduce the wealth gap in the country, retain control or nationalize public services (such as health, energy and public transport). Left-wing nationalist movements do not tend to advocate supremacy, however, certain forms of left-wing nationalism have adoptedracialist theses favorable to a homogeneous society, with opposition to immigration.[7][8][9] It is important to emphasise that there is not just one type of left-wing nationalism: the nation can be framed in many different ways, which means that left-wing politics drawing on national identity can do so in different manners and with varying levels of inclusiveness.[10]
In this context, left nationalists completely or to a large extent rejectneoliberalism and supranational interference. Left-wing nationalists want countries to decide for themselves on issues such as the economy, health and defense.[11]
Social democratic nationalism is strongly diffused in certain developing nations but also in part ofEurope.
As a European example, the Slovak partyDirection – Social Democracy supported a moderate nationalist conception ofsocial democracy in the 2020s which translated into a clear rejection of immigration.[12]
During the campaign for the2023 Turkish presidential election, theRepublican People's Party and its presidential candidateKemal Kılıçdaroğlu openly adopted a stance against illegal immigration.[13]
TheAustralian Labor Party had also held a similar line in its history in the 20th century.
Social Ethno-nationalism is a doctrine aimed at promoting social progress while defending the ethnic interests of different peoples, both emancipation and supremacy.
For example, theAustralian Labor Party had a strongwhite nationalist component and has openly supported theWhite Australia policy in the past.[14]
SecularArab nationalism advocated byBaathism and previously byNasserism defendsArab socialism, which emphasizes asecularist and progressive position seeking (at least in principle) to integrateArab Christians,Alawites,Druze and others by eliminating tribal and sectarian divisions.
Someblack nationalism in theUnited States aimed at defending the interests ofAfrican Americans was highly influential in the 1970s with groups like theBlack Panthers Party.
South American indigenous groups also have as their basis the defense of the ethnic interests of Amerindians while promoting social progress and the sharing of wealth.[15]
Socialist nationalism is a concept that refers to the combination of socialism with nationalism or with some form of national sentiment or nationality. The term contrasts with theinternationalism ofMarxist socialism and is generally applied to certain non-Marxist variants of socialism such as ArgentinePeronism, theBurmese Way to Socialism, Pan-ArabNasserism andBa'athism,[16]African socialism andneosocialism inFrance.
Some forms are influenced by Marxism while being independent of it such asSandinismo[17] andChavismo.[18]
Left-wing nationalisms that have not been influenced byMarxism are mostly hostile to Marxist principles ofproletarian internationalism,class struggle andstate atheism, particularly forms influenced byreligious socialisms or defending moderatesecularism.[19]
Marxism identifies the nation as a socioeconomic construction created after the collapse of thefeudal system which was utilized to create thecapitalist economic system.[20]Classical Marxists have unanimously claimed that nationalism is a bourgeois phenomenon that is not associated with Marxism.[21] In certain instances, Marxism has supported patriotic movements if they were in the interest of class struggle, but rejects other nationalist movements deemed to distract workers from their necessary goal of defeating the bourgeoisie.[22] Marxists have evaluated certain nations to beprogressive and other nations to bereactionary.[20]Joseph Stalin supported interpretations of Marx tolerating the use of proletarian patriotism that promoted class struggle within an internationalist framework.[20][23]
Karl Marx andFriedrich Engels interpreted issues concerning nationality on asocial evolutionary basis. Marx and Engels claim that the creation of the modern nation state is the result of the replacement of feudalism with thecapitalist mode of production.[24] With the replacement of feudalism with capitalism, capitalists sought to unify and centralize populations' culture and language within states in order to create conditions conducive to amarket economy in terms of having a common language to coordinate the economy, contain a large enough population in the state to insure an internal division of labor and contain a large enough territory for a state to maintain a viable economy.[24]
Although Marx and Engels saw the origins of the nation state and national identity as bourgeois in nature, both believed that the creation of the centralized state as a result of the collapse of feudalism and creation of capitalism had created positive social conditions to stimulate class struggle.[25] Marx followedGeorg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's view that the creation of individual-centeredcivil society by states as a positive development in that it dismantled previous religious-based society and freed individual conscience.[25] InThe German Ideology, Marx claims that although civil society is a capitalist creation and represents bourgeois class rule, it is beneficial to the proletariat because it is unstable in that neither states nor the bourgeoisie can control a civil society.[26] Marx described this in detail inThe German Ideology, stating:
Civil society embraces the whole material intercourse of individuals within a definite stage of development of productive forces. It embraces the whole commercial and industrial life of a given stage, and, insofar, transcends the state and the nation, though on the other hand, it must assert itself in its foreign relations as nationality and inwardly must organize itself as a state.[25]
Marx and Engels evaluated progressive nationalism as involving the destruction of feudalism and believed that it was a beneficial step, but they evaluated nationalism detrimental to the evolution of international class struggle as reactionary and necessary to be destroyed.[27] Marx and Engels believed that certain nations that could not consolidate viable nation-states should be assimilated into other nations that were more viable and further in Marxian evolutionary economic progress.[27]
On the issue of nations and the proletariat,The Communist Manifesto says:
The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.[28]
In general, Marx preferred internationalism and interaction between nations in class struggle, saying inPreface to the Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy that "[o]ne nation can and should learn from others".[29] Similarly, although Marx and Engels criticized Irish unrest for delaying a worker's revolution in England, they believed that Ireland was oppressed byGreat Britain, but that the Irish people would better serve their own interests by joining proponents of class struggle in Europe as Marx and Engels claimed that the socialist workers of Europe were the natural allies of Ireland.[30] Marx and Engels also believed that it was in Britain's best interest to let Ireland go as the Ireland issue was being used by elites to unite the British working class with the elites against the Irish.[30]
Joseph Stalin promoted a civic patriotic concept called revolutionary patriotism in theSoviet Union.[23] As a youth, Stalin had been active in theGeorgian nationalist movement and was influenced byIlia Chavchavadze, who promotedcultural nationalism, material development of theGeorgian people,statist economy and education systems.[31] When Stalin joined the Georgian Marxists, Marxism in Georgia was heavily influenced byNoe Zhordania, who evoked Georgian patriotic themes and opposition to Russian imperial control of Georgia.[32] Zhordania claimed that communal bonds existed between peoples that created the plural sense of countries and went further to say that the Georgian sense ofidentity pre-existed capitalism and the capitalist conception ofnationhood.[32]
After becoming aBolshevik in the 20th century, he became fervently opposed to national culture, denouncing the concept of contemporary nationality as bourgeois in origin and accused nationality of causing retention of "harmful habits and institutions".[33] However, Stalin believed that cultural communities did exist where people lived common lives and were united by holistic bonds, claiming that there were real nations while others that did not fit these traits were paper nations.[34] Stalin defined the nation as being "neither racial nor tribal, but a historically formed community of people".[34] Stalin believed that the assimilation of primitive nationalities likeAbkhazians andTartars into the Georgian and Russian nations was beneficial.[33] Stalin claimed that all nations were assimilating foreign values and that the nationality as a community was diluting under the pressures of capitalism and with rising rational universality.[35]
In 1913, Stalin rejected the concept of national identity entirely and advocated in favor of a universal cosmopolitan modernity.[35] Stalin identified Russian culture as having greater universalist identity than that of other nations.[36] Stalin's view of vanguard and progressive nations such as Russia, Germany and Hungary in contrast to nations he deemed primitive is claimed to be related to Engels' views.[36]
TheSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia under the rule ofJosip Broz Tito and theLeague of Communists of Yugoslavia promoted bothMarxism–Leninism and Yugoslav nationalism (Yugoslavism),[37] i.e.socialist patriotism. Tito's Yugoslavia was overtly nationalistic in its attempts to promote unity between the Yugoslav nations within Yugoslavia and asserting Yugoslavia's independence.[37] To unify the Yugoslav nations, the government promoted the concept ofbrotherhood and unity in which the Yugoslav nations would overcome their cultural and linguistic differences through promoting fraternal relations between the nations.[38] This nationalism was opposed tocultural assimilation as had been carried out by the previousYugoslav monarchy, but it was instead based uponmulticulturalism.[39]
While promoting a Yugoslav nationalism, the Yugoslav government was staunchly opposed to any factionalethnic nationalism or domination by the existing nationalities as Tito denounced ethnic nationalism in general as being based on hatred and was the cause of war.[40] The League of Communists of Yugoslavia blamed the factional division and conflict between the Yugoslav nations on foreignimperialism.[40] Tito built strong relations with states that had strong socialist and nationalist governments in power such asEgypt underGamal Abdel Nasser andIndia underJawaharlal Nehru.[37] In spite of these attempts to create a left-wing Yugoslav national identity, factional divisions between Yugoslav nationalities remained strong and it was largely the power of the party and popularity of Tito that held the country together.[41]
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TheMauritian Militant Movement (MMM) is apolitical party inMauritius formed by a group of students in the late 1960s, advocating independence from the United Kingdom, socialism and social unity. The MMM advocates what it sees as a fairer society, without discrimination on the basis of social class, race, community, caste, religion, gender or sexual orientation.
The MMM was founded in 1968 as astudents' movement byPaul Bérenger, Dev Virahsawmy, Jooneed Jeeroburkhan, Chafeekh Jeeroburkhan, Sushil Kushiram, Tirat Ramkissoon, Krishen Mati, Ah-Ken Wong, Kriti Goburdhun, Allen Sew Kwan Kan, Vela Vengaroo and Amedee Darga amongst others. In 1969, it became the MMM. The party is a member of theSocialist International as well as theProgressive Alliance, an international grouping of socialist, social-democratic and labour parties.
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TheTigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) (Tigrinya: ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ,ḥəzbawi wäyanä ḥarənnät təgray, "Popular Struggle for the Freedom of Tigray"; widely known by pejorative namesWoyane,Wayana (Amharic: ወያነ) orWayane (ወያኔ) in older texts and Amharic publications) is apolitical party inEthiopia, established on 18 February 1975 inDedebit, northwesternTigray, according to official records. As a strategy, TPLF used guerilla tactics as it saw those as befitting to a Marxist–Leninist political organization. Within 16 years, it had grown from about a dozen men into the most powerful armed liberation movement in Ethiopia. It led a coalition of movements named theEthiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) from 1989 to 2018. With the help of its former ally, theEritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), EPRDFoverthrew the dictatorship of thePeople's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) and established a new government on 28 May 1991 that ruled Ethiopia.
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Left-wing nationalism has inspired many Latin American military personnel, who are receptive to this doctrine because of the repeated interference of the United States in the political and economic affairs of their countries and the social misery in the continent. While some of the military regimes such as theArgentine dictatorship and theAugusto Pinochet'sregime in Chile were right-wing, left-wing soldiers seized power in Peru during the 1968 military coup and established aRevolutionary Government of the Armed Forces headed by GeneralJuan Velasco Alvarado. Although it was dictatorial in nature, it did not adopt a repressive character as the regimes mentioned above. Similarly and also in 1968, GeneralOmar Torrijos seized power in Panama, allied himself withCuba and theSandinistas ofNicaragua and above all led a fierce battle against the United States for thenationalisation of thePanama Canal.
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In Canada, nationalism is associated with the left in the context of bothQuebec nationalism and pan-Canadian nationalism (mostly inEnglish Canada, but also inQuebec).
In Quebec, the term was used by S. H. Milner and H. Milner to describe political developments in 1960s and 1970s Quebec which they saw as unique in North America. While the Liberals of theQuiet Revolution in Quebec had opposed Quebec nationalism which had been right-wing and reactionary, nationalists in Quebec now found that they could only maintain their cultural identity by ridding themselves of foreign elites, which was achieved by adopting radicalism and socialism. This ideology was seen in contrast to historic socialism, which was internationalist and considered the working class to have no homeland.[42][43]
The 1960s in Canada saw the rise of a movement in favour of the independence of Quebec. Among the proponents of this constitutional option for Quebec were militants of an independent and socialist Quebec.[44] Prior to the 1960s, nationalism in Quebec had taken various forms. First, a radicalliberal nationalism emerged and was a dominant voice in the political discourse ofLower Canada from the early 19th century to the 1830s. The 1830s saw the more vocal expression of a liberal and republican nationalism which was silenced with the rebellions of 1837 and 1838.[45] In a now annexed Lower Canada in the 1840s, a moderately liberal expression of nationalism succeeded the old one, which remained in existence but was confined to political marginality thereafter. In parallel to this, a new Catholic andultramontane nationalism emerged. Antagonism between the two incompatible expressions of nationalism lasted until the 1950s.
According to political scientistHenry Milner [fr], the manifestation of a third kind of nationalism became significant when intellectuals raised the issue of the economic colonization of Quebec, something the established nationalists elites had neglected to do.[46] Milner identifies three distinct clusters of factors in the evolution of Quebec toward left-wing nationalism: the first cluster relates to the national consciousness of Quebecers (Québécois); the second to changes in technology, industrial organization and patterns of communication and education; and the third related to "the part played by the intellectuals in the face of changes in the first two factors".[47]
In English Canada, support for government intervention in the economy to defend the country from foreign (i.e. American) influences is one of Canada's oldest political traditions, going back at least to theNational Policy (tariff protection) of SirJohn A. Macdonald, can historically be seen on both the left and the right. However, calls for more extreme forms of government involvement to forestall a putative American takeover have been a staple of the Canadian left since the 1920s and possibly earlier. Right-wing nationalism has never supported such measures, which is one of the major differences between the two. Leftist nationalism has also been more eager to dispense with historical Canadian symbols associated with Canada's British colonial heritage, such as theCanadian Red Ensign or eventhe monarchy (seerepublicanism in Canada). English Canadian leftist nationalism has historically been represented by most ofCanada's socialist parties, factions with the social-democraticNew Democratic Party (such as theMovement for an Independent Socialist Canada in the 1960s and 1970s) and in a more diluted form in some elements of theLiberal Party of Canada (such asTrudeauism to a certain extent), manifesting itself in pressure groups such as theCouncil of Canadians. This type of nationalism is associated with the slogan "It's eitherthe state orthe States", coined by theCanadian Radio League in the 1930s during their campaign for a nationalpublic broadcaster to compete with the private American radio stations broadcasting into Canada,[48] representing a fear of annexation by the United States. Right-wing nationalism continues to exist in Canada, but it tends to be much less concerned withintegration into North America, especially since theConservative Party embraced free trade after 1988. Many far-right movements in Canada are nationalist, but not Canadian nationalist, instead advocating forWestern separation orunion with the United States.
Theodore Roosevelt's1912 Presidential campaign, which promoted his platform of "New Nationalism," combined his traditional progressive policies, such asanti-trust legislation,national health insurance, anti-corporatocracy policies,direct democracy, reductions oncampaign finance, aneight-hour workday, andwomen's suffrage combined withAmerican nationalist policies, such as his support for anaval buildup, as well as use of nationalist rhetoric,appealing to the legacy of Abraham Lincoln and theAmerican Civil War.[49][50][51][52]
The American Indian Movement (AIM) has been committed to improving conditions faced bynative peoples. It founded institutions to address needs, including the Heart of The Earth School, the Little Earth Housing, the International Indian Treaty Council, the AIM StreetMedics, the American Indian Opportunities and the Industrialization Center (one of the largest Indian job training programs) as well as the KILI radio and the Indian Legal Rights Centers.
In 1971, several members of the AIM, includingDennis Banks andRussell Means, traveled toMount Rushmore. They converged at the mountain in order to protest the illegal seizure of the Sioux Nation's sacredBlack Hills in 1877 by the United States federal government which was in violation of its earlier 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie. The protest began to publicize the issues of the American Indian Movement.[53] In 1980, the Supreme Court ruled that the federal government had illegally taken the Black Hills. The government offered financial compensation, but the Oglala Sioux have refused it, insisting on return of the land to their people. The settlement money is earning interest.[54]
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ManyKoreans (both North and South) possess a strong sense of 'ethnic pride', driven in part by how more powerful neighbors (Japan,China) bullied Korea throughout its history.[55]
Many Koreans are wary of neighboring powers. A representative example of this sentiment isSouth Korean dramas, which are generally known to have negative portrayals of Americans, Chinese, and Japanese and positive depictions of North Koreans.[55][56]
In early November 2018, a popular Japanese music show cancelledBTS' performance, citing a T-shirt a member wore the year before, bearing a photograph of amushroom cloud following thebombing of Nagasaki. At that time, the T-shirt had phrases symbolizingKorean independence movement.[57][58] Japanese people felt this aspect of BTS was "racist", but many South Korean people and mainstream South Korea politicians argued that it was an unfair attack by Japanese people. Many Koreans take this in a positive sense because the U.S. atomic bomb attack on Japan soon led toKorea's independence fromJapan's colonial rule.[57]
In South Korea, there is an lingering perception that whites or Japanese are perpetrators of racism, and Koreans are victims of racism,[59][60] and BTS actively supportsBlack Lives Matter.[61]
In modern politics, South Korean liberals and progressives put "independence" (독립) (autonomy) as their main value, while North Korea's far-leftJuche also put forward a strong "independence" (주체) ideology based onKorean nationalism and anti-imperialism.
Shin Chae-ho is a representative left-wing nationalist during theKorea under Japanese rules. Most of theKorean independence activists of the period wereKorean nationalists who resisted the Japanese Empire.
Experts analyze that North Korea's radical anti-sadaejuui and anti-colonialism have been the main causes of North Korea's economic poverty. The North Korean government shows hostility to all for historical reasons against neighboring powers such as theUnited States,China, andJapan.[62]Bruce Cumings analyzed that the reason why North Korea does not collapse is that it is a thoroughlyanti-imperialist country. (Many North Korean people distrust the surrounding powers.)[63]
South Korea's left-wing nationalism supportsanti-imperialism,anti-Japanese decolonialism, andKorean unification. They are usually viewed as 'ethnonationalist left' (좌파민족주의) in that they opposestate-aligned nationalism, foster hostility to Japan and sympathy for North Korea,[64][65][66] but it's more likeromantic nationalism (낭만적 민족주의, 낭만적 내셔널리즘) because left-wing nationalists often embracediversity andmulticulturalism.[67][68]
Progressive nationalists see the elimination of hierarchical "pro-Japanese (partially pro-Chinese and pro-American)[69][70] colonialist" remnants through nationalism as a prerequisite for realizing social progressivism.[71][72][73] For example,feminist movement in South Korea often has anti-Japanese sentiment. This was naturally formed by war crimes committed by the Japanese Empire during the past World War II, such asKorean Women's Volunteer Labour Corps,Comfort Women, etc.[74][75]
Historically, Korea's classical liberals have hated and resistedQing dynasty (China) andEmpire of Japan rather than the classical conservatives who conform to the powers. Due to the history of thedivision of Korea led by theUnited States and theSoviet Union, where Koreans'self-determination was ignored,Korean nationalism became more prominent in theliberal andprogressive camp than in theconservative camp in South Korea.[76] South Korea's "progressive-nationalists" criticize conservative "New Rightists" for having a romanticized perception of theUnited States,anti-communist hatred ofNorth Korea, and supporting pro-Japanesecolonialist view.[77] The Korean nationalist sentiment of South Korean progressives also has other factors, which stem from the historical fact that some Korean conservative elites werepro-Japanese fascists.[78]
Progressive nationalists support the punishment of Nazi collaborators and redress by Israel.[71] (However, Progressive nationalists have no unified view of theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict.) Progressive nationalists are very positive about the liquidation ofChindokpa (친독파, "pro-German faction" or "Nazi collaborators") during France'sGaullist politics and criticize South Korea for failing to liquidateChinilpa (친일파, "pro-Japan faction"). They argue that the liquidation ofChinilpa helps the development ofdemocracy andtransitional justice. Progressive nationalists advocate the 'anti-German based nationalism' of French and Israeli right-wing, criticizing South Korean conservatives for not having 'anti-Japanese based nationalism' because they are 'pro-Japanese based colonialists'.[71][72][73] Progressive nationalists in South Korea analyze that the remnants of authoritarianism created byChinilpa, includingPark Chung-hee, are the cause of many unreasonable social hierarchies in Korean society.
The negative stance against Japan in South Korea is also closely related to the intense lobbying by human rights groups for the redress of Korean victims of Japanese war crimes. South Korea has demanded a level of contrition from Japan that few colonial powers have ever shown to their former possessions. South Korean liberals/progressives refer to it as a 'victim-centered idea'(피해자 중심주의). According to them, the perpetrator's position should not be considered, some of the assets of Japanese companies should be confiscated to compensate the victims, and the Japanese right-wingLDP government is absolutely "far-right" even "fascist". On the other hand, some South Korean conservatives tend to oppose such a demand for compensation for Japan, which liberals/progressives accuse of being "pro-Japanese colonialists". This 'victim-centered idea' has little room for compromise with right-wingJapanese nationalists, including the Japan's LDP government.[79][80]
Modern left-wing nationalism was formed in the 1980s. At that time, South Korean activist groups showed anti-American tendencies because theUnited States supported Chun Doo-hwan dictatorship, citing anti-communism as the main reason, and was silent on themassacre in Gwangju. As a result, many South Korean liberal activists, who had pursued a somewhat pro-American and moderate democratic path until the 1970s, turn into leftist activists due to their betrayal they felt from the United States. South Korea's left-wing activists were divided into two factions, 'PD' (Korean: 민중민주파;lit. People's Democracy-faction) and 'NL' (Korean: 민족해방파;lit. National Liberation-faction). In the case of 'PD', itopposes nationalism by advocating Europeansocialism or Sovietcommunism, but 'NL' takes a leftistKorean nationalist andanti-imperialist line based on strong opposition to American and Japanese imperialism.[81]
Leftist nationalists in South Korea oppose perceived Japanese imperialist attitudes towards South Korea, support friendly relations with Russia, China and theSunshine Policy toward North Korea, butliberal nationalists and theNational Liberation nationalists differ significantly in their attitudes toward United States in the 21st century. Far-left nationalists and Centre-left nationalists differed in terms of their policies.[82]
Taiwan's left-wing nationalist movement tends to emphasize the "Taiwanese identity" separated fromChina. As a result, Taiwan's left-wing nationalism takes a pro-American stand to counter "Chinese imperialism", even though it has initially been influenced by Western socialist movements, includingLeninism.[87]
Historically, left-wing nationalists have often emerged in opposition to European states whose borders had been formed by medieval dynastic unity, bringing together multiple linguistic and ethnic groups intoone single state. During the 18th and 19th centuries, thosecentralised states began to promotecultural homogenisation. In reaction, some regions developed their own progressive nationalism. This often occurred in regions whose cultural, economic or sociological distinctiveness from the dominant culture had produced historical grievances (political discrimination such as theIrish Penal Laws, economic crisis such as theIrish Great Famine, or traumatic war deaths). The idea could gain ground that government by distant economic or aristocratic elites was responsible for current misfortune, but that self-rule could remedy the situation by allowing a more egalitarian or state-interventionist approach, better suited to local tastes or needs, than the royal or imperial state.
Left-wing nationalists have been prominent in leading theautonomist andseparatist movements in theBasque Country (Basque nationalism);Catalonia (Catalan independence);Corsica (Corsican nationalism);Galicia (Galician nationalism);[88][89] theRepublic of Ireland andNorthern Ireland (Irish republicanism andIrish nationalism);Sardinia (Sardinian nationalism);[90]Scotland (Scottish nationalism);Székely Land (Székely autonomy movement) andWales (Welsh nationalism).
In Europe, a number of left-wing nationalist movements exist and have a long and well-established tradition.[91] Nationalism originated as a left-wing position during theFrench Revolution and theFrench Revolutionary Wars. The original left-wing nationalists endorsedcivic nationalism[92] which defined the nation as a daily plebiscite and as formed by the subjective will to live together. Related torevanchism, the belligerent will to take revenge againstGermany and retake control ofAlsace-Lorraine, nationalism could then be sometimesopposed to imperialism. In practice, motivated by the dual idea of liberating areas from conservative rule and that those liberated peoples could be absorbed into the civic nation, French left-wing nationalism often ended up justifying or rationalisingimperialism, notably in the case of Algeria.
France's centralist left-wing nationalism was at times resisted by provincial left-wing groups who saw its Paris-focussed cultural and administrative centralism as little different in practice to right-wing French nationalism. From the late 19th century, several of the many ethnic groups that made up France developed a movement for separatism and regionalism, becoming a significant political factor inAlsace,Brittany,Corsica,French Flanders and the French portions of theBasque andCatalan countries, with smaller movements in other parts of the country and eventually equivalent movements in overseas territories (Algeria andNew Caledonia, among others). These regional nationalisms could be either left-wing or right-wing. For instance,Occitan nationalism in the early 20th century was expressed by thefar-right leadersMaurice Barrès andCharles Maurras (who imagined aright-wingOccitan regionalist identity within a multiethnic French state as a bulwark to protect conservative zones againstleft-wing Parisian governments) whereas a portion of theFélibrige cultural movement represented a more progressiveOccitan nationalism and looked for inspiration to thefederalist republicanism ofCatalonia. It was a similar situation in each of the traditionally regionalist zones, including the left-wingBreton Federalist League against the right-wingBreton National Party and the left-wingAlsatian Progress Party against the right-wingHeimatsbund, among others. Since the 1970s, a cultural revival and left-wing nationalism has grown in strength in several regions. For instance, thePè a Corsica party has close links with bothsocial democracy and thegreen movement and is currently the dominant political force inCorsica. After the2017 legislative election, the party obtained three-quarters of Corsican seats in theNational Assembly and two-thirds in theCorsican Assembly.
Irish nationalism has had left-wing nationalist elements since its mainstream inception. Early nationalists during the 19th century such as theUnited Irishmen in the 1790s,Young Irelanders in the 1840s,Fenian Brotherhood in the 1880s, as well asSinn Féin, andFianna Fáil in the 1920s all styled themselves in various ways after French left-wingradicalism andrepublicanism. This combination of nationalism with left-wing positions was possible as thenation state they sought was envisaged against the backdrop of the more socially conservative and pluri-national state of the United Kingdom.[93][94]
Today, parties such asSinn Féin and theSocial Democratic and Labour Party in Northern Ireland are left-wing nationalist parties. Earlier nationalist republican parties that were once rather more left-leaning for the time, notably Fianna Fáil in the Republic of Ireland, have over time grown moreconservative ("sinistrism"), today representing acentrist orcentre-right republican nationalism.Right-wing nationalist outlooks andfar-right parties in general are few in Irish history. When they did emerge, it was usually short-lived and contextual (theBlueshirts during theGreat Depression) or took the form of Anglo-British nationalism (as withOrangism and other tendencies withinUlster unionism). Since World War II, right-wing Irish nationalism has been a rare force in the Republic of Ireland, espoused primarily by small, often short-lived organisations. As such, left-wing nationalism with a republican, egalitarian, anti-colonial tendency has historically been the dominant form of nationalism in Irish politics.
In the late 19th century, Polish labour movement split into two factions, with one proposingcommunist revolution and Polishautonomy within the Russian Empire which established theSocial Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, renamed later as theCommunist Party of Poland. However, most activists have seen Polish independence as a requirement to realize socialist political program as afterPoland partitionsAustria-Hungary,Prussia andRussia repressed their ethnically Polish citizens of all social classes. Those activists establishedPolish Socialist Party (PPS). DuringWorld War I, PPS' leaderJózef Piłsudski became a leader ofGerman dominatedpuppet Poland and then broke an alliance withCentral Powers, claiming an independentSecond Polish Republic. As aChief of State, Piłsudski signed in very first weeksdecrees about the eight hour work day, equal rights for women, free and compulsory education, free healthcare and social insurance, making Poland one of the most progressive countries ofinterwar period.
In Poland itself, the PPS is considered pro-independence and patriotic left-wing (in contrast with the internationalist left-wing) rather than left-wing nationalist. The term nationalism is used nearly exclusively for the right-wingnational democracy ofRoman Dmowski and other officially far-right movements such asNational Radical Camp andNational Revival of Poland. Nowadays, notable parties and organizations that come the closest to the idea of a left-wing nationalism areSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland under the leadership ofAndrzej Lepper and Zmiana led byMateusz Piskorski. Both advocatepatriotism,social conservatism,Euroscepticism,anti-imperialism (strong criticism of aNATO andAmerican foreign policies) andeconomic nationalism. The Self-Defence won 53 seats out of 460 in 2001 elections and 56 in 2005. From 2005 to 2007, it was in the coalition government with two other parties (one right-wing and the other nationalist). Since then, it has no representatives in the PolishSejm.
It could be argued that the rulingLaw and Justice party exhibits forms of left-wing nationalism. (However, the party is more defined as either a right-wing nationalist.) On economic issues, the party takes partial stance against privatization and pushes for a strong state role in the market. On social issues, the party is very conservative and often alludes to the policies of the interwarsanation movement which was led byJózef Piłsudski.[95]
TheScottish independence movement is mainly left-wing and is spearheaded by theScottish National Party, who have been on thecentre-left since the 1970s.[96] There are other political parties from the political left in favour of Scottish independence, namely theScottish Greens, theScottish Socialist Party andSolidarity.
EH Bildu is the political coalition that represents leftistBasque nationalism, formed bySortu,Eusko Alkartasuna,Aralar andAlternatiba political parties. InCatalonia, there are two main political parties which defend the Catalan left-wing independentist movement, both with institutional representation, which are theRepublican Left of Catalonia andPopular Unity Candidacy. InGalicia the main opposition party in the autonomous parliamentGalician Nationalist Bloc,BNG advocates for Galicia to exert its national self-determination and conquer national sovereignty, always with a social and left-wing approach.
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InTurkey, theRepublican People's Party[97][98] and the Enlightenment Movement (Aydınlık Hareketi) have been synonymous with left-wing nationalism. The Enlightenment Movement has been advocated by thePatriotic Party.
InUkraine, the national question and the agrarian question especially before theRussian Revolution were highly entangled. This led to theBorotbists.[99]
Similarly to Scotland, there is a left-wing movement in Wales led byPlaid Cymru forWelsh independence. Since its founding in 1925, the party has been an anti-capitalist party due it seeing the English dominance capitalism as a threat on the Welsh language. Its second leaderSaunders Lewis wrote an article in the party's newspaper in opposition to capitalism in 1926.[100] During the 80s and 90s Plaid Cymru's agenda became more left-leaning on social issues with the party adopting policies of theNew Left.[101] Today Plaid Cymru campaigns on asocial-democratic policy with emphasis on being a party 'for the whole of Wales'.[102]
Cymdeithas yr Iaith, established in 1962, campaigns for Welsh language rights, left wing and Welsh nationalism causes usingnon-violent direct action.[103]
Welsh independence is also supported by theWales Green Party.[104]
During the 1890s, Australian-born novelists and poets such asHenry Lawson,Joseph Furphy andBanjo Paterson drew on thearchetype of the Australian bushman. These and other writers formulated the bush legend which included broadly left-wing notions thatworking classOutback Australians were democratic,egalitarian,anti-authoritarian and cultivatedmateship. However, terms like nationalist and patriotic were also utilised by pro-British Empire political conservatives, culminating with the formation in 1917 of theNationalist Party of Australia, which remained the main centre-right party until the late 1920s.
During the 1940s and 1950s, radical intellectuals, many of whom joined theCommunist Party of Australia (CPA), combined philosophical internationalism with a radical nationalist commitment toAustralian culture. This type of cultural nationalism was possible among radicals in Australia at the time because of the patriotic turn inComintern policy from 1941; the most common understanding of what it meant to be patriotic at the time was a kind of pro-imperial race patriotism and anti-British sentiment was until the late 1960s regarded as subversive; and radical nationalism dovetailed with a growing respect for Australian cultural output among intellectuals which was itself a product of the break in cultural supply chains—lead actors and scripts had always come from Britain and the United States—occasioned by the war.[105]
Post-war radical nationalists consequently sought tocanonise the bush culture which had emerged during the 1890s. The post-war radical nationalists interpreted this tradition as having implicitly or inherently radical qualities since they believed it meant that working-class Australians were naturally democratic and/or socialist. This view combined the CPA's commitment to the working class with the post-war intellectuals' own nationalist sentiments. The apotheosis of this line of thought was perhapsRussel Ward's bookThe Australian Legend (1958) which sought to trace the development of the radical nationalist ethos from itsconvict origins through bushranging, the Victorian gold rush, the spread of agriculture, the industrial strife of the early 1890s and its literary canonisation. Other significant radical nationalists included the historiansIan Turner, Lloyd Churchward,Robin Gollan,Geoffrey Serle andBrian Fitzpatrick, whom Ward described as the "spiritual father of all the radical nationalist historians in Australia";[106] and the writersStephen Murray-Smith,Judah Waten,Dorothy Hewett andFrank Hardy.
TheBarton government, which came to power following the first elections to the Commonwealth parliament in 1901 was formed by theProtectionist Party with the support of theAustralian Labor Party. The support of the Labor Party was contingent upon restricting non-white immigration, reflecting the attitudes of theAustralian Workers Union and other labour organisations at the time, upon whose support the Labor Party was founded.
At the start ofWorld War II, Labor Prime MinisterJohn Curtin reinforced the message of the White Australia policy by saying: "This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race".[107]
Labor Party leaderArthur Calwell supported the White European Australia policy. This is reflected by Calwell's comments in his 1972 memoirsBe Just and Fear Not in which he made it clear that he maintained his view that non-European people should not be allowed to settle in Australia, writing:
I am proud of my white skin, just as a Chinese is proud of his yellow skin, a Japanese of his brown skin, and the Indians of their various hues from black to coffee-coloured. Anybody who is not proud of his race is not a man at all. And any man who tries to stigmatize the Australian community as racist because they want to preserve this country for the white race is doing our nation great harm. [...] I reject, in conscience, the idea that Australia should or ever can become a multi-racial society and survive.[108]
The radical-nationalist tradition was challenged during the 1960s, during whichNew Left scholars interpreted much of Australian history—includinglabour history—as dominated by racism, sexism, homophobia and militarism.[109] Since the 1960s, it has been uncommon for those on the political left to claim Australian nationalism for themselves. The bush legend has survived the above changes in Australian culture as it informed much cultural output during the period of the new nationalism in the 1970s and 1980s, the language of Australian nationalism was adopted by centre-right politicians such as Prime MinisterJohn Howard for the political right during the 1990s.[110] In the 21st century, attempts by left-leaning intellectuals to reclaim nationalism for the left are few and far between.[111][112][113]
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After its1971 liberation war, Bangladesh wrote its binding beliefs to be for "Secularism, Nationalism and Socialism". For a long time,Bengali nationalism was promoted in Bangladesh while excluding other minorities which led to PresidentZiaur Rahman of theBangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to change Bengali nationalism toBangladeshi nationalism where all citizens of the country is equal under the law. This new nationalism in Bangladesh has been promoted by the BNP and theAwami League calling for national unity and cultural promotion. However, the BNP would later promote Islamic unity as well and has excluded Hindus from the national unity while bringing togetherBihari Muslims andChakma Buddhists. This is different from Awami League's staunch secularist stance of the national identity uniting all religious minorities.
Angola :People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola
Armenia :Armenian Revolutionary Federation
Argentina:Union for the Homeland
Brazil:Democratic Labour Party[114]
Cuba:Communist Party of Cuba[115]
Czech Republic:Enough!
France:La France Insoumise[116]
Germany :Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance – Reason and Justice
Greece :Course of Freedom,Democratic Social Movement,Panhellenic Socialist Movement (1974–1996)
Hungary :Hungarian Workers' Party
India :Forward Bloc
Indonesia :Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
Ireland:Sinn Féin,[117]Éirígí,Irish Republican Socialist Party,Republican Sinn Féin,Workers' Party
Israel:Israeli Labor Party,Meretz,Balad
Kosovo:Vetëvendosje
Libya:Popular Front for the Liberation of Libya
Mexico:National Regeneration Movement[118]
Moldova:Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova
North Korea:Workers' Party of Korea
North Macedonia:The Left
Palestine:Fatah,PFLP
Peru:Peruvian Nationalist Party
Philippines:Bagong Alyansang Makabayan,Makabayan,Akbayan,Communist Party of the Philippines
Poland:Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland
Romania:Social Democratic Party[119]
Russia:Communist Party of Russian Federation,Just Russia
Serbia:Socialist Party of Serbia
Slovakia:Direction – Social Democracy[120]
South Africa:African National Congress,Economic Freedom Fighters
South Korea:Progressive Party,People's Democracy Party
Spain:EH Bildu,Popular Unity Candidacy,Galician Nationalist Bloc,Republican Left of Catalonia[121][122]
Turkey:Patriotic Party,Republican People's Party[97][98]
United Kingdom:Social Democratic Party,Plaid Cymru,Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland,Social Democratic and Labour Party,Scottish Socialist Party,Workers Party of Britain,Scottish National Party
Venezuela:United Socialist Party of Venezuela
Democratic Republic of the Congo:Congolese National Movement,Unified Lumumbist Party
Georgia:Social Democratic Party of Georgia,Georgian Socialist-Federalist Revolutionary PartyGermany:National-Social Association,Old Social Democratic Party of Germany
Iraq:Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq RegionIsrael:Mapam,Mapai,Ahdut HaAvoda,Rafi,Ratz
Italy:Young Italy,Historical Far Left
Syria:Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Syria Region요컨대 한국인들은 피부색이 다르다고 무조건 거부하지 않는다는 것이다. 따라서 민족의 순혈주의니 피부색 배타성은 맞지 않는다. 코를 세우고 머리를 금발로 물들이고 피부를 하얗게 하는 것은 어제 오늘의 일이 아니다. 한국인들은 백인을 닮았다고 하면 좋아하지만 흑인을 닮았다고 하면 분노한다. ... 하인스 워드 신드롬에서 많이 지적되는 말이 있다. "하인스가 한국에 있었으면 그렇게 성공할 수 있었겠는가."[South Koreans do not unconditionally reject the difference in skin color. Therefore, it is not right to talk about 'Korean ethnic nationalism' or 'exclusivity to (all races, including whites) skin colors'. It is not new for South Koreans to raise their noses, dye their hair blonde and whiten their skin. South Koreans like to hear that they look like white people, but they get angry when they hear that they look like black people. ... There is a saying that is pointed out a lot in Hines Ward Syndrome: "Would Hines have succeeded if he was born in South Korea?"]
북한 정권은 왜 붕괴하지 않나? 북한은 철저한 반제국주의 국가다. 북한 정권이 수립될 때 만들어진 헌법에도 명시돼 있다.(in Korean)
속된 말로 일본인·중국인·미국인을 부를 때 우리는 쪽바리, 짱깨, 양키라고 한다. 일본인·중국인·미국인이라고 정명을 부른 기억은 별로 없다. 특별히 악의가 있거나 저의가 있어서 그런 것은 아니다. 생각 없이 부르지만, 그 말 속에는 민중들의 외세에 대한 거부 정서가 담겨있는 것이다. ... 이러한 멸칭들이 인종차별적인 태도에서 나왔으리라고 보지 않는다. 외세에 대한 국민정서적 거부감과 두려움, 그리고 일게 모르게 쌓인 적대감에서 나온 별칭이다.
Since 2005, conservative New Right scholars andprogressive-nationalist historians have been engaged in a fierce debate over the writing of modern and contemporary Korean history in high school textbooks.
The president's main ally in pushing through the textbook revision has been the Saenuri party chairperson Kim Moo-sung, whose own father was a prominent businessman during the Japanese occupation andactively encouraged Korean youths to enlist in the Imperial Army to fight in the Pacific war. Kim has been struggling to whitewash his family's history and downplay his intimate connections to the nation's corporate and media elite, and thus has been a passionate leader in the New Right movement, the ideological network behind the right wing revisionism.
그는 선거기간에 "전주시를 반미투쟁기지로 만들 수 없다"고 공격한 상대 후보들의 색깔론과 관련해 "선거운동 과정에서 가장 힘들었던 부분이었다. 민주당 소속이나 다름없는 후보가 윤석열 정권의 실정을 비판하기보다 색깔론 공격에 집중하는 게 말이 되느냐"고 꼬집었다. 실제 지역에선 친민주당 후보의 강 당선자에 대한 막판 색깔론 공세가 역풍을 불러왔다는 분석도 나온다.
Broadly speaking, the political left has been pro-independence; their notion of independence was historically shaped, particularly in the postwar period, by the wave of anticolonial uprisings across the world, as well as elements of Leninist conceptions of self-determination. ... ... and the DPP and other more pro-independence Taiwanese political parties bank on US imperialism as a way to ward off China.
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