This article needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(October 2011)

LGBTQ movements in the United States comprise an interwoven history oflesbian,gay,bisexual,transgender andqueer social movements in theUnited States of America, beginning in the early 20th century. A commonly stated goal among these movements issocial equality for LGBTQ people. Some have also focused on building LGBTQ communities or worked towards liberation for the broader society frombiphobia,homophobia, andtransphobia.^[4][5] LGBTQ movements organized today are made up of a wide range ofpolitical activism and cultural activity, includinglobbying,street marches,social groups,media,art, andresearch. Sociologist Mary Bernstein writes:

For the lesbian and gay movement, then, cultural goals include (but are not limited to) challenging dominant constructions of masculinity and femininity, homophobia, and the primacy of the gendered heterosexual nuclear family (heteronormativity). Political goals include changing laws and policies in order to gain new rights, benefits, and protections from harm.

Bernstein emphasizes that activists seek both types of goals in both the civil and political spheres.^[6] As with other social movements there is also conflict within and between LGBTQ movements, especially about strategies for change and debates over exactly who comprises the constituency that these movements represent. There is debate over to what extent lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people share common interests and a need to work together. Leaders of the lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s, 80s and 90s often attempted to hide masculine lesbians, feminine gay men, transgender people, and bisexuals from the public eye, creating internal divisions within LGBT communities.^[7]

LGBTQ movements have often adopted a kind ofidentity politics that sees gay, bisexual and/or transgender people as a fixed class of people; aminority group or groups. Those using this approach aspire toliberal political goals of freedom andequal opportunity, and aim to join the political mainstream on the same level as other groups in society.^[8] In arguing thatsexual orientation andgender identity are innate and cannot be consciously changed,conversion therapy is generally opposed by the LGBT community. Such attempts are often based inreligious beliefs that perceive gay, lesbian and bisexual activity as immoral.

However, others within LGBTQ movements have criticized identity politics as limited and flawed. Elements of the queer movement have argued that the categories of gay and lesbian are restrictive, and attempted todeconstruct those categories, which are seen to "reinforce rather than challenge a cultural system that will always mark the nonheterosexual as inferior".^[6]

This overview sectionduplicates the intended purpose of the article'slead section, which should provide an overview of the subject. Please merge it with the introduction, move its content to other sections, or retitle the section to give it a clear scope.(December 2025)

It is disputed when theLGBTQ rights movement began in the United States. The earliest date often claimed is that of 1924 inChicago, with the founding of theSociety for Human Rights.^[9]

However, it is also argued that the movement in the United States, after years of being highly controlled and hidden, successfully began in the 1940s in Los Angeles. One of the initial organizations was theMattachine Society.^[10] A secretive society which later began to be associated with Communist values, the society became involved in politics and made its first appearance by supportingHenry A. Wallace and theProgressive Party during the presidential election of 1948. TheMattachine Society was led byHarry Hay and began to slowly gain national attention and membership. Some historians^[who?] also mark the beginning of the movement as a 1965 gay march held in front ofIndependence Hall in Philadelphia to protest the dismissal of homosexual federal employees.

An even later occurrence that is also said to have been the beginning of the movement for Gay Rights was theStonewall Riots. On June 27, 1969 New York'sStonewall Inn bar was raided by police. Though this was a regular incident in gay bars like Stonewall, the reaction of its patrons, as they refused to leave and clashed with the raiding police officers, ultimately led to street riots. This event gave way to mass media attention on the issues facing the LGBT community and therefore increased public awareness, making it possible to have an influential movement.^[11] Some offer a less specific time for the beginning of the movement and argue that it was during the wake ofWorld War II that the movement to protect gay and lesbian civil rights emerged. Men and women who participated in the military's homosexual world began to realize that it was a part of their identity. As they moved back to the cities they began to live their new lifestyle openly and in great numbers only to be severely oppressed by the police and the government.^[11]

Though there is much disagreement as to the beginning of the movement, there are clearly defined phases throughout the movement for gay rights in the U.S. The first phase of the movement being thehomophile phase, which mainly consisted of the activities of theMattachine Society,ONE, Inc., and theDaughters of Bilitis. The homophile movement, which stressed love as opposed to sexuality, focused on protesting political systems for social acceptability. Demonstrations held by homophile organizations were orderly and polite, but had little impact as they were ignored by the media.^[12] In 1969, the second phase of the movement,gay liberation, began. During this phase, the number of homophile organizations increased rapidly, as many of the LGBT community became inspired by the various cultural movements occurring during the time period, such as theanti-Vietnam War movement or theBlack Power movement. Activism during this phase encouraged "gay power" and encouraged homosexuals to "come out of the closet", so as to publicly display their pride in who they are. They were also more forceful about resisting anti-homosexuality sanctions than activists from the previous phase, participating in marches, riots, and sit-ins. These groups of the 1970s would later call the previous homophile groupsassimilationist for their less vigorous methods. Also during this phase there was an increase in lesbian centered organizations within the movement.^[12]

The 1920s ushered in a new era of social acceptance of minorities and homosexuals, at least in heavily urbanized areas. This was reflected in many of the films (seePre-Code) of the decade that openly made references to homosexuality. Even popular songs poked fun at the new social acceptance of homosexuality. One of these songs had the title "Masculine Women, Feminine Men".^[13] It was released in 1926 and recorded by numerous artists of the day and included the following lyrics:^[14]

Homosexuals received a level of acceptance that was not seen again until the 1960s. Until the early 1930s,gay clubs were openly operated, commonly known as "pansy clubs". The relativeliberalism of the decade is demonstrated by the fact that the actorWilliam Haines, regularly named in newspapers and magazines as the number-one male box-office draw, openly lived in a gay relationship with his lover,Jimmie Shields.^[16] Other popular gay actors/actresses of the decade includedAlla Nazimova andRamon Novarro.^[17] In 1927,Mae West wrote a play about homosexuality calledThe Drag, and alluded to the work ofKarl Heinrich Ulrichs. It was a box-office success. West regarded talking about sex as a basichuman rights issue, and was also an early advocate ofgay rights.Emma Goldman also spoke out in defense of gay rights during this time.^{[18]: 376–380}

The Mattachine Society, founded in 1950, was one of the earliesthomophile/homosexual organizations in theUnited States, probably second only to Chicago'sSociety for Human Rights (1924).^[22]Harry Hay and a group of Los Angeles male friends, includingDale Jennings andRudi Gernreich, formed the group to protect and improve the rights of homosexuals. First formed as the International Bachelors Fraternal Order for Peace and Social Dignity, it later adopted the name The Mattachine Society in reference to the society Mattachine, a French medievalmasque group that supposedly traveled broadly using entertainment to point out social injustice.^[23] Because of concerns for secrecy and the founders' leftist ideology, they adopted thecell organization being used by theCommunist Party of the United States.^[23]

The society was forced to endure heavy pressure and public scrutiny during the anti-communist McCarthyism period, due to the communist leanings of some of the Society's members. In a column of theLos Angeles Mirror in March 1953 called it a "strange new pressure group" of "sexual deviants" and "security risks" who were banding together to wield "tremendous political power".^{[18]: 413–420}

This article generated a dramatic change that in the end, a strong coalition of conservative delegates challenged the societies goals, achievements and instruments. Leadership was demotivated to pursue further activities, the original founders resigned in 1953, and the organization was turned over to the conservative elements who brought in new elements of advocacy and group composition.^{[18]: 413–420} Some modifications had to be done and advocating took the approach of accommodation rather than mobilizing gay people. They sought the support of the psychiatric profession who they believed held the key to reform. This, however, had a devastating effect as discussion group attendance declined and many local chapters folded. The national structure was dissolved in 1961, with few chapters lasting a few more years. Not only was the structure dissolved in 1961, but Illinois had become the first state to get rid of consensual sexual acts pursued by the same sex within their state laws. Later on throughout the years by 1986, half the states enforced this same law through legislative acts.^[24]

ONE, Inc. was started byWilliam Dale Jennings joined with his colleagues Don Slater, Dorr Legg, Tony Reyes, and Mattachine Society founder Harry Hay.^[25] It formed the public part of the early homophile movement, with a public office, administrative infrastructure, logistics, a telephone, and the first publication that reached the general public. The Los Angeles Postmaster seized and refused to mail copies ofONE Magazine in 1954 on grounds that it was "obscene, lewd, lascivious and filthy".^[26]

In the 1970s and 1980s these movements were intentionally seeking social change through the combination of different social movement groups such as feminist groups and anti-racism groups.^[27]

Along with its continuing growth a part of ONE became the Homosexual Information Center, formed by Don Slater, Billy Glover, Joe and Jane Hansen, Tony Reyes, Jim Schneider, et al.^[25]

TheDaughters of Bilitis/bɪˈliːtɪs/, also called theDOB or theDaughters, were formed in San Francisco, California in 1955 by four lesbian couples, includingPhyllis Lyon and Del Martin. Martin and Lyon also have the distinction of being the first legally married gay couple in the U.S. at the start of the historicSan Francisco 2004 same-sex weddings.^[28] Their marriage was voided 6 months later by theCalifornia Supreme Court. TheDaughters of Bilitis (DOB), was thefirstlesbiancivil and political rights organization in the United States.^[29] The organization was conceived as a social alternative tolesbian bars, which were subject to raids andpolice harassment. As the DOB gained members, their focus shifted to providing support to women who were afraid tocome out. The DOB followed the model of thehomophile movement as developed by theMattachine Society by encouraging its members to assimilate as much as possible into the prevailing heterosexual culture. The DOB advertised itself as "A Woman's Organization for the purpose of Promoting the Integration of the Homosexual into Society".^{[18]: 420–433}

By 1959 there were chapters of the DOB in New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Rhode Island along with the original chapter in San Francisco. The group also held conferences every two years from 1960 to 1968. As a national organization, the DOB folded in 1970, although some local chapters still continue. During its fourteen years, DOB became a tool of education for lesbians, gay men, researchers, and mental health professionals.^[30]

Within a year after that, gay people organized resistance movements that lead to the New York City police raid in 1969.^[31] Around the same time frame, biologists were implementing massive studies on the human sexuality within the United States. Each study was found to have "held categories of sexuality and empowered many gay people to fight for social change". Said studies are what arose the new "wave of social activism" and what inspired the resistance operation against discriminatory laws.^[31] During the year of 1972, the expansion of allowance for LGBTQ individuals to continue their faith within public churches was growing.  Specifically, the acceptance of gays within religious groups and facilities first began within the United Church of Christ, which is what led to other religious facilities following in further actions.^[32]

In 1966,Stephen Donaldson founded the Student Homophile League at Columbia University. In 1967, Columbia University officially recognized this group, thus making them the first college in the United States to officially recognize a gay student group.^[33] Student Homophile League branches were chartered atCornell University andNew York University in 1968 and at theMassachusetts Institute of Technology in 1969. This led to the formation of two non-affiliated groups, the Homosexuals Intransigent at the City University of New York and FREE (Fight Repression of Erotic Expression) at the University of Minnesota in 1969, now theQueer Student Cultural Center. On the West Coast, a Student Homophile League also was founded atStanford University, likewise with encouragement from Donaldson, who had announced his hopes for the formation of a Stanford chapter in May 1967 inThe New York Times.^[34] The Student Homophile League of Stanford University, led by Wendell Anderson (pseudonym), was registered with the Office of the Dean of Students as a recognized voluntary student organization through spring quarter 1968. The organization ceased to exist the following academic year.^[35]

Louise Lawrence, a male-to-female transgender person who began living full-time as a woman in San Francisco in the 1940s, was a central figure of transgender community. She worked closely withAlfred Kinsey to bring the needs of transgender people to the attention of social scientists and sex reformers. Lawrence collaborated withVirginia Prince, who began cross-dressing in high school,^[36] who founded the first peer support and advocacy groups for male cross-dressers in the United States. In 1960, the first issue of Prince's magazineTransvestia was published. Prince acquired the means to fund the publication after assembling a list of 25 acquaintances, each of whom was willing to donate four dollars to her start-up. Working with one hundred dollars,^[36] Prince then launched her first issue, published by her own Chevalier Publications, and sold it by subscription and through adult bookstores.^[37]Transvestia was published bi-monthly between 1960 and 1980, with a total of 100 issues being created. In 1963, the inside jacket of the magazine stated the publication as "dedicated to the needs of the sexually normal individual who has discovered the existance [sic] of his or her 'other side' and seeks to express it".^[37]

The GLF advocated for sexual liberation for all people; they believedheterosexuality was a remnant of cultural inhibition and felt that change would not come about unless the current social institutions were dismantled and rebuilt without defined sexual roles. To do this, the GLF was intent on transforming the idea of the biological family and clan and making it more akin to a loose affiliation of members without biological subtexts. Prominent members of the GLF also opposed and addressed other social inequalities between the years of 1969 to 1972 such as militarism, racism, and sexism, but because of internal rivalries the GLF officially ended its operations in 1972.^[38] As for liberation, in the year 1975 many within the LGBTQ group were caught up in the legal system and were dealing with cross-dressing laws unconstitutionally.^[27]

GLF was shaped in part by theStudents for a Democratic Society, a radical student organization of the times. Allen Young, a former SDS activist, was key in framing GLF's principles. He asserted that "the artificial categories of 'heterosexual' and 'homosexual' have been laid on us by a sexist society, as gays, we demand an end to the gender programming which starts when we are born, the family, is the primary means by which this restricted sexuality is created and enforced, Our understanding of sexism is premised on the idea that in a few society everyone will be gay."^[39] The GLF's statement of purpose stated, "We are a revolutionary group of men and women formed with the realization that complete sexual liberation for all people cannot come about unless existing social institutions are abolished. We reject society's attempt to impose sexual roles and definitions of our nature."^[39]

Members did not limit activism to gay causes. In late 1960s and early 1970s, many homosexuals joined protests with other radical groups such as theBlack Panthers, women's liberationists and anti-war activists. Lesbians brought the principles of radical feminism on the emerging new philosophy, and GLF activists argued that the institution of heterosexual families necessitated the oppression of homosexuals, allowing them to define their gayness as a form of political resistance. GLF activist Martha Shelley wrote, "We are women and men who, from the time of our earliest memories, have been in revolt against the sex role structure and nuclear family structure."^[40]

Although the pre-Stonewall student Homophile Leagues were most heavily influenced by the Mattachine Society, the post-Stonewall student organizations were more likely to be inspired and named after the more militant GLF. GLF-like campus groups held sponsored social activities, educational programs, and provided support to individual members much like the earlier college groups. However, activists in the GLF-type groups generally were much more visible and more politically oriented than the pre-Stonewall gay student groups. These new activists were often committed to radical social change, and preferred confrontational tactics such as demonstrations, sit-ins, and direct challenges to discriminatory campus policies. This new defiant philosophy and approach was influenced by other militant campus movements such as Black Power, anti-Vietnam war groups, and student free speech movements. Many GLF members were involved with other militant groups such as these, and saw gay rights as part of a larger movement to transform society; their own liberation was fundamentally tied to the liberation of all peoples. Within the year of 1958, LGBTQ students were denied their full freedom of speech rights in terms of not being able to demonstrate parades or gather permits to do so. It was also implemented that "the exclusion of lesbian and gay groups from public fora", would be in place.^[27]

Success of the early informal homosexual student groups, along with the inspiration provided by other college-based movements and the Stonewall riots, led to the proliferation ofGay Liberation Fronts on campuses across the country by the early 1970s. These initialLGBT student movements handed out gay rights literature, organized social events, and sponsored lectures about the gay experience. Through their efforts, the campus climate for LGBT people improved. Also, by gaining institutional recognition and establishing a place on campus for LGBT students, the groundwork was laid for the creation of LGBT groups at colleges and universities throughout the country and generation of wider acceptance and tolerance.^[41]

Bisexuals became more visible in the LGBT rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Activism on behalf of bisexuals in particular also began to grow, especially in San Francisco. One of the earliest organizations for bisexuals, the Sexual Freedom League in San Francisco, was facilitated by Margo Rila and Frank Esposito beginning in 1967.^[33] Two years later, during a staff meeting at a San Francisco mental health facility serving LGBT people, nurse Maggi Rubenstein came out as bisexual. Due to this, bisexuals began to be included in the facility's programs for the first time.^[33]

In 1972 a Quaker group, the Committee of Friends on Bisexuality, issued the "Ithaca Statement on Bisexuality" supporting bisexuals.^[42]

The Statement, which may have been "the first public declaration of the bisexual movement" and "was certainly the first statement on bisexuality issued by an American religious assembly," appeared in the QuakerFriends Journal andThe Advocate in 1972.^[43][44][45]

In that same year theNational Bisexual Liberation Group formed in New York.^[46] In 1976 the San Francisco Bisexual Center opened.^[46]

In the wake of the transgender street prostitutes riot in impoverishedTenderloin neighborhood at a popular all-night restaurant,Gene Compton's Cafeteria, in 1966, San Francisco transsexual activists used the riot's momentum to establish several community-based support services, with the most successful being theNational Transsexual Counseling Unit (NTCU), established in 1968.^[47][48] The NTCU is said to be the first peer-run counseling support resource in the world.^[49][50] The NTCU's success was partially due to financial support from theErickson Education Foundation(EEF), which funded renting an office space and hiring two full time peer counselors.^[48] The NTCU served the community until 1974, when reactionary members of the SFPD arrested one of the peer counselors on false drug charges, and attempted to frame Blackstone with drugs planted in his desk. While Blackstone didn't face charges, he was reassigned to a different department, leaving the NTCU staggering along for a short while before the EEF withdrew funding.^[48]

In 2003, GLAD received national attention for its work in winning marriage rights for same-sex couples in Massachusetts. InGoodridge v. Department of Public Health, it successfully argued before theMassachusetts Supreme Judicial Court that to restrict marriage to heterosexual couples was a violation of the state constitution.^[51] In October 2008, GLAD won marriage rights for same-sex couples in Connecticut with a decision of theSupreme Court of Connecticut inKerrigan v. Commissioner of Public Health.^[52]

This is an international organization for gay, lesbian, transgender, bisexual, and intersex people who identify as members or ex-members ofthe Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). Although a core belief is that "homosexuality and homosexual relationships can be consistent with and supported by the Gospel of Jesus Christ",^[53] it is not in fact supported by the doctrine in this religion.

Under the nameAffirmation: Gay Mormons United, the first Affirmation group was organized in Salt Lake City, Utah on June 11, 1977 by Stephan Zakharias and a group of other Mormon and ex-Mormons Gays and Lesbians. The original group struggled to survive until 1978, when Paul Mortensen formed the Los Angeles chapter and in 1980 the name was changed toAffirmation:Gay & Lesbian Mormons. Through the influence of the Los Angeles chapter, Affirmation groups appeared in many cities around the country.^[54]

Militant groups such asACT UP (AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power) andQueer Nation crafted a media-oriented, direct-action politics that proved congenial to a new generation of transgender activists. The first transgender activist group to embrace the new queer politics wasTransgender Nation, founded in 1992 as an offshoot of Queer Nation's San Francisco chapter. Eruption of AIDS crisis urged for another approach. An effective response to the epidemic meant addressing systemic social problems such as poverty and racism that transcended narrow sexual identity politics.Leslie Feinberg's influential pamphlet,Transgender Liberation: A Movement Whose Time Has Come, published in 1992, heralded a new era in transgender politics. Feinberg describes herself as a "white, working class, secular Jewish, transgender lesbian", and personally uses she or ze to describe her/herself.^[55] Feinberg's 1993 first novelStone Butch Blues, won theLambda Literary Award and the 1994 American Library Association Gay & Lesbian Book Award. The work is not an autobiography.^[56][57][58]Feinberg has authored two non-fiction books,Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue andTransgender Warriors: Making History, the novelDrag King Dreams, andRainbow Solidarity in Defense of Cuba, a compilation of 25 journalistic articles, and has been awarded an honorary doctorate fromStarr King School for the Ministry for transgender and social justice work.^[59]

In 1986, inspired by FTM pioneers,Lou Sullivan, a crucially important community-based historian of transgenderism, founded the FTM support group that grew intoFTM International, the leading advocacy group for female-to-male individuals, and began publishingThe FTM Newsletter. Sullivan was also a founding member and board member of theGLBT Historical Society (formerly the Gay and Lesbian Historical Society) in San Francisco. His personal and activist papers are preserved in the institution's archives as collection no. 1991-07; the papers are fully processed and available for use by researchers, and a finding aid is posted on theOnline Archive of California.^[60] The Historical Society has displayed selected materials from Sullivan's papers in a number of exhibitions, notably "Man-i-fest: FTM Mentoring in San Francisco from 1976 to 2009",^[61] which was open through much of 2010 in the second gallery at the society's headquarters at 657 Mission St. in San Francisco, and "Our Vast Queer Past: Celebrating San Francsico's GLBT History", the debut exhibition in the main gallery at the society's GLBT History Museum that opened in January 2011 in San Francisco'sCastro District.^[62]

In the years since Sullivan's death in 1991,Jamison Green has emerged as the leading FTM activist in the United States. He chairs the board of Gender Education and Advocacy, anon-profit educational organization, and serves on the boards of the Transgender Law and Policy Institute and theWorld Professional Association for Transgender Health. He is also a board member of the Equality Project and an advisory board member of theNational Center for Transgender Equality. He was the leader of FTM International from March 1991 to August 1999 and a member of theHuman Rights Campaign Business Council until late 2007, when he resigned over the organization's stance on transgender inclusion in theEmployment Non-Discrimination Act.^[63][64]

In 1980, transgender phenomena were officially classified by theAmerican Psychiatric Association aspsychopathology, "gender identity disorder".

It is the largestLGBTQ civil rightsadvocacy group and politicallobbying organization in the United States.^[65] According to the HRC, it has more than 1.5 million members and supporters.^[66]

HRC is an umbrella group of two separatenon-profit organizations and apolitical action committee: the HRC Foundation, a501(c)(3)^[67] organization that focuses on research, advocacy and education; the Human Rights Campaign, a501(c)(4)^[68] organization that focuses on promoting the social welfare oflesbian,gay,bisexual, andtransgender (LGBT) people through lobbying Congress and state and local officials for support of pro-LGBT bills, and mobilizing grassroots action amongst its members; and the HRCPolitical Action Committee, which supports candidates that adhere to its positions onLGBT rights.^[69][70]

Local activities are carried out by local steering committees, of which there are over 30 located throughout the United States.^[71]

GLAAD (formerly the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation) is a U.S.non-governmentalmedia monitoring organization that promotes the image ofLGBTQ people in the media. Before March 2013, the name "GLAAD" had been an acronym for "Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation", but became the primary name due to its inclusiveness ofbisexual andtransgender issues.^[72] Its stated mission, in part, is to "[amplify] the voice of the LGBT community by empowering real people to share their stories, holding the media accountable for the words and images they present, and helping grassroots organizations communicate effectively".^[73]

Formed inNew York City in 1985 to protest against what it saw as theNew York Post's defamatory and sensationalizedAIDS coverage, GLAAD put pressure on media organizations to end what it saw ashomophobic reporting. Initial meetings were held in the homes of several New York City activists as well as after-hours at theNew York State Council on the Arts. The founding group included film scholarVito Russo; Gregory Kolovakos, then on the staff of the NYS Arts Council and who later became the first executive director; Darryl Yates Rist;Allen Barnett.^[74]

In 1987, after a meeting with GLAAD,The New York Times changed its editorial policy to use the wordgay instead of harsher terms referring to homosexuality.^[75]

Entertainment Weekly has named GLAAD as one of Hollywood's most powerful entities,^[76] and theLos Angeles Times described GLAAD as "possibly one of the most successful organizations lobbying the media for inclusion".^[77]

Camp Trans was sparked by a 1991 incident in which Nancy Burkholder was ejected from theMichigan Womyn's Music Festival after another woman asked her whether she was trans and she refused to answer^[78] The festival had maintained a "womyn-born-womyn" policy since the late 1970s or early 1980s.^[79] Each year afterwards a group of women, both transgender and cisgender, protested the exclusion of trans women from the event. Initially these protests were small and sometimes carried on inside of the camp.^[80] A more organized group of trans women and their allies began camping and holdingdemonstrations outside the gate. After a five-year hiatus, Camp Trans returned in 1999, led by transgender activistsRiki Ann Wilchins andLeslie Feinberg, as well as many members of theBoston andChicagoLesbian Avengers.^[81] The events of this year drew attention and controversy, culminating in tensions as a small group of transgender activists were admitted into the festival to exchange dialogue with organizers and to negotiate a short-lived compromise allowing onlypost-operative trans women on the festival land.^[82]

Intersex activism between the late 1990s and mid 2000s led from demonstrating outside a national pediatric conference, in an event now commemorated byIntersex Awareness Day to speaking inside clinical conferences, and the first human rights investigation into medical "normalization", by the Human Rights Commission of the City and County of San Francisco.^[83] This was followed by a period of retrenchment of medical authority over intersex bodies.^[84][85]

TheIntersex Society of North America (ISNA) was a non-profit advocacy group founded in 1993 byCheryl Chase to end shame and secrecy; they also advocated deferring most genital surgeries on children.^{[86][87][88][89]} Other notable members includedMorgan Holmes,Max Beck,Howard Devore andAlice Dreger. The ISNA stated that intersex is a socially constructed label that reflects actual biological variation.^[90] They further stated that intersex anatomy is not always present at birth, and may not manifest until the child hits puberty.^[90] ISNA closed in June 2008 after supporting the creation of a new clinical term for intersex conditions,Disorders of Sex Development (DSD) albeit ambivalently, as a means of opening "many more doors" and engaging with clinicians.^[91]

New organizations such asIntersex Campaign for Equality andinterACT were since established with civil and human rights goals. Advocacy continues, including legal action, with the "M.C." legal case, advanced byInteract Advocates for Intersex Youth with theSouthern Poverty Law Centre still before the courts,^[92][93] international advocacy drawing attention to continuing abuses within the U.S. medical system,^[94][95] and work by Intersex Campaign for Equality and others on recognition of intersex people with non-binary identities.^[96][97] Notable and active U.S. advocates includeGeorgiann Davis,Pidgeon Pagonis,Sean Saifa Wall,Hida Viloria, andAnne Tamar-Mattis.

GenderPAC exemplified what certain feminists opposed about queer rights movements and certain elements ofgender studies:Sheila Jeffreys wrote that its aims ignored women in favor of "transgenders [sic], most of whom are men, and homosexuality", and that the organization's conception of gender as something that should be protected, and the basis for individuals rights that needed to be respected rather than eliminated, would serve to reinforce discrimination.^[98]

Conversely, other transgender rights organizations were angered by GenderPAC's rejection of the label of a transgender organization and to focus on trans issues. These latter criticized GenderPAC's reputed shift of focus away from a trans-inclusive ENDA at the supposed prompting of HRC, their unwillingness to engage with identity categories, and what they saw as a "violation" or exclusion of trans people through the use of their stories to raise money which was not spent primarily on trans issues.^[99][100]

TIC is aSan Francisco-basedcivil rights organization advocating fortransgender communities. They are California's first "fully staffed, state-wide transgender legal organization" and were initially a fiscally sponsored project of theNational Center for Lesbian Rights.^[101]

TLC utilizes direct legal services, public policy advocacy, and educational opportunities to advance the rights and safety of diverse transgender communities.^[102]

LGBT movements are opposed by a variety of individuals and organizations.^{[103][104][105][106][107]} They may have a personal, moral, political or religious objection to gay rights, homosexual relations or gay people. Opponents say same-sex relationships are not marriages,^[108] that legalization of same-sex marriage will open the door for the legalization of polygamy,^[109] that it is unnatural^[110] and that it encourages unhealthy behavior.^[111][112] Some social conservatives believe that all sexual relationships with people other than an opposite-sex spouse undermines the traditional family^[113] and that children should be reared in homes with both a father and a mother.^[114][115]

Some people worry that gay rights may conflict with individuals' freedom of speech,^{[116][117][118]} religious freedoms in the workplace,^[119][120] and the ability to run churches,^[121] charitable organizations^[122][123] and other religious organizations^[124] that hold opposing social and cultural views to LGBT rights. There is also concern that religious organizations might be forced to accept and performsame-sex marriages or risk losing their tax-exempt status.^{[125][126][127][128]}

Eric Rofes author of the book,A Radical Rethinking of Sexuality and Schooling: Status Quo or Status Queer?, argues that the inclusion of teachings on homosexuality in public schools will play an important role in transforming public ideas about lesbian and gay individuals.^[129] As a former teacher in the public school system, Rofes recounts how he was fired from his teaching position after making the decision to come out as gay. As a result of the stigma that he faced as a gay teacher he emphasizes the necessity of the public to takeradical approaches to making significant changes in public attitudes about homosexuality.^[129] According to Rofes, radical approaches are grounded in the belief that "something fundamental needs to be transformed for authentic and sweeping changes to occur". The radical approaches proposed by Rofes have been met with strong opposition fromanti-gay rights activists such asJohn Briggs. FormerCalifornia senator, John Briggs proposedProposition 6, aballot initiative that would require that all California state public schools fire any gay or lesbian teachers or counselors, along with any faculty that displayed support for gay rights in an effort to prevent what he believe to be " the corruption of the children's minds".^[130] The exclusion of homosexuality from the sexual education curriculum, in addition to the absence of sexual counseling programs in public schools, has resulted in increased feelings of isolation and alienation for gay and lesbian students who desire to have gay counseling programs that will help them come to terms with their sexual orientation.^[129]

David Campos, author of the book,Sex, Youth, and Sex Education: A Reference Handbook, illuminates the argument proposed by proponents of sexual education programs in public schools. Many gay rights supporters argue that teachings about the diverse sexual orientations that exist outside ofheterosexuality are pertinent to creating students that are well informed about the world around them. However, Campos also acknowledges that the sex education curriculum alone cannot teach youth about factors associated with sexual orientation but instead he suggests that schools implement policies that create safe school learning environments and foster support for gay and lesbian, bisexual, and transgender youth.^[131] It is his belief that schools that provide unbiased, factual information about sexual orientation, along with supportive counseling programs for these homosexual youth will transform the way society treats homosexuality.^[131] Many opponents of LGBT social movements have attributed their indifference toward homosexuality as being a result of the immoral values that it may instill in children who are exposed to homosexual individuals.^[130] In opposition to this claim, many proponents of increased education about homosexuality suggest that educators should refrain from teaching aboutsexuality in schools entirely. In her book entitledGay and Lesbian Movement,Margaret Cruikshank provides statistical data from theHarris and Yankelvoich polls which confirmed that over 80% of American adults believe that students should be educated about sexuality within their public school. In addition, the poll also found that 75% of parents believe that homosexuality andabortion should be included in the curriculum as well. An assessment conducted on California public school systems discovered that only 2% of all parents actually disproved of their child being taught about sexuality in school.^[132]

It had been suggested that education has a positive impact on support for same sex marriage. African Americans statistically have lower rates of educational achievement, however, the education level of African Americans does not have as much significance on their attitude towardssame-sex marriage as it does on white attitudes. Educational attainment among whites has a significant positive effect on support for same-sex marriage, whereas the direct effect of education among African Americans is less significant. The income levels of whites have a direct and positive correlation with support for same-sex marriage, but African American income level is not significantly associated with attitudes toward same-sex marriage.^[133]

Location also affects ideas towards same-sex marriage; residents ofrural and southern areas are significantly more opposed to same-sex marriage in comparison to residents elsewhere. Women are consistently more supportive than men of LGBT rights, and individuals that are divorced or have never married are also more likely to grant marital rights to same-sex couples than married or widowed individuals. Also, white women are significantly more supportive than white men, but there are no gender discrepancies among African Americans. The year in which one was born is a strong indicator of attitude towards same-sex marriage—generations born after 1946 are considerably more supportive of same-sex marriage than older generations. Statistics show that African Americans are more opposed to same-sex marriage than any other ethnicity.^[133]

Religion, as measured by individuals' religious affiliations, behaviors, and beliefs, has a lot of influence in structuring same-sex union attitudes and consistently influences opinions about homosexuality. The most liberal attitudes are generally reflected byJews, liberal Protestants, and people who are not affiliated with religion. This is because many of their religious traditions have not "systematically condemned homosexual behaviors" in recent years. Moderate and tolerant attitudes are generally reflected by Catholics and moderate Protestants. And lastly, the most conservative views are held byEvangelical Protestants. Moreover, it is a tendency for one to be less tolerant of homosexuality if their social network is strongly tied to a religious congregation. Organized religion, especially Protestant and Baptist affiliations, espouse conservative views which traditionally denounce same-sex unions. Therefore, these congregations are more likely to hear messages of this nature. Polls have also indicated that the amount and level of personal contact that individuals have with homosexual individuals and traditional morality affects attitudes of same-sex marriage and homosexuality.^[134]

Though gay and lesbians struggled to go public with their efforts in the U.S, they still were met with opposition. Despite participating in very few public activities in the early 19th century, many gays and lesbians were targeted by police who kept list of the bars and restaurants that were known to cater to the population. Many were arrested for sodomy or hospitalized in mental facilities for homosexuality. They were also fired from many jobs for their lifestyles. States had many laws that made homosexuality a crime and the government would often support the states, as in the 1917 Immigration Act which denied homosexuals entry into the country.^[135]

The termidentity politics and movements linked to it came into being during the latter part of the 20th century. It can most notably be found in class movements, feminist movements, gay and lesbian movements, disability movements, ethnic movements and post colonial movements. Identity politics is open to wide debate and critique.^[136]

As a federal republic, absent of many federal laws or court decisions, LGBTQ rights often are dealt with at the local or state level. Thus the rights of LGBTQ people in one state may be very different from the rights of LGBTQ people in another state.

• Same-sex couples: On June 26, 2015, theU.S. Supreme Court struck down all state bans on same-sex marriage, legalized it in all fifty states, and required states to honor out-of-state same-sex marriage licenses in the caseObergefell v. Hodges. See alsoSame sex marriage in the United States.
• Freedom of Speech: Homosexuality as way of expression and life is not as obscene, and thus protected under theFirst Amendment. However, states can reasonably regulate the time, place and manner of speech.Pornography is protected, when it is not obscene, but it is based on local community standards, which is reasonable and fair.
• Civil rights: Sexual orientation is not a protected class under Federalcivil rights law, but it is protected for federal civilian employees and in federal security clearance issues. The United States Supreme Court implied inRomer v. Evans that a state may not prohibit gay people from using the democratic process to get protection, prescribed by anti-discrimination law.
• Education: Public schools and universities generally have to recognize an LGBT student organization, if they recognize other social or political organization, but high school students may be required to get parental consent.
• Hate crimes and criminal law: Federalhate crime law now includes sexual orientation and gender identity. TheMatthew Shepard Act, officially the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, which expands the 1969 United States federal hate-crime law to include crimes motivated by a victim's actual or perceived gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability, is an Act of Congress, passed on October 22, 2009, and was signed into law by President Barack Obama on October 28, 2009, as a rider to the National Defense Authorization Act for 2010 (H.R. 2647). As far as criminal law is concerned, homosexual relations between consenting adults in private is not a crime, perLawrence v. Texas.^[137] The age of consent for heterosexuals and homosexuals should be the same, but each state decides what that age shall be. This does not apply to military law, wheresodomy is still a felony under theUniform Code of Military Justice. Although, the Lawrence decision has been cited in some military cases as applying.

• 1958:One, Inc. v. Olesen rules that a homosexual publication is not automatically obscene and thus protected by the First Amendment.
• 1967:Boutilier v. Immigration and Naturalization Service rules that Congress may exclude immigrants on the grounds that they are homosexual.
• 1971: Supreme Court dismissesBaker v. Nelson, allowing aMinnesota law defining marriage as a union between a man and a woman.
• 1976: Supreme Court refuses to hearDoe v. Commonwealth's Attorney and thus affirms a lower courts ruling that aVirginia statesodomy law is constitutional.
• 1985: Supreme Court is equally divided in a 4–4 decision, and thus affirms aTenth Circuit Court ruling,National Gay Task Force v. Board of Education, that an Oklahoma law that gave the public school broad authority to fire homosexual teachers was too broad and thus unconstitutional.
• 1986: InBowers v. Hardwick the Supreme Court rules thatsodomy laws are constitutional. The court overturns this ruling in the 2003 case ofLawrence v. Texas.
• 1996: InRomer v. Evans the high court overturns a state constitutional amendment prohibiting elected lawmakers inColorado from including LGB people in their civil rights laws.
• 1998:Webster v. Doe rules that federalsexual harassment laws do include same-sex sexual harassment.
• 2000:Boy Scouts of America et al. v. Dale rules that theBoy Scouts of America does not have to follow state anti-discrimination laws when it comes tosexual orientation.
• 2003:Lawrence vs. Texas declares statesodomy laws that were used to prosecute homosexuals for having sex in the privacy of their homes unconstitutional.^[137]
• 2013:United States v. Windsor declares Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act unconstitutional, rendering same-sex marriages performed in jurisdictions where legal recognized by the federal government.
• 2015:Obergefell v. Hodges, in a 5–4 decision, legalized same-sex marriage nationwide, in all 50 states.
• 2020:Bostock v. Clayton County, in a 6–3 decision, held thatTitle VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protects employees against discrimination because they are gay or transgender.^[138]

• 1961:Illinois is the first state to abolish its sodomy laws.
• 1998:Maine became the first state to repeal its existing gay-rights statutes
• 1999:Vermont Supreme Court grants the same rights and protections that married heterosexuals have to homosexual partners.
• 1999: Sodomy laws of 32 states were repealed
• 1999: 11 states had laws to protect homosexuals from discrimination
• 2000:Vermont Supreme Court backed civil unions between homosexual couples
• 2003:Massachusetts Highest Court rules that homosexuals do have the right to marry according to the constitution.
• 2003: Sodomy Laws in all states were overturned.
• 2006:New Jersey's Supreme Court extends civil rights to homosexuals and allows civil unions
• 2008:California andConnecticut Supreme Courts abolished their states' bans on same-sex marriages
• 2009:Iowa Supreme Court unanimously legalized same-sex marriage inVarnum v. Brien^[139]

TheLibertarian Party supported a libertarian perspective on LGBT rights from its founding in 1971. Its first platform, in 1972, said, "We hold that no action which does not infringe the rights of others can properly be termed a crime. We favor the repeal of all laws creating "crimes without victims" now incorporated in Federal, state and local laws—such as laws on voluntary sexual relations, drug use, gambling, and attempted suicide."^[140] In 1976, the party published a pamphlet,Gay Rights: A Libertarian Approach, which called for an end to sodomy laws and other legal discrimination, including with regard to marriage and adoption.^[141] The pamphlet also explained that libertarians opposed "legislation forcing private persons who, for one reason or another, dislike homosexuals, nevertheless to hire them, admit them to "public accommodations" (which are not really "public" at all, but privately owned), and rent or sell apartment or houses to them" because "freedom...implies also the freedom to be wrong".^[141]

TheNational Stonewall Democratic Federation is the official LGBT organization for the Democratic Party, while theLog Cabin Republicans is the organization for lesbian, gay and bisexual citizens that want to moderate the Republican Party social policies. In terms of minor political parties, the Outright Libertarians is the official LGBT organization for theLibertarian Party, and is among the groups that follow theLibertarian perspectives on gay rights. TheGreen Party LGBT members are represented by the Lavender Greens. TheSocialist Party USA has aQueer Commission to focus on LGBT rights issues.^[142]

In terms of interest groups, theHuman Rights Campaign is the largest LGBT organization in the United States, claiming over 725,000 members and supporters,^[143] though this membership count is disputed.^[144][145] The HRC endorses federal candidates, and while it is technically bi-partisan and has endorsed some Republican Party, its overallpro-choice, center-left philosophy tends to favor the Democratic Party candidates. TheNational Gay and Lesbian Taskforce is a progressive LGBT organization that focuses on local, state and federal issues, while theIndependent Gay Forum and theGays and Lesbians for Individual Liberty both subscribe to conservative or libertarian principles. And theEmpowering Spirits Foundation not only engages in empowering individuals and organizations to engage in the political process for equality, but engages in service-oriented activities in communities typically opposed to equal rights to help bring about change.^{[146][147][148]}

LPAC is aSuper PAC founded in 2012 to represent the interests oflesbians in theUnited States, and to campaign onLGBT andwomen's rights issues.^{[149][150][151]} Its supporters includeBillie Jean King,Jane Lynch,Laura Ricketts andUrvashi Vaid.^[152] On its first day of operations, LPACraised $200,000.^[153]

It is a program of theSecretary of State's Office of Global Partnerships, launched by U.S. Secretary of StateHillary Clinton in December 2011,^[154][155] that supports programs advocating thehuman rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBTQ) people around the world throughpublic-private partnerships.

The GEF makes $3 million available tocivil society organizations worldwide through smallgrants andrequests for proposal.^[156]

The government ofNorway has pledged financial support for the GEF.^[157]

The GEF has partnered with themGive Foundation in order to solicit donations via mobile phones,^[158] and has fundraised with other organizations such as theHuman Rights Campaign and theElton John AIDS Foundation.^[159]

The announcement of the GEF won support fromFreedom House^[160] and theHuman Rights Campaign.^[155]

As ofthis edit, this article uses content fromSusan's Place, a source licensed under the terms of theGNU Free Documentation License which was imported into Wikipedia before November 2008 and is therefore validly licensed for use on Wikipedia. All relevant terms must be followed. The original article was at"A Homophile Movement".

• Bullough, Vern L.Before Stonewall: Activists for Gay and Lesbian Rights in Historical Context. Harrington Park Press, 2002.
• Cante, Richard C. (March 2008).Gay Men and the Forms of Contemporary US Culture. London: Ashgate Publishing.ISBN 978-0-7546-7230-2.
• Dynes, Wayne R. (ed.)Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. New York and London, Garland Publishing, 1990.
• Johansson, Warren & Percy, William A.Outing: Shattering the Conspiracy of Silence. Harrington Park Press, 1994.
• Shilts, Randy.The Mayor of Castro Street: The Life and Times of Harvey Milk. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982.ISBN 0-312-01900-9.
• Thompson, Mark, editor.Long Road to Freedom: The Advocate History of the Gay and Lesbian Movement. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.ISBN 0-312-09536-8.
• Timmons, Stuart.The Trouble with Harry Hay: Founder of the Modern Gay Movement. Boston: Alyson Publications, 1990.

• On Important Pre-Stonewall Activists
• Queer Commission of the Socialist Party USA
• LGBT Political Investment Caucus
• Revolting Queers 2007
• Gay Rights Movement Confronts Teen Suicides, Homophobic Electioneering and Violent Attacks
• HIC Archives
• One ArchivesArchived 2018-11-29 at theWayback Machine

• LGBTQ rights movement
• History of LGBTQ civil rights in the United States
• Political ideologies

• Webarchive template wayback links
• CS1 maint: location missing publisher
• CS1 maint: archived copy as title
• All articles with dead external links
• Articles with dead external links from October 2025
• Articles with dead external links from December 2013
• Articles with dead external links from July 2022
• Articles with permanently dead external links
• Articles with short description
• Short description is different from Wikidata
• Wikipedia articles in need of updating from October 2011
• All Wikipedia articles in need of updating
• Use American English from January 2026
• All Wikipedia articles written in American English
• Use mdy dates from January 2026
• Wikipedia articles with inappropriate overview sections from December 2025
• All articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases
• Articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases from April 2024
• Articles with excerpts
• Wikipedia articles licensed under the GNU Free Document License