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It has been accused of authoritarianism and contributing to democratic backsliding, and attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements.[33]
The party was created on a wave of popularity gained byLech Kaczyński while heading thePolish Ministry of Justice (June 2000 to July 2001) in theAWS-led government, although local committees began appearing from 22 March 2001.[28] The AWS itself was created from a diverse array of many small political parties.[28] In the2001 general election, PiS gained 44 (of 460) seats in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) with 9.5% of votes. In 2002, Lech Kaczyński was elected mayor ofWarsaw. He handed the party leadership to his twin brotherJarosław in 2003.[34]
In the2005 general election, PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS andCivic Platform (PO), would form a coalition government.[28] The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for thePolish presidency. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead ofDonald Tusk, the PO candidate.
After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become prime minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed byKazimierz Marcinkiewicz as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006, PiS formed a coalition government with the agrarian populistSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland and the nationalistLeague of Polish Families, headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. In September 2006 the coaliton was abruptly ended after the leftist Samoobrona protested Kaczyński's decision to send additional Polish troops to Afghanistan. PiS faced a threat of early election and sought to replace Samoobrona with thePolish People's Party. However, after a senior aide of Kaczyński was filmed secretly trying to bribe a Samoobrona MP to defect to PiS,Jarosław Kalinowski, the leader of the Polish People's Party, accused PiS of corruption and ruled out a coalition. Later, in October 2006, PiS was able to restore its coalition government with Samoobrona and LPR, and defeat the motion for early elections.[35]
In the2006 Polish local elections that took place in November 2006, PiS narrowly lost the contest for the first place with Civic Platform. However, the coalition partners of Law and Justice, Samoobrona and LPR, lost roughly two-thirds of their supports in the elections, questioning the stability of the coalition.[35] The coalition collapsed after Lepper was dismissed from his position as Deputy Prime Minister on 9 July 2007 over suspicions that he was involved in a corruption scandal.[36] It then emerged that the PiS-ledCentral Anticorruption Bureau organized asting operation against Lepper; as Samoobrona and LPR came to Lepper's defense, PiS dismissed all of their ministers from the government, effectively ending the coaliton.[37] On 6 September 2007, the Sejm was dissolved and the2007 snap election was called.[36]
In the2007 general election, PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, asCivic Platform (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats inPoland's Senate. The two partners of PiS from the 2006-2007, Samoobrona and LPR, fell below 5% and lost all theirs seats, despite polling around 5% shortly before the election.[36] In 2009, the government coalition led by Civic Platform and Polish People's Party chargedMariusz Kamiński, the head of the Central Anticorruption Bureau, with abuse of power in connection to the sting operation against Lepper.[37]
The party won the2015 parliamentary election, this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall ofcommunism. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However,Beata Szydło, perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS's candidate for prime minister.[41][42]
The party supported controversial reforms carried out by the HungarianFidesz party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that "a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw".[43] PiS's 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, theCommittee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD).[44] Law and Justice has Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as underminingjudicial independence.[50] While these reforms were initially unexpectedly vetoed by President Duda, he later signed them into law.[51] In 2017, the European Union began anArticle 7 infringement procedure against Poland due to a "clear risk of a serious breach" in therule of law and fundamental values of the European Union.[52]
The party has caused what constitutional law scholarWojciech Sadurski termed a "constitutional breakdown"[53] by packing theConstitutional Court with its supporters, undermining parliamentary procedure, and reducing the president's and prime minister's offices in favour of power being wielded extra-constitutionally by party leader Jarosław Kaczyński.[54] After eliminating constitutional checks, the government then moved to curtail the activities of NGOs and independent media, restrict freedom of speech and assembly, and reduce the qualifications required for civil service jobs in order to fill these positions with party loyalists.[54][55] The media law was changed to give the governing party control of the state media, which was turned into a partisan outlet, with dissenting journalists fired from their jobs.[54][56] Due to these political changes, Poland has been termed an "illiberal democracy",[57][58] "plebiscitarian authoritarianism",[59] or "velvet dictatorship with a façade of democracy".[60]
The party won reelection in the2019 parliamentary election. With 44% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in1989, but lost its majority in theSenate.[61][62][63]
TheUnited Right alliance placed first for the third straight election and won a plurality of seats but fell short of a Sejm majority. The opposition, consisting of theCivic Coalition,Third Way, andThe Left, achieved a combined total vote of 54%, managing to form a majoritycoalition government.[64][65] Although PiS would be unable to govern on its own, the Polish presidentAndrzej Duda stated his intention to re-appoint the incumbentMateusz Morawiecki as prime minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party.[66] The four opposition parties criticized Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former prime minister andEuropean Council PresidentDonald Tusk as their candidate.[67] Morawiecki's new cabinet, dubbed "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023.[66][68] As expected,the Morawiecki's government was defeated in the Sejm on 11 December 2023, effectively ending its tenure.
The Law and Justice candidate for the2025 Polish presidential election,Karol Nawrocki, won the election. The results mean that Law and Justice and its aligned presidential candidates have lost only one presidential election (in 2010) since the party’s founding 24 years ago.
On 29 August, the PKW ruled 5:3[71] to penalize PiS by refusing to return 10.8 million PLN for 36 million designated to it viaparty subsidy, alleging the party misused 3.6 million PLN of their provided campaign funds in the 2023 parliamentary election.[72] Despite PiS appealing the decision to theSupreme Court, the Supreme Court issued no verdict within the 60-day deadline. The party appealed to its members and supporters for financial aid in donations.[73] The PKW tied in a vote on 23 September regarding whether the committee recognizes the Supreme Court as valid considering the ongoingconstitutional crisis.[74] Further penalizations by the PKW on 18 November occurred thereafter, with the Commission ruling 5:4 to deprive PiS of its entire 75 million PLN subsidy for the three next years. PiS likewise appealed this decision to the Supreme Court,[75][76] which the Supreme Court ruled invalid on 11 December, obligating the PKW to return PiS its subsidy.[77] The Commission voted 5:4 to adjourn the meeting on 16 December without recognizing the Supreme Court or its ruling.[78] On 30 December, a re-vote was held on the matter of whether it recognizes the Supreme Court, ruling 4:3 in favor of recognizing its verdict on this matter, and accepting the Supreme Court's decision to return the funds to PiS.[79][80] Subsequently, the matter was relayed to theMinistry of Finance, in charge of granting subsidies.
In reaction to the ruling, several politicians commented. Prime Minister Donald Tusk stated onX that he does not recognize the PKW positively ruling on granting PiS its subsidy.[81] Marshal of the SejmSzymon Hołownia stated the need for a compromise that lets Poles decide on a President without the validity of the president-elect's mandate being disputed by different parties.[82] On 8 January 2025 Minister of FinanceAndrzej Domański refused to recognize the PKW's ruling affirming PiS is to be granted its subsidy, stating the verdict was written in a "self-contradictory" way.[83] Sylwester Marciniak, the PKW chairman, responded by stating the verdict was written clearly and demanding the Ministry grant PiS its allotted funds.[84] Prime Minister Tusk expressed doubt over the legal validity of the PKW verdict, defending his Minister.[85] A poll suggests 47.1% of Poles (98% of PiS voters, 71% of TD voters, 53% of Lewica voters) support PiS receiving the funds, and 46.9% (85% of PO voters, 80% of Konfederacja voters) are against.[86]
In January 2010, a breakaway faction led byJerzy Polaczek split from the party to formPoland Plus. Its seven members of the Sejm came from thecentrist,economically liberal wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice.
On 4 November 2011, MEPsZbigniew Ziobro,Jacek Kurski, andTadeusz Cymański were ejected from the party, after Ziobro urged the party to split further into two separate parties – centrist and nationalist – with the three representing the nationalist faction.[89] Ziobro's supporters, most of whom on the right-wing of the party, formed a new group in Parliament calledSolidary Poland,[90] leading to their expulsion, too.[91] United Poland was formed as a formally separate party in March 2012, but has not threatened Law and Justice in opinion polls.[92]
United Poland which would later becomeSovereign Poland merged with Law and Justice on 12 October 2024 during PiS congress in Przysucha.
Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the anti-communistSolidarity trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics), which was not a theocratic organisation.[93] Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backingSolidarity Electoral Action.[28]
Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party include miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, the unemployed, and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts voters who feel that economic liberalisation and European integration have left them behind.[94] The party's core support derives from older, religious people who value conservatism and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region of support is the southeastern part of the country. Voters without a university degree tend to prefer the party more than college-educated voters do.
Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of westernGalicia-Lodomeria andCongress Poland.[95] Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones.[citation needed] Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for a more liberal party likePO or.N. Still, PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.[citation needed]
David Ost [pl] distinguishes three main voters groups that form the base of Law and Justice's support. The first group are conservative Catholics, which support efforts to empower the Church and embrace anti-progressive, conservative social norms. The second group are secular intellectuals which are committed to "Polishness" and an enhanced international position of Poland; they support PiS to push back against the influence of the European Union, which they regard as a tool for Western domination. The third group are the working-class and poor voters that support PiS because of its economic policies which address the economic insecurity and wealth inequality of Poland. The workers that are particularly supportive of PiS are industrial workers and unionized labor, "where classic labor traditions are strongest." These workers also tend to be culturally conservative, which further aligns them with PiS.[98]
The trade unionSolidarity has emerged as a staunch ally of Law and Justice in 2015, when the party's presidential candidateAndrzej Duda signed a pledge to implement the economic reforms proposed by Solidarity. Ost wrote: "In its first two years in power, as already noted, PiS essentially delivered on each of the promises.The reduction of the retirement age, the increases in the minimum and hourly wage, the fight against “junk contracts,” the commitment to do battle with the EU in order to subsidize national industrial champions, the greater respect accorded to unions: All of this has made full-time manufacturing employees PiS’s most loyal working-class constituency."[98] Ost also notes that given the decline of trade unions in Poland, the PiS' vote potential lies in marginalized labor:
The big change in the last few years has been the entry of more marginal and precarious labor into the political fray, increasingly on the side of the extremist far right. These are the workers from small towns and cities, or from the fringes of the large cities: places where liberal prosperity never really reached. Unions here are virtually non-existent. Workers have few prospects for stable employment, [...] struggling to find some security. To this group PiS has appealed via nationalism. Instead of giving up home and family to be treated as second-class citizens in Manchester or Dublin, PiS promises, together we can build a strong Poland where you can stay home and thrive. For this group, nationalism is not just identity with a swagger, but a concrete economic appeal: We will build industry at home, we will renovate the places liberalism bypassed, and we will not allow Poles to be treated as neocolonial subjects. By regularly charging that previous governments turned Poland into a subordinate colony doing the hard labor for Western exploiters, PiS often sounds like old-school Latin American dependency theorists.[98]
The ideological roots of Law and Justice go back to the late 1980s to a Christian-democratic and nationalist wing of the Solidarity movement. The party derives from a dissident faction of Solidarity which felt alienated from the economically liberal policies of the post-communist Polish establishment. This faction was centered around Jarosław Kaczyński as well as President Lech Wałęsa, and was powerful, albeit briefly, in the early 1990s when the capitalist transition was in its early stages. However, it suddenly lost all influence when Kaczyński's party, Centre Agreement, failed to reach the newly-established 5% electoral threshold in the1993 Polish parliamentary election. This led the political movement that would later form PiS to spend the rest of the 1990s with only marginal political influence. It slowly started to re-establish itself in the late 1990s, as this period marked the strongest and most persistent wave of public dissatisfaction with economic liberalism and corruption.[99]
For the first years after its foundation, Law and Justice was characterized as a moderate,single-issue party narrowly focused on the issue of 'law and order', appealing to voters concerned about corruption and high crime rates.[100] In its 2002 assessment of Poland, theImmigration and Nationality Directorate led by the UK government described Law and Justice as "basically a law and order party".[101] In 2003, German political scientistNikolaus Werz classified Law and Justice as a centrist, law-and-order party that "advocates a strong state, the fight against corruption and the tightening of criminal law". Werz contrasted the moderation of PiS with the radicalism ofLeague of Polish Families, which he described as a nationalist and 'Catholic-fundamentalist' party.[102] In 2003, political scientists Wojciech Sokół and Marek Żmigrodzki classified PiS asChristian democratic.[103]
The party then started radicalizing and broadening its program following its victory in the2005 Polish parliamentary election. In 2006,Chicago Tribune wrote that "President Kaczynski's Law and Justice Party ran on a populist reform platform but veered sharply to the right after its victory". The same year, Polish journalistKrzysztof Bobiński [pl] wrote: "When they started out, the Kaczynski brothers were fairly mainstream … but now they've gotten into bed with the League of Polish Families and Samoobrona. They are moving to the right, and it's a pretty intolerant right."[104] The party had undergone a radical ideological change, abandoning its centrist position towards an increasingly populist and nationalist political orientation. This change was also marked by a pivot on the party's position towards the European Union - initially strongly supportive of European integration, PiS became an Eurosceptic party that criticized the EU from nationalist, protectionist, and anti-neoliberal perspectives.[105]
According to Polish political scientists Krzysztof Kowalczyk and Jerzy Sielski, Law and Justice had moved from a single-issue party in 2001 to a staunchly and broadly conservative one by 2006. They noted that by 2006 the party started calling for a "conservative revolution" that would restore traditional values to Poland, and gradually adopted right-wing populist rhetoric characterized by a "somewhat leftist" economical policy to undercut the appeal of far-right anti-capitalistLeague of Polish Families (LPR),agrarian socialistSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) and the agrarianPolish People's Party (PSL).[106] The populist pivot of PiS is credited with causing the electoral blowout of Samoobrona and LPR in the2007 Polish parliamentary election.[107]
Initially, the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than theCivic Platform.[94] It has adopted thesocial market economy rhetoric similar to that of western EuropeanChristian democratic parties.[28] In the2005 election, the party shifted to theprotectionist left on economics.[94] As prime minister,Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was moreeconomically liberal than the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to Civic Platform.[108] In 2005, Law and Justice made Civic Platform its main ideological opponent despite their previous closeness - Law and Justice posed a difference between Civic Platform's "liberal Poland" and its "social Poland". The former was marked by economic liberalism, austerity, deregulation and "serving the rich". In contrast, Law and Justice stressed its "social" character, pledging policies that would help the poor. The party attacked Civic Platform's flat tax proposal and advocated a much more active role of the state in the economy. Law and Justice also made "an offer to the left", stressing its economically left-wing policies.[109] This pivot led the leader of far-left Samoobrona, Andrzej Lepper, to endorse Lech Kaczyński in the2005 Polish presidential election, arguing that left-wing voters must vote against the neoliberalism of Civic Platform; Lepper also justified his decision on the basis of Kaczyński's declarations in support of funding social welfare, fighting unemployment and taking a tougher stance towards the European Union.[110]
The party supports a state-guaranteed minimumsocial safety net and extensive state intervention in the economy, and argues that a "more socially sensitive and less market-dominated" economic system is necessary.[120] It advocates progressive taxation that would redistribute the wealth from the wealthy to the poor, and it supports a large-scale social housing program. The party promised and implemented tax and welfare benefits to married couples and family. It also adheres to the principles ofeconomic nationalism, postulating state control over key sectors of the economy.[11] It seeks to increase healthcare spending to 6% of the Polish GDP, and nationalize hospital debts.[121] During the 2015 election campaign, it proposed tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as a reduction of theVAT rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates). In 2019, the lowest personal income tax threshold was decreased from 18% to 17%.[122]
Law and Justice is described as state-interventionist and anti-privatisation, opposing flat tax and favoring awelfare state based on extensively developed state-run health service. In its 2006-2007 government, it committed to expanding welfare spending and the role of the state in the economy, often at expense of foreign investors and theEuropean Commission. It halted the construction of foreign-owned supermarkets and prevent the existing ones from opening on Sundays in an effort to prevent monopolization. In 2006, it also set up commissions to investigate and scrutinize sale of Polish banks to foreign entities after 1989, and to investigate the role of thePolish Central Bank in privatization.[35] In 2019, the party introduced a bill proposing a financial benefit in the form of a13th pension, intended for retirees and pensioners receiving the minimum old-age pension on 1 May 2019.[123] And subsequently on an annual basis starting in 2020.[124] A14th pension was introduced on 21 January 2021 and is now paid out with13th pension.[125]
PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans. The party also opposes foreign ownership of crucial industries and businesses, and proposed buying back the largest convenience store chain in Poland,Żabka, from its foreign owners.[126] It also supports state provideduniversal health care.[127] PiS has been also described asstatist,[131]protectionist,[135]solidarist,[136] andinterventionist.[137] It also holdsagrarianist views.[138] Given the redistributive and protectionist agenda of the party as well as its focus on welfare and nationalization, political scientists classify Law and Justice as economically left-wing.[5][6][7][8][9][11]Stephen Park Turner likewise classified it as having "economically leftist policies on trade and welfare."[10] It has also been described as economically left-leaning by theCentre for European Reform,[13]Reuters,[14] and The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics.[15] Political economist Cédric M. Koch wrote that PiS combines "political communitarianism with neo-socialist economic views".[120]
The economic policies of Law and Justice marked a notable departure from the economically liberal policies of other Polish governments. The party rallies against the "Republic of the Rich", highlighting the wealth inequality in Poland and the need for redistribution and welfare expansion.[139] The party's former Prime MinisterMateusz Morawiecki stated: "It turns out that the rules of capitalism are not sacred, inviolable and uniform... in the new Polish economic and social model we are demonstrating to Europe how social solidarity can be coupled with dynamic economic development. Solidarism should be that economic system."[140] Morawiecki also asserted that the "socialist working-class thought is deeply rooted in the philosophy of Law and Justice".[141] Jarosław Kaczyński in turn argued: "The left has completely lost its social sensitivity (...), social sensitivity is here today, among other places, right where I am at this moment. And if it were to be associated with left-wing politics — because it is obviously not true that social sensitivity has ever been the monopoly of the left — then it has to be said that the left is here, not there."[142] Political scientists Haris Dajč and Natasza Styczyńska write of a political realignment that Law and Justice embodies:
Polish voters generally orient themselves by comparing to their experience of communism and to the subsequent transition. Individuals on the political left are frequently equally positive about the transition and secularism. Those on the radical right frequently advocate breaching of the 1989 imaginary and support of an active role of the Church in public affairs. The second notable feature of the Polish voter is the alignment of the political right with the working class. There is a collective perception that the left is an elites’ project. Therefore, the political rationale is for the right to become an anti-elitist representative of the ordinary people. That can be illustrated by the alliance between the Solidarity Trade Union, the biggest labour group in the country, with the Law and Justice Party.[143]
Writing on the economic policies of Law and Justice and their character, American political scientistDavid Ost [pl] wrote:
So, since winning power for the second time in 2015, PiS has taken real efforts to tame economic liberalism. It reversed the previous government’s hiking of the retirement age, offered new drug benefits for the elderly, and has initiated a broad program for the construction of new affordable housing. It has limited employer use of insecure short-term “junk contracts,” and raised the guaranteed hourly minimum to 13 złotys (nearly $4), a significant increase upon prevailing informal standards. Its hallmark social policy has been a new child-benefit program, with a monthly payment of 500 złotys (about $140) to parents of each second and additional child under eighteen, paid for, in part, by a new surcharge tax imposed on foreign-owned banks and insurance companies. For the many hundreds of thousands of working parents earning only 2,000–2,500 złotys a month, this meant a sudden untaxed pay raise of twenty or even forty percent. Within a year, children living in extreme poverty declined by a third. Single mothers found themselves able to quit overly exploitative jobs and seek other options. [...] With such rhetoric and policies, PiS is embracing a project that really deserves the name it is impossible to apply: national socialism.[98]
The economic views and policies of Law and Justice derive from the Polish political partySelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) led byAndrzej Lepper. Law and Justice appropriated the economic rhetoric and views of Samoobrona following its complete collapse in the2007 Polish parliamentary election.[144] Samoobrona is an economically far-left party, much further left than parties of post-communist origin such as the social-democraticDemocratic Left Alliance.[145] After Samoobrona and the far-right anti-capitalist League of Polish Families (LPR) formed a coalition with PiS in 2006 in order to prevent the neoliberal Civic Platform from coming to power, Law and Justice managed to claim the voters of both parties by "taking up economically inclusionary discourse from the originally left-wing Self-Defence and outbidding the LPR on cultural conservatism".[120]
Ever since, Law and Justice has been critical of the capitalist transformation in Poland, accusing the 1990s Polish cabinets of 'choosing the wrong path of transformation after the 1989 system change' and leading to 'beneficiaries under such capitalist conditions [having] become undeservedly privileged'.[120] Rakib Ehsan argues that PiS pursues a "brand of ‘red and blue’ politics – social-democratic economics combined with socio-cultural conservatism".[146] Similarly, Polish political scientist Marek M. Kamiński described PiS as "culturally conservative, economically social democratic".[147]Foreign Affairs remarked that the program of PiS "amounts to a very leftist (or, rather, a Catholic socialist) set of economic policies", listing policies such as increasing minimum wage, abolishing short-term job contracts, limiting self-employment contracts abused by employers to avoid benefit payments, decreasing retirement age, increasing family benefits, implementing social payments for large families, and enacting a special tax on foreign banks' assets and foreign big stores.[148]
Igor S. Putintsev wrote that "the political views of PiS are 70% right-wing and socioeconomic ones 100% left-wing", arguing that PiS pursuses a "proactive and consistent social policy", which included its 500+ state program, annulment of neoliberal pension reforms carried out under Civic Platform and reduction in retirement age. Putintsev credited PiS with constructing "a Polish model of a modern welfare state".[149] The party claims to represent the "marginalised vast majority of Poles" who had to bear the costs of capitalist transformation, and states that its main goal is to provide the "common man its fair economic share of societal resources". Law and Justice is highly critical ofneoliberalism, describing it as "anti-family" and arguing that neoliberal policies are responsible for social inequality, as well as maximizing profit at the cost of the "ordinary people" and "Catholic values". The party proposes increasing social benefit payments, raising the minimum wage, increasing expenditures on child nutrition and benefits to worse-off families. It also postulates more subsidies and state control of the Polish infrastructure, and expansion of the healthcare and education system. The party also opposes privatization, stating: "We cannot deprive the state of influence and responsibility for the social order, in particular for the weakest social groups whose situation as a result of the transformation has been rapidly deteriorating."[120]
PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing thepresident the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of theSejm andSenat, and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy. PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions.
PiS is a strong supporter oflustration (lustracja), a verification system created ostensibly to combat the influence of theCommunist era security apparatus in Polish society. While current lustration laws require the verification of those who serve in public offices, PiS wants to expand the process to include university professors, lawyers, journalists, managers of large companies, and others performing "public functions". Those found to have collaborated with thesecurity service, according to the party, should be forbidden to practice in their professions.
The party is in favour of strengthening thePolish Army through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernisation of army equipment. The party supports Polish membership in NATO, arguing that Poland should fulfill its military obligations and aspire to become one of the countries that shape NATO policy. In its 2001 program, the party called for maintaining compulsory military service, but shortening it as much as possible, writing: "PiS will strive to shorten the duration of compulsory military service to the extent possible, so that it is limited to the conscript training process. Universal military service should be imposed on the best conscripts, raising the level of the reserves and creating appropriate social role models. We will support the development of an attractive military training programme for students and a military class programme in secondary schools, together with an appropriate incentive system."[150]
Later the party abandoned its support of military draft - it planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012; in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland. It is also in favour of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations,NATO and United States, in countries likeAfghanistan andIraq.[150] The party moderated its policies in the wake of its coalition with far-left Samoobrona and far-right LPR in 2006, as both parties demanded withdrawal of Polish troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and distancing Poland from the European Union.[151]
Ever since its founding in 2001, Law and Justice had a catalogue of complex reforms in the sphere of defence and national security, which it also connected to economic matters. The party postulates a national security law that would expand the legal capabilities of special and public security services. Law and Justice proposed monitoring key industries such as energy, telecommunications, banking as well as stock exchange, including taking note of the ownership situation in these economic sectors and the main companies operating in these fields. The national security act and extensive monitoring of the economy were to provide the basis for the Polish government to safeguard economic security by partial or complete compulsory state buyouts of companies "whose operation on the market creates a direct or potential threat to national security". In this way, the party connected its anti-privatization views with its law-and-order proposals.[150]
PiS is eurosceptic,[152][153][154] although the party supports integration with theEuropean Union on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening cooperation in areas of energy security and military operations, but is sceptical about closer political integration. It is against the formation of a Europeansuperstate or federation. PiS is in favour of a strong political and military alliance between Poland and the United States. In 2006, Kaczyński spoke of the EU: "My opinion of the EU is the following: A super state which polarizes countries' areas of competence but which at the same time is rather helpless because it only has a symbolic budget... The EU is an artificial creation."[35] In theEuropean Parliament, it is a member of theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists, agroup founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of theEuropean Parliament and address the perceiveddemocratic deficit existing at a European level.
Law and Justice has frequently expressedanti-German,[155][156][157] andanti-Russian stances.[158][159][160] It has taken a hardline stance against Russia in its foreign policy since the party's foundation.[161] The party vocally advocated for military aid toUkraine during the 2022Russian invasion of Ukraine, but announced it would halt arms transfers in September 2023 following disagreements over the export of Ukrainian grain to Poland.[162] The party has been described as divided between pro-Ukrainian and anti-Ukrainian factions.[163]
The party strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party and encourages married couples to have more children. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build three million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples start a family. Once in government, it passed legislation lengtheningparental leaves.
In 2017, the PiS government commenced the so-called "500+" programme under which all parents residing in Poland receive an unconditional monthly payment of 500 PLN for each second and subsequent child (the 500 PLN support for the first child being linked to income). It also revived the idea of a housing programme based on state-supported construction of inexpensive housing units.
Also in 2017, the party's MPs passed a law that bans most retail trade on Sundays on the premise that workers will supposedly spend more time with their families.
The party isanti-abortion and supports further restrictions onPoland's abortion laws which are already one of the most restrictive in Europe. PiS opposes abortion resulting fromfoetal defects[182] which is currently allowed until specific foetal age.
In 2016, PiS supported legislation to ban abortion under all circumstances, and investigate miscarriages. After theblack Protests the legislation was withdrawn.[183]
In October 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that one of three circumstances (foetal defects) is unconstitutional. However, many constitutionalists argue that this judgement is invalid.
In April 2018, the PiS government announced a PLN 23 billion (EUR 5.5 billion) programme (named "Accessibility+") aimed at reducing barriers for disabled people, to be implemented 2018–2025.[184][185]
Also in April 2018, parents of disabled adults who required long-term care protested in Sejm over what they considered inadequate state support, in particular, the reduction of support once the child turns 18.[186][187] As a result, the monthly disability benefit for adults was raised by approx. 15 per cent to PLN 1,000 (approx. EUR 240) and certain non-cash benefits were instituted, although protesters' demands of an additional monthly cash benefit were rejected.
The party opposes theLGBT movement and many of its postulates, in particularsame-sex marriages and any other form of legal recognition of same-sex couples. In 2020, Poland was ranked the lowest of any European Union country for LGBT rights byILGA-Europe.[188] The organisation also highlighted instances ofanti-LGBT rhetoric and hate speech by politicians of the ruling party.[189][190]
In 2016,Beata Szydło's government disbanded the Council for the Prevention of Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Intolerance, an advisory body set up in 2011 by then-Prime MinisterDonald Tusk. The council monitored, advised and coordinated government action against racism, discrimination and hate crime.[192][193]
Many local towns, cities,[194][195] andVoivodeship sejmiks[196] comprising a third of Poland's territory have declared their respective regions asLGBT-free zones with the encouragement of the ruling PiS.[197][194] Polish PresidentAndrzej Duda, who was the Law and Justice party's candidate for presidency in 2015 and 2020, stated that "LGBT is not people, it's an ideology which is worse than Communism."[198][199] During his successful 2020 election campaign, he pledged he would ban teaching about LGBT issues in schools;[200] he also proposed changing the constitution to ban LGBT couples from adopting children.[201]
Academic research has characterised Law and Justice as a partially nationalist party,[209] but PiS's leadership rejects this label.[d] Both Kaczyńskis look up for inspirations to the pre-warSanacja movement with its leaderJózef Piłsudski, in contrast to the nationalistEndecja that was led by Piłsudski's political archrival,Roman Dmowski.[213] However, parts of the party, especially the faction aroundRadio Maryja, are inspired by Dmowski's movement.[214] Polish far-right organisations and parties such asNational Revival of Poland,National Movement andAutonomous Nationalists regularly criticise PiS's relative ideological moderation and its politicians for "monopolizing" official political scene by playing on the popular patriotic and religious feelings.[215][216][217] However, the party does include several overtly nationalist politicians in senior positions, such as Digital Affairs MinisterAdam Andruszkiewicz, the former leader of theAll-Polish Youth;[218] and deputy PiS leader and former Defence MinisterAntoni Macierewicz, the founder of theNational-Catholic Movement.[219] It has been also described asnational-conservative.[220][221][222]
PiS opposed the quota system for mass relocation of immigrants proposed by the European Commission to address the 2015European migrant crisis. This contrasted with the stance of their main political opponents, theCivic Platform, which have signed up to the commission's proposal.[223] Consequently, in the campaign leading to the2015 Polish parliamentary election, PiS adopted the discourse typical of thepopulist-right, linking national security with immigration.[224] Following the election, PiS sometimes utilised Islamophobic rhetoric to rally its supporters.[225]
Examples of anti-migration and anti-Islam comments by PiS politicians when discussing the European migrant crisis:[226] in 2015,Jarosław Kaczyński stated that Poland can not accept any refugees because "they could spread infectious diseases."[227] In 2017, the first Deputy Minister of JusticePatryk Jaki stated that "stoppingIslamization is hisWesterplatte".[228] In 2017, Interior minister of PolandMariusz Błaszczak stated that he would like to be called "Charles the Hammer whostopped the Muslim invasion of Europe in the 8th century". In 2017, Deputy Speaker of the SejmJoachim Brudziński stated during the pro-party rally inSiedlce; "if not for us (PiS), they (Muslims) would have built mosques in here (Poland)."[229]
Parts of this article (those related to internal factions) need to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. Last update: 2020(October 2025)
Law and Justice is divided into many internal factions, but they can be grouped into three main blocs.[235]
As part of theUnited Right coalition, that won 20 seats in total.
*Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic.
^During the 2008Polish Independence Day celebrations,Lech Kaczyński said in his speech during the visit to the city ofElbląg that "the state is a great value, and attachment to the state, to one's fatherland, we call patriotism – beware of the word nationalism, as nationalism is evil!"[210] On the same day during the celebrations in Warsaw, L. Kaczyński again stated: "patriotism doesn't equal nationalism."[211] In 2011,Jarosław Kaczyński criticised pre-warPolish nationalism for "its intellectual, political and moral failure" by emphasising that the movement "did not know how to deal with and solve the problems ofPolish minorities."[212]
^"Historia PiS".e-sochaczew.pl (in Polish). Retrieved11 November 2023.
^Drabik, Piotr (1 June 2023)."PiS nie jest największą partią w Polsce. "Liczy się tylko kartel czterech"".Radio ZET (in Polish).Drugie miejsce należy do Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, które przez 22 lata istnienia mocno ugruntowało się także w terenie. Sekretarz generalny partii Krzysztof Sobolewski przekazał nam, że ugrupowanie rządzące ma ok. 48 tys. członków. - Najwięcej w województwie mazowieckim - dodał. Na pytanie, jak liczebność PiS zmieniła się w ostatnich trzech latach, odpowiedział tylko: - Znacząco wzrosła. [Second place belongs to Law and Justice, which has also become firmly established on the ground over its 22 years of existence. The party's general secretary Krzysztof Sobolewski told us that the ruling grouping has around 48,000 members. - The largest number in the Mazowieckie Voivodeship," he added. When asked how the size of PiS had changed in the last three years, he replied only: - It has increased significantly.]
^abcHeinö, Andreas Johansson[in Swedish] (April 2024)."Authoritarian Populism Index".Timbro. European Policy Information Center: 247.Over its eight years in power, PiS eroded democratic structures in Poland. Additionally, the party has articulated a clear nationalism and adopted staunchly conservative positions on various social issues such as LGBTQ rights and abortion rights. In economic policy, the party has positioned itself slightly left of center, consistently investing in welfare, social transfers, and the like.
^abcSnegovaya, Maria (2024).When Left Moves Right: The Decline of the Left and the Rise of the Populist Right in Postcommunist Europe. Oxford University Press. p. 146.doi:10.1093/oso/9780197699027.001.0001.ISBN978-0-19-769902-7.By positioning itself as a culturally rightist but economically leftist party, PiS attracted voters who in the past may have voted for the left.
^abcSnegovaya, Maria (2018).Ex-Communist Party Choices and the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe(PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). Columbia University. pp. 1–2.Interestingly, this mixture of socialist and conservative attitudes in the electoral platforms of these parties and politicians does not fit the usual left-right divide. For example, while the Slovak National Party, Jobbik in Hungary, or Law and Justice in Poland are often referred to as "radical right" parties, their economic programs are as leftwing as those of many old left parties.
^abcOuthwaite, William;Turner, Stephen (2023).The SAGE Handbook of Political Sociology. Vol. 1. SAGE Publications. p. 112.ISBN978-1-4739-1946-4.And this makes sense, given that many such parties (e.g. the National Front in France, the Law and Justice Party in Poland) offer platforms combining socially conservative policies on crime and immigration with economically leftist policies on trade and welfare.
^abcSobczak, Paweł; Goettig, Marcin (6 October 2016)."Polish parliament rejects near-total abortion ban after protests".Reuters.Since winning a parliamentary majority last October, the economically left-leaning PiS has appeared firmly in control, thanks to a mix of generous welfare payouts, promises to help poorer Poles and nationalist rhetoric laced with Catholic piety.
^abcFagan, Adam; Kopecký, Petr (2017).The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics (1st ed.). Routledge. p. 2018.ISBN9780367500092.The weakening of ex-communist parties in Hungary and Poland coincided with the rise of economically left-leaning but socially conservative parties - Fidesz and Law and Justice (PiS), respectively.
^abKopshteyn, Georgy (2023).An Enquiry Concerning the Ideational Relationship Between Liberal Democracy and Populism in the European Union(PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). King’s College London. p. 227.Overall, PiS' economic policies have been rather left-leaning and were characterised by increased market regulation, economic state intervention, the redistribution of wealth, and the expansion of the welfare state (for the categorisation of PiS as an economically left-leaning populist party, see Inglehart and Norris 2016: 44; see also Jasiecki 2019: 134).
^Bogalska-Martin, Ewa (2019)."Implementing a "non-discrimination" policy in a country "without foreigners": the case of Poland".Management & Gouvernance: Entreprises. Territoires. Sociétés: 8.The conservative and nationalist parties founded in the context of the integration of Poland into the EU in the 2000s (such as the League of Polish Families and the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland party, and the formation of the Right and Justice - PiS in 2001) gradually seized and modified this model.
^Havlík, Vratislav; Hloušek, Vít (2021). "Varying Degrees of Illiberalism: Comparison and Discussion".Illiberal Trends and Anti-Eu Politics in East Central Europe.Palgrave Macmillan. p. 127.ISBN9783030546731.In the case of Law and Justice, the notion of 'illiberalism' itself does not appear; but the very detailed doctrine of the party overall provides a set of characteristics of illiberal ideology that can be more easily grasped than in Hungary: a mistrust of the separation of powers, a mistrust of pluralism (of social and cultural pluralism perhaps even more than of political pluralism), a Christian social and national politically conservative position, exaggerated anti-communism, Euroscepticism and a left paternalist economic policy.
Fomina, Joanna; Kucharczyk, Jacek (2016)."Populism and Protest in Poland".Journal of Democracy.27 (4):58–68.doi:10.1353/jod.2016.0062.S2CID152254870.The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism... the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989.
Jaskulowski, Krzysztof; Majewski, Piotr (2023)."Populist in form, nationalist in content? Law and Justice, nationalism and memory politics".European Politics and Society.24 (4):461–476.doi:10.1080/23745118.2022.2058752.PiS is building a state subordinated to the ideology of an ethnic-authoritarian nationalism... After winning the elections in 2015, PiS began the process of taking over the museum and to staff it with its own people, finally succeeding in April 2017 despite various protests and court cases.
Ryzak, C. (2020)."The Law and Justice Party's Moral Pseudo-Revolution".Dissent.67 (4). Project MUSE:138–147.doi:10.1353/dss.2020.0077.The danger that PiS's authoritarianism poses for labor was evident... a total ban on abortions was overwhelmingly opposed by the Polish population, leading to large women's protests in the streets.
^"Jarosław Kaczyński - życiorys i poglądy".Forsal.pl (in Polish). 17 June 2010.Od 2001 roku J. Kaczyński przewodniczył klubowi parlamentarnemu PiS. W 2003 roku został prezesem PiS, zastępując na tej funkcji brata, gdy Lech Kaczyński został prezydentem Warszawy. [From 2001, J. Kaczyński chaired the Law and Justice parliamentary club. In 2003, he became President of the Law and Justice party, replacing his brother in this position when Lech Kaczyński became Mayor of Warsaw.]
^Karolewski, Ireneusz Paweł (2016). "Protest and participation in post-transformation Poland: The case of the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD)".Communist and Post-Communist Studies.49 (3):255–267.doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.003.
^Moberg, Andreas (2020). "When the Return of the Nation-State Undermines the Rule of Law: Poland, the EU, and Article 7 TEU".The European Union and the Return of the Nation State: Interdisciplinary European Studies. Springer International Publishing. pp. 59–82.ISBN978-3-030-35005-5.
^Sadurski, Wojciech (2019).Poland's Constitutional Breakdown. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-884050-3.
^abcTworzecki, Hubert (2019)."Poland: A Case of Top-Down Polarization".The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.681 (1):97–119.doi:10.1177/0002716218809322.S2CID149662184.Lacking the two-thirds of majority needed to change the constitution outright, as Hungary's government had done several years earlier, PiS sought to accomplish the same goal through ordinary legislation. When the Constitutional Tribunal objected, its rulings were ignored until it could be packed with government supporters, some of whom were sworn in by the president—a strong partisan of PiS himself, who made no effort to stand in the government's way—in a rushed, middle-of-the-night ceremony. The national legislature was likewise turned into a rubber-stamp body through routine side-stepping of parliamentary procedure.
^Zawadzka, Z (17 December 2018)."Polish Productions about Polish Problems". In Robson, Peter; Schulz, Jennifer L. (eds.).Ethnicity, Gender, and Diversity: Law and Justice on TV. Lexington Books. p. 123.ISBN978-1-4985-7291-0.On January 7, 2016, the amendment of the Radio and Television Act of December 29, 1992 was signed into law, enabling the conservative government to control the state media.;"Poland".RSF.Reporters without borders. Retrieved27 September 2020.Partisan discourse and hate speech are still the rule within state-owned media, which have been transformed into government propaganda mouthpieces. Their new directors tolerate neither opposition nor neutrality from employees and fire those who refuse to comply.;Surowiec, Paweł; Kania-Lundholm, Magdalena; Winiarska-Brodowska, Małgorzata (2020)."Towards illiberal conditioning? New politics of media regulations in Poland (2015–2018)".East European Politics.36 (1):27–43.doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1608826.S2CID164430720.
^Folvarčný, Adam; Kopeček, Lubomír (2020). "Which conservatism? The identity of the Polish Law and Justice party".Politics in Central Europe.16 (1): 180.doi:10.2478/pce-2020-0008.ISSN1801-3422.
^Nikolaus Werz[in German] (30 April 2003).Populismus: Populisten in Übersee und Europa. Analysen. Vol. 79 (1 ed.). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Wiesbaden. pp. 165–166.ISBN978-3-663-11110-8.
^Krzysztof Kowalczyk; Jerzy Sielski (2006).Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej (in Polish). Dom Wydawniczy DUET. pp. 229–230.ISBN978-83-89706-84-3.
^Seongcheol Kim (2022).Discourse, Hegemony, and Populism in the Visegrád Four. Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy. Routledge. pp. 213–214.ISBN978-1-003-18600-7.
^Millard, Frances (2007). "The 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland".Electoral Studies.26. Colchester: University of Essex: 213.doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2006.03.001.
^Thomeczek, Jan Philipp (2024). "Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): Left-Wing Authoritarian—and Populist? An Empirical Analysis".Politische Vierteljahresschrift.65 (1). Springer: 552.doi:10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z.hdl:10419/315570.According to the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (Bakker et al. 2019), there are several parties with a similar left-authoritarian profile in Europe. Examples are the Social Democratic Party in Romania (PSD), the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), and far-left parties such as the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). Furthermore, a similar profile is found in the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland (Hillen and Steiner 2020, p. 344), which led the government for almost 20 years.
^abHillen, Sven; Steiner, Nils D. (2019). "The consequences of supply gaps in two-dimensional policy spaces for voter turnout and political support: The case of economically left-wing and culturally right-wing citizens in Western Europe".European Journal of Political Research.59 (2). European Consortium for Political Research: 14.doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12348.By 'left-authoritarians', we refer to individuals with left-wing positions on economic policy combined with authoritarian, conservative and nationalist positions on cultural policy issues [...] there are many left-authoritarian parties in Eastern Europe, including major ones like the Polish PiS.
^Krzysztof Kowalczyk; Jerzy Sielski (2006).Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej (in Polish). Toruń: Dom Wydawniczy DUET. p. 222.ISBN978-83-89706-84-3.
^Vasilopoulou, Sofia (2018). "The Radical Right and Euroskepticism". In Rydgren, Jens (ed.).The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-027455-9.
^Guerra, Simona (2020). "The Historical Roots of Euroscepticism in Poland".Euroscepticisms: The Historical Roots of a Political Challenge. Brill.ISBN978-90-04-42125-7.
^Henceroth, Nathan (2019). "Open Society Foundations". In Ainsworth, Scott H.; Harward, Brian M. (eds.).Political Groups, Parties, and Organizations that Shaped America. ABC-CLIO. p. 739.
^Krzyżanowska, Natalia; Krzyżanowski, Michał (2018). "'Crisis' and Migration in Poland: Discursive Shifts, Anti-Pluralism and the Politicisation of Exclusion".Sociology.52 (3):612–618.doi:10.1177/0038038518757952.S2CID149501422.
^Henceroth, Nathan (2019). "Open Society Foundations". In Ainsworth, Scott H.; Harward, Brian M. (eds.).Political Groups, Parties, and Organizations that Shaped America. ABC-CLIO. p. 739.
^Krzyżanowski, Michał (2018). "Discursive Shifts in Ethno-Nationalist Politics: On Politicization and Mediatization of the "Refugee Crisis" in Poland".Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies.16 (1–2):76–96.doi:10.1080/15562948.2017.1317897.S2CID54068132.
^Żuk, Piotr (2018). "Nation, national remembrance, and education — Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice".Nationalities Papers.46 (6):1046–1062.doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1381079.S2CID158161859.
^Żuk, Piotr; Żuk, Paweł (2019). "Dangerous Liaisons between the Catholic Church and State: the religious and political alliance of the nationalist right with the conservative Church in Poland".Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe.27 (2–3):191–212.doi:10.1080/25739638.2019.1692519.S2CID211393866.
^Hloušek, Vít; Kopeček, Lubomír (2010),Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared, Ashgate, p. 196
^Nordsieck, Wolfram (2019)."Poland". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved28 November 2019.
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