Theisland is home to a population of just under 6,000 and is a special territory ofChile. According to census data,[4] there are 9,399 people (on both the island and the Chilean mainland) who identify as ethnically Rapa Nui. Census data does not exist on the primary known and spoken languages among these people. In 2008, the number of fluent speakers was reported as low as 800.[5] Rapa Nui is a minority language and many of its adult speakers also speakSpanish. Most Rapa Nui children now grow up speaking Spanish and those who do learn Rapa Nui begin learning it later in life.[6]
The Rapa Nui language is isolated within Eastern Polynesian, which also includes theMarquesic andTahitic languages. Within Eastern Polynesian, it is closest to Marquesan morphologically, although its phonology has more in common withNew Zealand Māori, as both languages are relatively conservative in retaining consonants lost in other Eastern Polynesian languages.
One of the most important recent books written about the language of Rapa Nui is Verónica du Feu'sRapanui (Descriptive Grammar) (ISBN0-415-00011-4).
Very little is known about the Rapa Nui language prior to European contact. The majority of Rapa Nui vocabulary is inherited directly from Proto–Eastern Polynesian. Due to extensive borrowing from Tahitian there now often exist two forms for what was the same word in the early language. For example, Rapa Nui has Tahitianʻite alongside originaltikeꞌa for 'to see', both derived from Proto-Eastern Polynesian *kiteʻa. There are also hybridized forms of words such ashakaꞌite 'to teach', from nativehaka (causative prefix) and Tahitianʻite.
According to archaeologist José Miguel Ramírez "more than a dozenMapuche - Rapa Nuicognates have been described", chiefly bySebastian Englert.[7] Among these are the Mapuche/Rapa Nui wordstoki/toki (axe),kuri/uri (black) andpiti/iti (little).[7]
In 1770 a Spanish expedition led by cartographerFelipe González de Ahedo visited the island and recorded 94 words and terms. Many are clearly Polynesian, but several are not easily recognizable.[8] For example, the numbers from one to ten seemingly have no relation to any known language. They are compared with contemporary Rapa Nui words, in parentheses:
It may be that the list is a misunderstanding, and the words not related to numbers at all. The Spanish may have shown Arabic numerals to the islanders who did not understand their meaning, and likened them to some other abstraction. For example, the "moroqui" for number eight would have actually beenmoroki, a small fish that is used as a bait, since "8" can look like a simple drawing of a fish.[9]
A British expedition led byCaptain James Cook visited the island four years later, and had aTahitian interpreter with him, who, while recognizing some Polynesian words (up to 17 were written down), was not able to converse with the islanders in general. The British also attempted to record the numerals and were able to record the correct Polynesian words.[8]
In the 1860s the Peruvian slave raids began, as Peruvians were experiencing labor shortages and came to regard the Pacific as a vast source of free labor. Slavers raided islands as far away as Micronesia, but Rapa Nui was much closer and became a prime target.
In December 1862 eight Peruvian ships landed their crewmen and between bribery and outright violence they captured some 1,000 Rapanui, including the king, his son, and the ritual priests (one of the reasons for so many gaps in knowledge of the ancient ways). It has been estimated that 2,000 Rapanui were captured over a period of years. Those who survived to arrive in Peru were poorly treated, overworked, and exposed to diseases. Ninety percent of the Rapa Nui died within one or two years of capture.
Eventually the Bishop of Tahiti caused a public outcry and an embarrassed Peru rounded up the few survivors to return them. A shipload headed to Rapa Nui, but smallpox broke out en route and only 15 arrived at the island. They were put ashore. The resulting smallpox epidemic nearly wiped out the remaining population.
In the aftermath of the Peruvian slave deportations in the 1860s, Rapa Nui came under extensive outside influence from neighbouring Polynesian languages such as Tahitian. While the majority of the population that was taken to work as slaves in the Peruvian mines died of diseases and bad treatment in the 1860s, hundreds of other Islanders who left forMangareva in the 1870s and 1880s to work as servants or labourers adopted the local form of Tahitian-Pidgin. Fischer argues that this pidgin became the basis for the modern Rapa Nui language when the surviving part of the Rapa Nui immigrants on Mangareva returned to their almost deserted home island.[citation needed]
William J. Thomson, paymaster on theUSSMohican, spent twelve days on Rapa Nui from 19 to 30 December 1886. Among the data Thomson collected was theRapa Nui calendar.
FatherSebastian Englert,[10] a German missionary living on Easter Island during 1935–1969, published a partial Rapa Nui–Spanish dictionary in hisLa Tierra de Hotu Matuꞌa in 1948, trying to save what was left of the old language. Despite the many typographical mistakes, the dictionary is valuable, because it provides a wealth of examples which all appear drawn from a real corpus, part oral traditions and legends, part actual conversations.[11]
Englert recordedvowel length, stress, and glottal stop, but was not always consistent, or perhaps the misprints make it seem so. He indicated vowel length with acircumflex, and stress with anacute accent, but only when it does not occur where expected. Theglottal stop/ʔ/ is written as an apostrophe, but is often omitted. Thevelar nasal/ŋ/ is sometimes transcribed with a⟨g⟩, but sometimes with a Greek eta,⟨η⟩, as a graphic approximation of ⟨ŋ⟩.
It is assumed thatrongorongo, a possible undeciphered script once used on Rapa Nui, transcribes the old Rapa Nui language if it is indeed a formal writing system.
The island has been under the jurisdiction of Chile since 1888 and is now home to a number of Chilean continentals. The influence of the Spanish language is noticeable in modern Rapa Nui speech. As fewer children learn to speak Rapa Nui at an early age, their superior knowledge of Spanish affects the "passive knowledge" they have of Rapa Nui. A version of Rapanui interspersed with Spanish nouns, verbs and adjectives has become a popular form of casual speech.[12][13] The most well integrated borrowings are the Spanish conjunctionso (or),pero (but) andy (and).[DF 1] Spanish words such asproblema (problem), which was once rendered asporoporema, are now often integrated with minimal or no change.[14]
Spanish words are still often used within Rapanui grammatical rules, though some word order changes are occurring and it is argued that Rapanui may be undergoing a shift from VSO to the SpanishSVO. This example sentence was recorded first in 1948 and again in 2001 and its expression has changed from VSO to SVO.[15]
'They both suffer and weep'
1948:he ꞌaroha, he tatagi ararua
2001:ararua he ꞌaroha he tatagi
Rapa Nui's indigenous Rapanuitoponymy has survived with few Spanish additions or replacements, a fact that has been attributed in part to the survival of the Rapa Nui language.[16] This contrasts with the toponymy ofcontinental Chile, which has lost many of its indigenous names.[citation needed]
As present generation Rapa Nui speak Spanish as their first language in younger years and learn Rapa Nui later in life, flap/ɾ/ in word-initial position can be pronouncedalveolar trill[r].
All vowels can be either long or short and are always long when they are stressed in the final position of a word.[DF 2] Most vowel sequences are present, with the exception of*uo. The only sequence of three identical vowels iseee, also spelledꞌēē ('yes').[DF 3]
Written Rapanui uses theLatin script. The Latin alphabet for Rapanui consists of 20 letters:
A, Ā, E, Ē, H, I, Ī, K, M, N, Ŋ, O, Ō, P, R, T, U, Ū, V, ꞌ
The nasal velar consonant/ŋ/ is generally written with the Latin letter⟨g⟩, but occasionally as⟨ng⟩. In electronic texts, the glottal plosive/ʔ/ may be written with a (always lower-case)saltillo⟨ꞌ⟩ to avoid the problems of using the punctuation mark⟨'⟩.[PK 1] A special letter,⟨ġ⟩, is sometimes used to distinguish theSpanish/ɡ/, occurring in introduced terms, from the Rapa Nui/ŋ/.[DF 4] Similarly,/ŋ/ has been written⟨g̈⟩ to distinguish it from Spanish⟨g⟩. The IPA letter⟨ŋ⟩ is now also coming into use.[PK 1]
Thereduplication of whole nouns or syllable parts performs a variety of different functions within Rapa Nui.[DF 5] To describe colours for which there is not a predefined word, the noun for an object of a like colour is duplicated to form an adjective. For example:
The reduplication of the initial syllable in verbs can indicate plurality of subject or object. In this example the bolded section represents the reduplication of a syllable which indicates the plurality of the subject of a transitive verb:
The reduplication of the final two syllables of a verb indicates plurality or intensity. In this example the bolded section represents the reduplication of two final syllables, indicating intensity or emphasis:
Rapa Nui is, or until recently was, averb-initial language.
Rapa Nui can be said to have a basic two-way distinction in its words, much like other Polynesian languages. That is between full words, and particles.[PK 1] Full words occur in the head of the phrase and are mostly open classes (exceptions like locationals exist). Particles occur in fixed positions before or after the head, and have a high frequency. There also exists an intermediate category, Pro-Forms, which occur in the head of a phrase, and can be preceded or followed by a particle. Unlike full words, they do not have lexical meaning, and like particles, form a closed class. Pro-forms include personal, possessive and benefactive pronouns, as well as interrogative words. Additionally, two other intermediate categories are the negator (ꞌina) and the numerals. While both of them form a closed class, they are able to function as phrase nuclei.[PK 1]
Rapa Nui does not have one class of demonstratives, instead it has four classes of particles with demonstrative functions. Each class is made up of three particles of different degrees of distance; proximal, medial, or distal. This is a three-way distinction, similar toSamoan andMāori, two closely related languages from the same language family.Tongan, by contrast, has a two-way contrast.[18]
Rapa Nui speakers hence distinguish between entities that are close to the speaker (proximal), something at a medium distance or close to the hearer (medial), and something far away, removed from both the speaker and hearer (distal). This is called a person-oriented system, in which one of the demonstratives denotes a referent in proximity of the hearer.[19] For Rapa Nui speakers, that is the medial distinction,nei/ena/era. This system of spatial contrasts and directions is known as spatialdeixis, and Rapa Nui is full of ways to express this, be it through locationals, postverbal or postnominal demonstratives, or directionals.
These four classes that function as demonstratives are similar in form, but differ in syntactic status and have certain differences in functions.
The postnominal demonstratives are used to indicate different degrees of distance. They always occur on the right periphery of the noun phrase.[PK 3]
Postnominal demonstratives are obligatory when following a t-demonstrative (tau/tou/tū) unless the noun phrase contains the identity markerꞌā/ ꞌana. They can also co-occur with other determiners, like articles in this example:
Postnominal demonstratives can be used deictically or anaphorically. As deictic markers they are used to point at something visible, while as anaphoric markers they refer to entities in discourse context (entities which have been discussed before or are known by other means). In practice, the anaphoric use is much more common.[PK 3]
'Where is the bread of that child (over there)?' from [R245.041][PK 3]
However, it's more common to seeera used anaphorically, as a general purpose demonstrative.era is often found co-occurring with the neutral t-demonstrative determiner, as the general formtau/tou/tū (N) era, and this combination doubles as a common strategy to refer to a participant mentioned earlier in the discourse. So common, thatera is the seventh most common word overall in the text corpus.[PK 4]
For example, the two main characters in this story are simply referred to astau taŋata era 'that man' andtau vi ꞌe era 'that woman'.
He moe rō ꞌavai tau taŋata era. He koromaki ki tau viꞌe era toꞌo era e tōꞌona matuꞌa.
NTR {lie down} EMPH certainly DEM man DIST NTR miss to DEM woman DIST take DIST AG POSS.3SG.INAL parent
"The man slept. He longed for the woman that had been taken back by her father." [Mtx-5-02.057-060][PK 4]
era is also used in combination anaphorically withte, a more conventional determiner instead of a demonstrative determiner. Rapa Nui uses this combination to refer to something which is known to both speaker and hearer, regardless of whether it has been mentioned in the discourse. This means thete N era construction (Where N is a noun), indicatesdefiniteness, making it the closest equivalent to English (or Spanish) definite article, rather than a demonstrative.[PK 5]
Te N era can also be used to refer to entities which are generally known, or presumed to be present in context. In the example, the cliffs refer to the cliffs in general, which can be presumed to be known by all Rapa Nui speakers on Rapa Nui with the coastline being a familiar feature. No specific cliff is meant.
Deictic locationals utilize the same form as demonstrative determiners (nei, nā, rā). They can be the head of a phrase as they are locationals, and like other locationals they can be preceded by a preposition, but not by a determiner.[PK 6] They indicate distance with respect to theorigo, which is either the speaker or the discourse situation.[PK 7]
Pronouns are usually marked for number: in Rapa Nui there are markers for first, second and third personal singular and plural; however, there is only a marker fordual in the first person. The first person dual and plural can mark forexclusive and inclusive. The pronouns are always ahead of the person singular (PRS)a and relational particle (RLT)i or dative (DAT)ki. However, in some examples, they do not have PRS, RLT and DAT.[DF 7]
There is only one paradigm of pronouns for Rapa Nui. They function the same in both subject and object cases.
Here is the table for the pronoun forms in Rapa Nui:[DF 8][PK 8]
Yes/no questions are distinguished from statements chiefly by a particular pattern of intonation. Where there is no expectation of a particular answer, the form remains the same as a statement. A question expecting an agreement is preceded byhoki.[DF 11]
Original Rapa Nui has no conjunctive particles. Copulative, adversative and disjunctive notions are typically communicated by context or clause order. Modern Rapa Nui has almost completely adopted Spanish conjunctions rather than rely on this.[DF 12]
In the Rapa Nui, there are alienable and inalienable possession. Lichtenberk[definition needed] described alienable possession as the possessed noun being contingently associated with the possessor, and on the other hand inalienable possession as the possessed noun being necessarily associated with the possessor. The distinction is marked by a possessive suffix[clarification needed][why does it come in front if it's a suffix?] inserted before the relevant pronoun.Possessive particles:
Alienable possession is used to refer to a person's spouse, children, food, books, work, all animals (except horses), all tools and gadgets (including refrigerators), and some illnesses.[DF 13]
o (inalienable) expresses the subordinate possession
It is used with parents, siblings, house, furniture, transports (including carts, cars, scooters, boats, airplanes), clothes, feeling, native land, parts of the body (including mind), horses, and their bridles.
Inalienable possessiono is used in this example, thereforeꞌoꞌoku instead ofꞌaꞌaku is used. It is talking about the speaker's brother, which is an inalienable relation.
There are no markers to distinguish between temporary or permanent possession; the nature of objects possessed; or between past, present or future possession.
A and O possession refer to alienable and inalienable possession in Rapa Nui.a marks for alienable possession ando marks for inalienable possession.a ando are marked as suffixes of the possessive pronouns; however, they are only marked when the possessive pronoun is in the first, second or third person singular. In (2) above,taina 'sibling' is inalienable and the possessor is first person singularꞌoꞌoku 'my'. However, for all the other situations, a and o are not marked as a suffix of the possessor.
In the above example, the possessormeꞌe 'those' is not a possessive pronoun of the first, second or third person singular. Therefore,o is marked not as a suffix of the possessor but a separate word in the sentence.
In Rapa Nui,negation is indicated by free standing morphemes.[PK 9] Rapa Nui has four main negators:
ꞌina (neutral)
kai (perfective)
(e)ko (imperfective)
taꞌe (constituent negator)
Additionally there are also two additional particles/ morphemes which also contribute to negation in Rapa Nui:
kore (Existential/noun negator)
hia /ia (verb phrase particle which occurs in combination with different negators to form the meaning 'not yet')
Negation occurs as preverbal particles in the verb phrase,[PK 10] with the clausal negatorkai and(e)ko occurring in first position in the verbal phrase, while the constituent negator (}}taꞌe}}) occurs in second position in the verbal phrase. Clausal negators occur in the same position asaspect markers and subordinators—this means it is impossible for these elements to co-occur.[PK 11] As a result, negative clauses tend to have fewer aspectual distinctions.[PK 12] }}Hia}} occurs in eighth position as a post-verbal marker. Verbal negators precede adjectives.[PK 13] The table below roughly depicts the positions of negators in the Verb Phrase:
ꞌIna is the neutral negator (regarding aspect).[PK 14] It has the widest range of use in a variety of contexts.[PK 15] It usually occurs inimperfective contexts, as well as habitual clauses and narrative contexts, and is used to negate actions and states.[PK 14] It almost always occurs clause initially and is always followed by the neutral aspectualhe + noun orhe + verb.[PK 16]
It is used to negate past events and narrative events, and is usually combined withꞌina.[PK 22] It is also used to negatestative verbs, and a verb phrase marked withkai may contain various post-verbal particles such as the continuity markerꞌā /ꞌana. This marker occurs when the clause has perfect aspect (often obligatory with the perfect markerko). When combined withkai, it indicates that the negative state continues.[PK 22]
(E)ko is the imperfective negator, which (likekai) replaces the aspectual marker in front of the verb, and which can occur with the negatorꞌina.[PK 22]
Taꞌe is a constituent negator used to negate anything other than amain clause.[PK 19] This can be subordinate clauses, prepositional phrases, possessive predicates and other non-verbal clauses.[PK 28] It also negates nominalised verbs and sub-constituents such as adjectives and quantifiers.[PK 29] It does not negate nouns (this is done by the noun negatorkore). It is also used to negatelocative phrases, actor emphasis constructions, and is also used to reinforce the prepositionmai.[PK 30]
'I'm going now, before it gets dark.' [R153.042][PK 31]
Taꞌe is an indicator for subordinate clauses, as it can also negate subordinate clauses without subordinate markers (in which case it usually occurs with an aspect marker).[PK 29]
'Because (the sheep) did not listen, it got lost.' [R490.005][PK 32]
It also occurs in main clauses with main clause negators and aspect markersi ande, when the clause has a feature of a subordinate clause such asoblique constituents[PK 33]
'He looked (at his wife); the crying was over.' [Ley-9-55.076][PK 34]
It immediately follows the noun in the adjective position, and is used to indicate that the entity expressed by the noun or noun modifier does not exist or is lacking in the given context.[PK 34]
Hia / ia is a morpheme used immediately after negated verbs and co-occurs with a negator to indicate actions or events which are interrupted or are yet to happen.[PK 35]
In Rapa Nui, double negation is more frequent than single negation (with the negatorꞌina often co-occurring with another clause negator most of the time).[PK 37] It is often used as a slight reinforcement or emphasis.[PK 25]
ꞌIna can be combined with negatorskai and(e)ko, both of these are main clause negators.
'(God) did not fail to make known who he is, by the good things he did.' (Acts 14:17)[PK 33]
ꞌIna only negates main clauses so it never combines with the negatortaꞌe, which is a subordinate clause negator. When occurring withꞌina, negation may be reinforced.[PK 33]
There is a system for the numerals 1–10 in both Rapa Nui and Tahitian, both of which are used, though all numbers higher than ten are expressed in Tahitian. When counting, all numerals whether Tahitian or Rapanui are preceded byka. This is not used however, when using a number in a sentence.[DF 18]
Rapa Nui is aVSO (verb–subject–object) language.[DF 19] Except where verbs of sensing are used, the object of a verb is marked by the relational particlei.
Spatial deictics is also present in Rapa Nui, in the form of two directionals:mai andatu. They indicate direction with respect to a specific deictic centre or locus.
mai indicates movement towards the deictic centre, hence the gloss 'hither'.
atu indicates movement away from the deictic centre, and is as such glossed as 'away'.[PK 40] They are bothreflexes of a larger system in Proto-Polynesian.[20]
era: default PVD; farther distance, removed from both speaker and hearer.
How they differ from postnominal demonstratives is their function/where they can appear, as it is quite limited. They can only appear in certain syntactic contexts, listed here:
PVDs are common after imperfective e to express a progressive or habitual action.
The contiguous markerka is often followed by a PVD, both in main and subordinate clauses.
With the perfectko V ꞌā, era is occasionally used to express an action which is well and truly finished.
PVDs also appear in relative clauses
Overall, their main function is to provide nuance to the aspectual marker they are being used alongside.[PK 41]
^abHeyerdahl, Thor (1989).Easter Island – The Mystery Solved. New York: Random House.
^Mellén Blanco, Francisco (1993)."Tres trabajos sobre Pascua".Revista Española del Pacífico.3 (3). Asociación Española de Estudios del Pacífico (A.E.E.P.). Archived fromthe original on 22 October 2007.
^The glottal stops/ʔ/ found in various other Polynesian languagesdo not reflect the original glottal ofPPnTooltip Proto-Polynesian language (which they have lost), but other phonemes, through a process ofdebuccalization: e.g.Tahitian/ʔ/ is the regular outcome of PPn *k and *ŋ (but not of *ʔ);Marquesan/ʔ/ reflects PPn *l/r;Mangarevan/ʔ/ reflects PPn *f/s, etc.
^Diessel, Holger (2013),"Distance Contrasts in Demonstratives", in Dryer, Matthew S.; Haspelmath, Martin (eds.),The World Atlas of Language Structures Online, Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
^Anderson, John; Keenan, Edward (1985).Deixis. Cambridge University Press. pp. 259–308.
Clark, Ross (1976).Aspects of Proto-Polynesian syntax. Auckland: Linguistic Society of New Zealand.NLA921447.
Du Feu, Veronica (1996).Rapanui. London: Routledge.ISBN9780415596381.
Fischer, Steven Roger (2008). "Reversing Hispanisation on Rapa Nui (Easter Island)". In Stolz, Thomas; Bakker, Dik; Palomo, Rosa Salas (eds.).Hispanisation: The Impact of Spanish on the Lexicon and Grammar of the Indigenous Languages of Austronesia and the Americas. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 149–165.doi:10.1515/9783110207231.2.149.ISBN978-3-11-019793-8.
Makihara, Miki (2005a). "Rapa Nui ways of speaking Spanish: Language shift and socialization on Easter Island".Language in Society.34 (5):727–762.doi:10.1017/S004740450505027X.S2CID146240431.
Pagel, Steve (2008). "The old, the new, the in-between: Comparative aspects of Hispanisation on the Marianas and Easter Island (Rapa Nui)". In Stolz, Thomas; Bakker, Dik; Palomo, Rosa Salas (eds.).Hispanisation: The Impact of Spanish on the Lexicon and Grammar of the Indigenous Languages of Austronesia and the Americas. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 167–201.doi:10.1515/9783110207231.2.167.ISBN978-3-11-019793-8.
