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Korean shamanism, also known asmusok (Korean: 무속;Hanja: 巫俗), is a religion fromKorea.Scholars of religion classify it as afolk religion and sometimes regard it as one facet of a broader Korean vernacular religion distinct fromBuddhism,Daoism, andConfucianism. There is no central authority in control ofmusok, with much diversity of belief and practice evident among practitioners.
Apolytheistic religion,musok revolves around deities and ancestral spirits. Central to the tradition are ritual specialists, the majority of them female, calledmudang (무당;巫堂). In English they have sometimes been called "shamans", although the accuracy of this term is debated amonganthropologists. Themudang serve as mediators between paying clients and the supernatural world, employingdivination to determine the cause of their clients' misfortune. They also performgut rituals, during which they offer food and drink to the gods and spirits or entertain them with storytelling, song, and dance.Gut may take place in a private home or in aguttang shrine, often located on a mountain. Themudang divide into regional sub-types, the largest being themansin orkangsin-mu, historically dominant in Korea's northern regions, whose rituals involve them being personallypossessed by deities or ancestral spirits. Another type is thesesŭp-mu of eastern and southern regions, whose rituals entailspirit mediumship but not possession.
Elements of themusok tradition may derive from prehistory. During theJoseon period,Confucian elites suppressed themudang with taxation and legal restrictions, deeming their rites to be improper. From the late 19th century, modernisers – many of whom wereChristian – characterisedmusok asmisin (superstition) and supported its suppression. During theJapanese occupation of the early 20th century, nationalistically orientedfolklorists began promoting the idea thatmusok represented Korea's ancient religion and a manifestation of its national culture; an idea later heavily promoted bymudang themselves. In the mid-20th century, persecution ofmudang continued in North Korea and through theNew Community Movement in South Korea. More positive appraisal of themudang occurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with theminjung pro-democracy movement and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural identity.
Musok is primarily found in South Korea, where there are around 200,000mudang, although practitioners are also found abroad. While Korean attitudes to religion have historically been fairly inclusive, allowing for syncretism betweenmusok and Buddhism, themudang have nevertheless long been marginalised. Disapproval ofmudang, often regarded as charlatans, remains widespread in South Korea, especially among Christians.Musok has also influenced some Korean new religions, such asCheondoism andJeungsanism.
Theanthropologist Chongho Kim noted that defining Korean shamanism was "really problematic".[1] He characterised "Korean shamanism" as a largely "residual" category into which all Korean religious practices that were notBuddhist,Confucian, orChristian were placed.[1] Scholars like Griffin Dix, Kil-sŏng Ch'oe and Don Baker have conversely presented Korean shamanism as just one facet of "Korean folk religion",[2] the latter sometimes calledminsok chonggyo inKorean.[3]
Korean shamanism has varyingly been labelled a vernacular religion,[4] a folk religion,[5] a popular religion,[6] and anindigenous religion.[7] It is a non-institutionalized tradition,[8] rather than being an organized religion akin to Buddhism or Christianity.[9] It has no doctrine,[10] nor any overarching hierarchy,[11] and is orally transmitted.[12] It displays considerable regional variation,[13] as well as variation according to the choices of individual practitioners.[12] Over time, the tradition has displayed both continuity and change.[14]
One term commonly used for this tradition ismusok ("mu folklore"), coined by thefolklorist Yi Nŭnghwa.[15] Although developed during the Japanese colonial period, when it was employed with derogatory connotations,[16] the term has since become popular with the Korean population and with scholars;[17] theKorean studies scholar Antonetta L. Bruno for instance capitalised it asMusok to serve as a name for the religion.[18] Alternative terms includemugyo,[19]muijŭm,[17] andmu.[17]Mugyo was a neologism introduced in the 1970s by a Protestant theologian Yu Tong-sik.[20][page needed] In Korea, the termmisin ("superstition") is sometimes used for this religion, but is also applied to other religious and cultural practices likegeomancy.[21] Whilemisin carries negative connotations in Korean culture, somemudang use it to describe what they do.[22]
Since the late 19th century, English language studies have referred to themudang as "shamans" and their practices as "Korean shamanism",[23] a label rendered into Korean asshyamŏnijŭm.[17] Introduced to English from theTungusic languages at the end of the 17th century, the term "shamanism" has never received a commonly agreed definition and has been used in at least four distinct ways.[24] A common definition uses "shamanism" to describe traditions involving visionary flights to perform rituals in a spirit realm,[25] a practice not found in Korean traditional religion.[26] Many scholars avoid the term "shaman" as a cross-cultural category altogether.[27] Its application to Korean religion is controversial,[28] with Chongho Kim deeming it "often unhelpful".[29] The scholar Suk-Jay Yim proposedmu-ism as a more appropriate label than "Korean shamanism",[30] while Dix thought "spirit mediumship" more suitable than "shamanism".[31]
Prior to Christianity's arrival in the 17th and 18th centuries, Korean religion was rarely exclusivist, with many Koreans practisingDaoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, andmusok simultaneously.[12] Despite shared underlying beliefs, these traditions undertook a "division of ritual and cosmological responsibility" between each other.[32] Confucian rituals were for example primarily concerned with ancestor veneration and tended to be simpler and more regular, whereas themudang would be brought in on rarer occasions.[33] Korea has seen particularsyncretism betweenmusok and Buddhism;[34]mudang often identify as Buddhists,[35] and commonly worship Buddhist deities,[36] while some Korean Buddhist temples venerate deities traditionally associated withmusok.[37] In contemporary South Korea, it remains possible for followers of most religions (barring Christianity) to involve themselves inmusok with little censure from their fellow religionists.[12] Meanwhile,mudang based in Europe have merged the tradition withNew Age elements.[38]
Central tomusok are those whom the anthropologist Kyoim Yun called "ritual specialists who mediate between their clients and the invisible" forces of the supernatural.[39] The most common Korean term for these specialists ismudang,[40] a label that encompasses various "folk religion practitioners" across the peninsula.[41]
Although commonly used, the termmudang carries derogatory connotations in Korean culture and thus some practitioners avoid it.[42] An alternative term ismu,[43] the latter synonymous with the Chinese wordwu (Hanja:巫), also used for ritual specialists.[44] Several modernmudang advocacy groups have adopted the termmusogin, meaning "people who domu".[45] While the termmudang can apply to a man or woman,[46] specific terms for malemusok specialists includepaksu,[47] or, more commonly used in the past,kyŏksa.[48] Modern advocacy groups have also described supporters assindo (believers,Hanja:信徒) ormusindo (believers in the ways ofmu,Hanja:巫信徒).[49]
Mudang are often divided into two broad types: thekangsin-mu, or "god-descended"mu, and thesesŭp-mu or "hereditary"mu. The former engage in rituals in which they describe being possessed by supernatural entities; the latter's rituals involve interaction with these entities but not possession.[50] The former was historically more common in northern and central parts of the Korean peninsula, the latter in southern parts below theHan River.[51] Thekangsin-mu tradition later spread and by the late 20th century was dominant across South Korea,[52] with its ritual costumes and paraphernalia being widely adopted.[53]
Lines between thesesŭp-mu andkangsin-mu are nevertheless blurred.[54] Although thesesŭp-mu are typically presented as inheriting the role in a hereditary fashion, not allsesŭp-mu do so,[55] while somekangsin-mu continue the role of a family member as if maintaining a hereditary tradition.[56] Yun commented that dividing themudang into distinct typologies "cannot explain complex reality".[55]
Certain regional terms are also used for themudang.[40] Thesesŭp-mu are often calledtanggol inJeolla Province,[57] andsimbang onJeju Island.[58] The latter term was first recorded in the 15th century, used formudang on the Korean mainland, but by the early 19th century was exclusively used for practitioners on Jeju.[57] An alternative term for thekangsin-mu ismansin,[59] a term meaning "ten thousand spirits/gods",[60] and which has less derogatory connotations than the labelmudang.[61]
Other terms sometimes used formudang may elsewhere be restricted to different types of Korean ritual specialist. The termyeongmae, describing aspirit medium, is sometimes used synonymously withmudang but at other times describes a distinct group of practitioners.[62] Another term somemudang adopt for themselves isposal (bosal), originally a Korean term for a Buddhistbodhisattva,[63] and which is favored more by female than male practitioners.[64] Conversely, somemudang maintain that the termposal should be reserved fordiviners who are possessed by child spirits but who do not perform thegut rituals of themudang.[65]
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Musok ispolytheistic.[66] Supernatural beings are calledgwisin,[67] orsin.[68] Themudang divide these beings into two main groups, the gods and the ancestral spirits, although many use the termsin for all of them.[49] Supernatural beings are seen as volatile; if humans do well by them, they can receive good fortune, but if they offend these entities then they may suffer.[69] Devotees of these deities believe that they can engage, converse, and bargain with them.[70]
Eachmudang will have their own personal pantheon of deities, one that may differ from the pantheon of themudang they trained under.[71] This individual pantheon is thechusin,[72] and amudang may add new deities to it during their career.[72] Some will be considered guardian deities,[73] each referred to as ataesin.[48] These deities bestowmyŏnggi ("divine energy") upon themudang, enabling the latter to have visions and intuition that allows them to perform their ritual tasks.[74]
In Korean traditional religion, the deities are calledjanggunsin,[75] and typically take human form.[76] The pantheon of deities, which has changed over time,[77] is termedsindang,[18] with over 130musok divinities having been identified.[77] The deities can be divided into those embodying natural or cosmological forces and those who were once human, including monarchs, officials, and generals.[77] Some derive from Daoist or Buddhist traditions and others are unique to Korean vernacular religion.[35] They are deemed capable of manifesting in material forms, as in paintings or statues,[78] or as inhabiting landscape locations such as trees, rocks, springs, and stone piles.[79] The anthropologist Laurel Kendall suggested that the relationship thatmudang had with these spirit-inhabited sites was akin toanimism.[80]
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The highest deities are often deemed remote and little interested in human affairs.[18] The governing god in Korean tradition, referred to as Hananim, Hanallim, or Hanŭnim, is deemed to rule the heavens but is rarely worshipped.[81] Some of the more powerful deities can make demands from humans without any obligation to reciprocate.[82] Other deities are involved in everyday human concerns and prayed to accordingly.[83] Many of the deities desire food and drink, spend money, and enjoy song and dance, and thus receive these things as offerings.[84] Spirits of the dead are thought to yearn for the activities and pleasures they enjoyed in life;[85] spirits of military generals are for instance believed to like dangerous games.[86] The associations of particular deities can change over time;Hogu Pyŏlsŏng was for instance a goddess ofsmallpox, but after that disease's eradication in the 20th century retained associations withmeasles andchickenpox.[87]
Popular cosmological deities includeCh'ilsŏng, the spirit ofthe seven stars of the Big Dipper, who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure that cares for children.[88]Yŏngdŏng is a goddess of the wind, popular in southern areas including Jeju.[89] The mountain god, or mountain gods more broadly, are calledsansin,[90] or sometimessansillyŏng,[91] and are typically seen as the most important spirits of the earth.[92]Sansin is typically depicted as a man with a white beard, blue gown, and accompanying tiger.[93] Water deities, oryong, aredragons deemed to live in rivers, springs, and the sea.[94] The most senior dragon is the Yong-Wang (Dragon King) who rules the oceans.[94] Spirits of military generals aresinjang,[95] and include theobang changgun, the generals of the five cardinal points.[92] Among thesinjang are historical figures like Ch'oeyŏng, Im Kyŏngŏp, Oh, and Chang,[77] as well as more recent military figures; aroundInchon, variousmudang have venerated GeneralDouglas MacArthur as a hero of theKorean War.[77]Child deities aretongja.[96] The Korean traditional cosmology also includes mischievous spirits calleddokkaebi,[97] and entities calledtongt'o that can lodge in the family compound and cause trouble.[98]
Villages traditionally hadJangseung, timber or occasionally stone posts representing two generals that guard the settlement from harmful spirits.[99] On Jeju, these were constructed of volcanic rock and were respectively called theHarubang (grandfather) andHalmang (grandmother).[94] Historically, villages would often hold annual festivals to thank their tutelary deities. These would often be overseen by local men and reflect Confucian traditions, although sometimesmudang did participate.[100] In Korean society, rapid urbanisation has radically changed how people interact with their local deities.[101]
Korean vernacular religion includes household deities,[101] the chief of which is Sŏngju, the principal house guardian.[102] Others include T'oju taegum, who patrols the precincts of the household, Chowang the kitchen spirit, and Pyŏnso Kakssi, the protector of the toilet.[94] Keeping these entities happy was traditionally regarded as the role of the housewife,[101] and is achieved through offering them food and drink.[103] These informal rituals do not require the involvement ofmudang, who would only be called in for special occasions.[104]Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in Sŏngju leaving, meaning that he must be encouraged to return through ritual.[80] Sŏngju may also require propitiation if expensive goods are brought into the home, as he expects a portion of the expenditure to be devoted to him.[105]
Ancestral spirits are calledchosang.[49] Tutelary ancestors are termedtangju.[106] Ancestors who may be venerated inmusok rituals are broader than the purely patrilineal figures venerated in formal Koreanancestor veneration rites, theJesa.[107] These broader ancestors may for instance include those from a woman's natal family, women who have married out of the family, or family members who have died without offspring.[107] While both themusok rites and the Confucian-derivedjesa entail communication with ancestors, only the former involves direct communication with these spirits, allowing the ancestors to convey messages directly to the living.[108] Certain ancestral spirits can also form part of amudang's personal pantheon.[109]A personal spiritual guardian is themomju (pluralmomjusin).[110] Themomjusin of malemudang are usually deemed female; those of femalemudang are typically male.[111]
In Korean religion, a "fundamental cosmology" has influenced various traditions, includingmusok.[112]Korean shamanic narratives include a number of myths that discuss the origins of shamans or the shamanic religion. These include, thePrincess Bari myth, theGongsim myth, and theChogong bon-puri myth.[113][114] Origin myths are often calledponp'uri.[115] These narratives have been extensively collected and studied by Korean scholars.[115] During agut ritual held for the dead, an epic ballad called the Tale of Princess Pari is often recited.[116]
One of the most widespread myths in Korean Shamanism is known as the Myth ofDangun, the legendary founder of the first Korean kingdomGojoseon.[117] Dangun is sometimes considered the firstmudang.[118] This myth refers to the belief that God would come from heaven. This would result in the earth and heaven being unified. God and human beings would be unified as well. Korean Shamanism believes that the goddess mother of earth is married to the heavenly God.[117]
The Myth of Dangun has become thefounding myth of theKorean nation.[119]
A common belief in Korean vernacular religion is that spirits of the dead wander the human world before entering the afterlife.[120]After death, the soul must stand trial in court and pass through gates kept by the Ten Kings.[121] At this court, the dead are judged for their conduct in life.[122] The Ten Gates of Hell are regarded as places of punishment for the wicked, typified by grotesque and gory scenes.[122] According to thePrincess Bari narrative, Ascension from Hell to Paradise is possible through prayer and devotion.[123]
The dead are regarded as intrinsically dangerous to the living as their touch causes affliction, regardless of whether they mean harm or not.[124] Those who died prematurely or who feel their life was unfulfilled, such as grandparents who never saw their grandchildren, a first wife who was replaced by a second wife, those who died by drowning, and young people who died before they could marry, are all considered especially antagonistic to the living and thus particularly dangerous.[125]Meddlesome ghosts are thought to often enter the house on a piece of cloth, clothing, or bright object.[126] A dead ancestor who has not been appropriately cared or has been given an unsuitable burial place is deemed likely to cause trouble for its living descendants.[127]
If a person suffers a tragic or untimely death, it is believed that their soul hovers between life and death and can cause misfortune for their family; they thus need to be dealt with through ritual.[128]Terms forwandering spirits includejabkwi[129] andkaeksa,[130] andmudang are deemed best suited for dealing with them, because they can determine what they want and tell them to go away.[131]
On Jeju Island, since the late 1980s there have been public lamentations of the dead involvingsimbang to mark those killed in theJeju uprising of 1948.[132]
Themudang mediate between the human and supernatural worlds,[133] doing so in an attempt to decrease human suffering and ensure a more harmonious life.[134] Specifically, they interact with gods and ancestral spirits by divining their presence and will, performing small rituals to placate them and gain their favor, and overseeing thegut rituals to feast and entertain them.[135] Themudang's ability to perform their rituals successfully is deemed to come frommyŏnggi ("divine energy") bestowed upon them by the deities.[136] Thus, divine favor must be gained through purification and supplication, prayer and pilgrimage.[74]Individualmudang can be regarded as having particular specialities.[69]
For themudang, ritual is an economic activity,[137] and they operate as free agents rather than members of an ordained clergy.[138] For many practitioners, being amudang is a full-time job on which they financially depend,[139] although some fail to earn a living through this ritual vocation.[140] To succeed financially,mudang must attract regular clientele,[141] and to that end modern South Korean practitioners have advertised their services in brochures, fliers, newspapers, and on the Internet.[142] Some followers ofmusok are unhappy with this situation, believing that the practice has degenerated undercapitalism andmodernisation; they feel that modernmudang display a more materialistic and self-interested approach than their historical predecessors.[143]
Manymudang report that they never wanted to take up the profession, resisting the calling due to the social disapproval that practitioners often face.[144] However,musok teaches that it is the deities who decide if a person is to become amudang and that they will torment an individual with misfortune, illness or madness to encourage them into adopting the profession.[145] This process is termed thesinŭi kamul ("the drought caused by the gods"),[146]sinbyŏng ("spirit possession sickness"),[147] ormubyŏng ("mu sickness").[148]Mudang have for instance reported partial paralysis and hallucinations before turning to this ritual vocation,[149] or else a compulsion to go to a shrine or sacred mountain.[150] Alternatively, they have described encounters with spirits, sometimes while wandering in a wild environment,[150] or otherwise through dreams,[151] with dreams and visions sometimes revealing which deities the futuremudang is expected to serve.[152]
Once the person has accepted the calling, they must find an establishedmudang willing to train them.[153] They become this person's apprentice, thechagŭn mudang.[153] Apprentices are usually aged over 18, although there are examples of children becoming apprentices.[154] The apprentice of amudang may be called theirsinttal orsinddal (spirit daughter) if female,[155] orsinadul (spirit son) if male.[156] Themudang will be that novice'ssineomeoni.[157] The neophyte must ultimately perform an initiation ritual to open upmalmun (the "gates of speech") that will allow them to receive the words of the spirits.[158] This rite is called thenaerim gut.[159] It involves the neophyte performing the appropriate chants, dances, and oracles to invoke and convey inspiration from the deities.[160] If the initiate fails to perform this correctly, with the deities failing to open theirmalmun, they will have to perform it again.[161] Manymudang perform multiplenaerim gut before being recognised as properly initiated ritual specialists.[162] Thosemudang who fail to learn how to deal with supernatural entities correctly are sometimes calledōngt'ōri by other practitioners.[163]
In thesesŭp-mu tradition, teachings are often passed down hereditarily although in other instances asesŭp-mu adopts a non-relative, rather than their child, as an apprentice.[164] Not all practitioners want their children to follow them into the profession, however.[165] Whenmudang do not wish a family member to continue their vocation, they may ensure that their ritual paraphernalia is burned or buried at their death; doing so severs any connection between their person deities and their surviving family.[166]
Serving private clients is the core practice for mostmudang, even those who have built celebrity status through their performance of stagedgut.[167] In some areas, including Jeju, clients are calledtan'gol.[168] Clients seek solutions to their practical problems,[169] typically hoping that themudang can ascertain the cause of misfortune they have suffered.[170] Common reasons for doing so include recurring nightmares,[171] concerns about a child getting into university,[169] financial woes,[169] business concerns,[172] or physical ailments.[173] Some clients turn to themudang after being dissatisfied with the diagnosis or treatment administered by medical professionals.[174]
Although both sexes do consultmudang,[175] most clients are female.[176] From his fieldwork in the 1990s, Chongho Kim found that most clients were women in their late fifties and early sixties,[177] while that same decade Kendall noted that most clients in Seoul and its environs were small entrepreneurs, such as owners of small companies, shops, and restaurants.[178] By the early 21st century, Sarfati observed, many young people had become clients ofmudang as part of a spiritual search or for counselling.[179] Clients do not generally regard themselves as being committed exclusively tomusok, and may deem themselves Buddhists or Christians,[138] butmudang often think that their rituals will please the spirits regardless of their client's beliefs.[134]
A client will often arrive, greet themudang, and then engage in an introductory conversation. Through this, themudang will hope to ascertain more about the client and their problems.[180] Themudang then uses divination and trance visions to determine the source of their client's trouble;[181] inmusok, neglecting ancestors and gods is seen as the primary cause of affliction.[182] Themudang may then try to convince their client of the need for a particular ritual to treat their problem.[183]
If a ritual fails to produce the desired result, the client may speculate that it was because of a bad performer, errors in the ritual, the presence of a ritually polluted attendee, or a lack of sincerity on their part.[184] If the client feels themudang has not successfully solved their problem, they may turn to anothermudang.[185] They may be disappointed or angry given their substantial financial investment; in some rare cases clients have suedmudang.[185] The payment of money is often a source of mistrust between clients andmudang.[186] Concerns about money are heightened by the lack of an "institutional buffer" between the client and ritual practitioner, such as a temple or church.[187]
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Mostmusok rituals center around altars[188]—referred to assinbang,harabŏjiŭibang, orpŏptang[189]—and which serve as places formudang to engage with supernatural beings.[188]Mudang typically have a shrine in their home in which they host various gods and ancestors,[190] sometimes set up in a cabinet.[191] Shrines might alternatively be found outdoors, often incorporating a stone or old tree,[188] while amudang will often establish a temporary altar in a client's home.[188]
While each altar often has its own idiosyncratic elements,[192] they are typically dominated by bright, primary colors, in contrast to the muted earth tones traditionally predominant in Korean daily life.[105] This home shrine may include paintings of deities, calledmusindo,[193]taenghwa,[193]musokhwa,[194] orsinhwa.[194] These paintings are particularly important in themusok traditions of Seoul and of the northwest provincesHwanghae andP'yŏngan;[189] they were traditionally not found in parts of the south.[195] Hanging above the altar,[189] they are usually considered the most important objects present.[196] They are regarded as seats for the deities, literally manifesting the latter's presence rather than just visually depicting them,[197] an idea similar to those found across much of Asia, as in Buddhism andHinduism.[198] As well as being invited to inhabit a painting, a deity may also be petitioned to depart it; they are sometimes believed to leave of their own accord, for instance if they abandon amudang who keeps the image.[199]
Musindo paintings range from being crude to more sophisticated.[200] Traditionally they use colors associated with the five directions (오방색;obangsaek): red, blue/green, yellow, white, and black.[70] Painters who producemusindo are traditionally expected to adhere to standards of purity while producing these artworks,[201] bathing beforehand and refraining from eating fish or meat.[202] Since the 1970s,musindo have commonly been produced in commercial workshops,[203] although a small number of traditional artists remain in South Korea.[204] After amudang's death, theirmusindo were often ritually de-animated and then burned during the 20th century.[205] Somemusindo have been donated to museums; certainmusok practitioners believe that the deity leaves the image if that occurs.[206]
On the shrine, deities may also be represented bysinsang, statues made of wood, plastic, clay, straw, or metal.[207] Alternatively, deities may be represented by a white piece of paper, thekŭlbal orkŭlmun, onto which the entity's name is written in black or red ink.[53] The deity may instead be seated in physical objects, including stones, clothing, coins, dolls, or knives;[53] these may be concealed from view, for instance being wrapped in cloth or inside a chest.[78] In addition to entities associated withmusok specifically, shrines may also include images of Buddhist deities.[208] Alongside representations of such beings, shrines typically have candles, incense holders, and offering bowls;[209] there may also be toys or dolls to amuse the child gods.[210] Themudang's altar will also often be a place to store or display their ritual paraphernalia, such as costumes.[211]
To sustain their ongoing favor,mudang often worship their deities daily.[201] Thus, they often bow when in the presence of their home shrine,[189] and then place offerings upon it.[212] Some offerings, such as cooked rice, fruit, and water, may be changed daily; others, such as sweets, cigarettes, and liquor, may be replaced more infrequently.[213]Mudang maintain that they provide offerings in thanks for the work their deities have brought them.[192] For visiting clients, who may also place offerings at amudang's home-shrine,[214] a large assortment of offerings thus gives the impression of a financially successful ritual specialist.[192]
Deities are often believed to be present in all houses.[215] Historical accounts often reference the presence of earthen jars (tok,hangari,tanji) filled with grain, or smaller baskets or pouches, as offerings to household deities and ancestors.[80] This practice was declining in South Korea by the 1960s and 1970s.[215] By the latter decades of the 20th century, cardboard boxes had become common receptacles for these household offerings.[80] Somemudang have suggested that, because most South Koreans now live in apartments, the Sŏngju must be venerated in a way that ensures it is mobile and can be transported to a new home.[216]
Specialised buildings at whichmusok rituals are performed are calledguttang orgut dang (굿당) and are typically located on mountains.[218]Guttang are often identified on the exterior by at'aegŭk symbol, a circular swirl of red, blue, and yellow that symbolizes the cosmos.[219] The main ritual room is called thegut bang,[220] and often contains a table on which offerings are placed.[220]Mudang often rent aguttang to perform their rituals, especially if they do not have space for such rites in their home.[221]
Practitioners often believe that deities communicate with humans through dreams as a means of choosing specific locales for the placement ofguttang.[222] Some are located at especially auspicious places, such as at an area below a mountain, themyŏngdang, where positive spiritual energy is thought to congregate.[223]Guttang sometimes move over time.[224] TheGuksadang, which Kendall described as "Seoul's most venerableguttang",[225] for instance was originally on South Mountain, before being displaced by aShinto shrine during the Japanese occupation, at which it moved toInwangsan, a mountain to the north of the city.[226] The growing urbanisation of South Korea since the late 20th century has meant that many are now surrounded by other buildings, sometimes including otherguttang.[227] The increasingly cramped nature of Korean urban living may have encouraged the increasing popularity ofguttang in isolated locations like mountains.[228]
Guttang often operate as businesses.[229] They rent out rooms formudang to use, a practice perhaps originating in the late Joseon period.[230] Theguttang will have a shrine keeper,[231] who may be amudang themselves.[163] Other staff based there may include musicians calledchaebi,[231] cooks who prepare food forgut rituals,[221] and a maid, thekongyangju, who is a traineemudang yet to undergo their initiation rite.[231] As well as spaces for ritual,guttang also provide places for networking, allowingmudang to witness the rituals of other practitioners and observe different regional styles.[227]
Shrines dedicated to significant tutelary spirits are known astang orpugundang.[225] Historically, these were often the foci for local cults, such as those devoted to apotheosised heroes.[232] In parts of South Korea, as on Jeju Island, new village shrines have continued to be created into the early 21st century,[233] with various Jeju villages having more than one shrine.[234]
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The central ritual of themudang is calledgut.[235] These are large-scale rites,[236] characterised by rhythmic movements, songs, oracles and prayers.[237] They are the only rituals in traditional Korean religion believed to give supernatural entities the ability to speak directly to humans,[238] and are meant to create welfare, promoting commitment between supernatural beings and humankind.[239] The purpose of agut is to get the supernatural beings to communicate, expressing what it is that they want and why they are angry.[29] There is regional diversity in the styles ofgut,[240] although somemudang mix these different styles,[241] with eachgut displaying features unique to its particular circumstances.[242] Central tomusok rituals is a reciprocal transaction between humans and supernatural entities.[243] These rituals are typically performance-focused, rather than being rooted in a prescribed liturgy,[244] and can last for up to several days.[245]
Agut is sponsored for a specific purpose.[246] Agut may be arranged due to an illness, domestic quarrel, or financial loss.[181] It might be undertaken to propitiate the spirit of a deceased family member,[247] or to increase prosperity and good fortune;[248] in the 21st century, it has become increasingly common to sponsor agut to mark a new financial venture, such as the opening of a mall or an office building.[249] As well as being performed for clients, themudang will sometimes perform these rituals for their own personal reasons;[250] in the 1990s, for instance, the prominentmudang Kim Kŭm-hwa performed agut forKorean reunification.[251]
Financial payment for agut is typical,[252] although the fee varies betweenmudang and the circumstances of the rite.[253] However, agut is usually very expensive for the client of amudang;[254] based on his fieldwork in the 1990s, Chongho Kim noted that agut in Seoul typically cost between 2 and 5 million won, whereas in the rural area of Soy it cost between 300,000 and 2.5 million won.[255] The precise fee may be negotiated between themu and their client, sometimes involving haggling.[256] This will usually be agreed at a pre-gut consultation.[257] As well as paying for themudang's time, the fee also covers the wages of any assistants and the costs of material used in the rite;[95] it may also reflect the years of training they have undertaken to be able to perform these rituals.[258]
Thegut is usually held in private, and few have a larger audience than the direct participants like the client,[259] although there are instances where those paying for agut will invite neighbors to observe.[260] On occasion, a busy client will not attend thegut they have sponsored.[261] These rituals are typically regarded as unsuitable for children to attend.[262] Often it will take place outdoors and at night, in an isolated rural location,[263] at aguttang shrine rented for the occasion,[264] or in a private home,[265] either that of themudang,[266] or that of their client.[267] Setting up thegut may involve not only themudang but also their apprentices, assistants, musicians, butchers, and cooks.[268] Preparing and decorating the space is deemed a meaningful part of the ritual process,[76] with those setting it up often concerned so as not to offend the spirits.[269]
Colorful paintings of the gods will often be brought into the space where thegut is to be performed;[270] this is not part of thegut performed by Jejusimbang.[271] God paintings are usually paper, although in modern contexts are sometimes polyester, ensuring that they are resistant to rain and tearing. Other practitioners regard the use of polyester images as a corruption of tradition.[272] These images are then often hung on a metal frame.[76] InTaejŏn City andCh'ungch'ŏng province, a traditional practice involves decorating the ritual space with handmade mulberry paper cut into patterns.[53] Various ritual items may be included in thegut ritual, including swords, thesamjichang, a drum, drum stick, and the spirit stick.[273] Thesamjichang is a three-pronged spear.[274] Thechukwonmun is a prayer card used in thegut onto which information like the name of the client may be written.[275] Thechukwonmun may then be attached to a drum.[276]
Atgut, food is offered to the spirits.[277] This will often include fish, rice,tteok rice cakes, eggs, sweets, nuts, biscuits, fruit, and meat.[278] Some of this food will be cooked, some will be offered raw.[250] To provide meat,animal sacrifice occurs at mostgut, although is rare in televisual, cinematic, and museum depictions of these rites.[279] A cow or pig killed for the purpose may be butchered in the shrine room;[270] the carcass may be impaled on the trident; if it fails to balance, then this is seen as evidence that the deities do not accept the offering.[280]When the ritual is intended to invoke Buddhist spirits, the food offerings may be vegetarian;[281] offering these entities meat would offend them.[282] Food offerings may also be set out at the side for wandering spirits who are attracted by the ritual, an act designed to avoid mishaps they could cause.[283]
Offered alongside the food will often be alcoholic drinks, typicallysoju,[284] as well as non-food items like incense, cloth, money (both real and imitation), and paper flowers.[285] The color of the flowers may indicate to whom they are offered; pink for the spirits of military generals, white for Buddhist deities, and multi-colored for ancestral spirits.[286] The material used for thegut will often be bought in amanmulsang shop, which specialises in traditional religious paraphernalia.[287] In modern South Korea, the ritual paraphernalia used is often of poor quality because it is intended to be burnt following the ceremony.[288]
These may be placed on offering tables;[289] one table will be thehalabeoji sang, devoted to themusok gods, while the other table will be thejasang sang, devoted to ancestral spirits.[290] Themudang will often perform divination to determine if the offerings have been accepted by the supernatural beings.[291] It is considered important for the person giving these offerings to do so with sincerity and devotion,[292] with the mudang undertaking a form of divination called "weighing the sincerity" (chŏngsŏng kŭllyang) to determine if this has been the case.[293] The emotional influence on the audience is considered evidence of its efficacy.[294]
During the ritual, attendees may be expected to give additional offerings of money to themudang, often while they are possessed, intended as thanks both to them and to the spirits.[295] These offerings, given in addition to the ritual fee, are calledpyŏlbi orkajŏn.[296] Any real money presented as offerings to the deities will be taken by themudang.[297]Much of the food assembled for thegut will then be distributed and consumed by the attendees at the end of the ritual,[298] having been charged by auspiciousness by its involvement in the rite.[192] Attendees may distribute some of this food to non-attendees once they get home;[299] they may also set some aside to feed any wandering spirits that might have followed them from thegut.[192] In somegut, especially those held atgut dang shrines, food will also be left to decay.[192]
The ritual begins with themudang inviting supernatural entities to the altar, after which they set out to entertain them.[300] Music will often be involved in thegut.[270]Musical instruments typically involved ingut include cymbals, hourglass-shaped drums calledchanggu, and a gong.[301] Also sometimes featured is a pipe, thepiri.[302] Thegut will often begin with drumming.[263] Themudang will often dance to the beat of the drums, often swirling in circles, something believed to facilitate the possession trance.[303] They may holdnŏk-chong,short sticks to which white paper streamers are attached;[304] this helps channel the spirits into themudang's body.[283] Themudang may also carry a fan and brass bells;[305] Sarfati commented that these bells were "a central symbol of musok",[306] and their purpose is to attract the attention of the spirits.[307]
The language used by amudang during their rite is calledmudang sori ("mudang's sounds"),[308] and is often deliberately archaic.[282] The songs or chants employed are calledmuga,[309] with each practitioner having their own personal repertoire, largely inherited through oral tradition.[310] As well as traditional folk songs, somemudang have sungpop songs to entertain the spirits.[311]Incantations and ritual words for communicating with the spirit are calledchukeon.[312] Themudang will often recite mythological stories during the ritual, something deemed to contribute to its efficacy.[313] These may be recited in full at a longer ritual or in condensed form for a shorter one.[313] There may be breaks during thegut, for instance giving time for the participants to eat.[314]
The costumes worn for these rituals are calledsinbok.[315] These colorful outfits resemble those documented from the 19th and early 20th centuries,[316] and may involve ahanbok.[317] Themansin may distinguish themselves from their assistants by having their hair in the Tchokchin mŏri style.[269]For thegut, themudang will dress in clothes representing the deities,[318] with different deities associated with different items of clothing.[315] They may change outfit over the course of thegut to reflect the different entities possessing them.[319] This is not a practice that thesesup mu engage in.[271]
Also used in manygut arechaktu blades, objects symbolizing the bravery of the possessing warrior spirits.[320] Themudang may stab themselves in the chest with the knives,[321] run the blade along their tongue,[320] or press it to their face and hands.[322] Riding knives is termedjakdugeori and involves themudang walking barefoot on the upturned blade of the knife, sometimes while speaking ingongsu, or possessed speech.[323] Practitioners claim that it is the spirits that prevent themudang from being cut by the blade,[324] and the ability to undertake such dangerous acts without harm is regarded as evidence for the efficacy of the rite.[325] Some practitioners acknowledge instances in which they have been cut by the blades.[326]Jakdugeori has become an expected part of staged or cinematicgut.[327]
The possession phase takes place at the climax of the ritual.[328] In somegut traditions, themudang will stand upon an earthen jar while doing so.[329]The termsin-naerim (descending of the spirits) describes possession of themansin, intended in a manner that is largely controlled.[330] Possessed speech is calledkongsu;[331] words from the possessing entity will then be spoken to the assembled persons by themudang.[332] Over the course of agut, amansin may be possessed by a succession of different supernatural entities.[333]On Jeju, thesimbang will provide a voice for the spirits.[334] Yun noted that thesimbang's "so-called medium speech" typically lacked the "dramatic intensity" of the messages conveyed by thekangsin-mu.[335] The entities possessing themudang will typically dispense advice to the ritual's sponsor and to other attendees.[336]Supernatural beings will often relate that if agut had been performed earlier, misfortune would not have befallen the person sponsoring thegut.[337]
The final phase of thegut entails sending off the spirits who have been summoned, often by burning name tags, thejosang ot ("clothes for ancestors") or cloth, straw shoes, and imitation money.[338]Towards the end of thegut, wandering spirits that may have gathered are expelled,[339] talismans may be distributed to attendees,[340] and finally themudang will remove their ceremonial clothing.[311]
Malemudang often wear female clothing and makeup when performing rituals, reflecting their possession of a femalemonjusin.[341][clarification needed] Femalemudang may show an interest in smoking, drinking alcohol, and playing with bladed weapons, reflecting that they have a malemonjusin.[111] In Korean society, there have been persistent rumours about the toleration of homosexuality withinmusok practitioners.[342]
Mudang sometimes work in groups.[343] This has been observed amongsimbang on Jeju,[106] as well asmansin in Seoul.[157] In the early 1990s, for example, afeminist group in Seoul sponsored severalmudang to perform agut ritual for the aggrieved souls of Korean "comfort women".[344] When an arsonist torched Seoul's historicNamdaemun Gate in 2008, severalmansin performed a ritual to appease spirits angered by the act.[120]
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Different types ofgut have different names, often reflecting the principle deity being honoured or the purpose of the rite.[248] Thechesu gut is for good fortune, while theuhwan gut is for healing.[345] Thechinogi gut is performed to send ancestors to a good afterlife.[345]Themich'in gut is performed for a person who is mentally afflicted and often deemed to be possessed by one or more spirits.[346] Exorcisms will often involve throwing scraps of food, sometimes at the afflicted person.[347] The possessing spirit is offered food to encourage it to leave.[348] Thech'a kosa is performed to honor the spirits of a new car and became increasingly popular as car ownership grew in late 20th century South Korea.[349]
Thekkonmaji gut or flower-greetinggut is an annual rite held by amudang to entertain and feed their gods, ancestors, and clients.[350] Thesin gut are performed in gratitude to the deities and ancestors for granting a mu their spiritual power and thus a livelihood. They are regarded as returning to these supernatural beings a portion of what the mu has earned.[351] Thesin gut can sometimes last 10 days.[352] Thebyong gut is a ritual for expelling bad spirits, sometimes from a human. This sometimes involves the spirit forcing it into a bottle.[353]
Historically, thegut may have had entertainment value when there were few other outlets.[354] Since the latter decades of the 20th century,gut performed primarily for entertainment purposes rather than for religious reasons are referred to asgut gongyeon.[355] Some practitioners who perform both draw a clear distinction between them,[355] although manymudang still regard stagedgut as genuine interactions with spirits.[14] Performed in museums or at city festivals, thesegut often take place on raised stages surrounded by a seated audience,[356] typically attracting journalists, scholars, and photographers.[357] Stagedgut are often dedicated to general causes such as national prosperity;[358] sometimes the food placed as an offering is fake.[359] They often involve folklorists or other scholars who explain the ritual to the audience,[360] while the participants will often be dressed in a common uniform, something not found in privategut.[315]Mudang may see these staged rituals as an opportunity to attract potential new clients,[361] uploading videos of them performing such rites to social media andYouTube.[362]
Gut gongyeon are often performed for their artistic value.[317] By 2009, South Korea's government recognised ten regionalgut styles as parts ofthe country's intangible cultural heritage, and that year one of these traditions – theYŏngdŭng gut performed at Ch'ilmŏri Shrine on Jeju – was added toUNESCO'sRepresentative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.[363]
Purity of both the body and the mind is a state that is required for taking part in rituals.[364] Purification is considered necessary for an efficacious communion between living people and ancestral forms.[364] Before anygut is performed, the altar is always purified by fire and water, as part of the firstgori of the ritual itself.[364] The colour white, extensively used in rituals, is regarded as a symbol of purity.[364] The purification of the body is performed by burning white paper.[364]
Inmusok, spiritually potent sites include rocks, springs, andsŏn'ang trees.[365] The latter trees may be marked out by having strips of cloth or paper attached to them.[366] Mountains are often deemed places of sacred presence and associated withmusok's origin.[367] Each prominent mountain is deemed to have a sovereign mountain spirit.[80] The levels of spiritual power at a mountain are influenced not just by its associated deities but also theki energy (the equivalent of the Chineseqi) that is present there.[80] Thiski is believed to channel throughmaek ("veins") through the mountain landscape; these can be disrupted by roads or other construction.[80] Thus, the potency of these mountains is thought to decline amid growing urbanisation and tourist access.[80] In Korea, this traditionalgeomancy is calledp'ungsu, and is akin to the Chinesefengshui.[368]
Pilgrimages to mountain shrines have long been part of Korean religion.[103] Historically, themudang's mountain pilgrimages were rare events, although improved transportation meant that by the 1990s these had become more regular occurrences in South Korea.[227] Somemudang prepare for these pilgrimages by bathing and abstaining from eating meat, fish, or eggs.[369] On arrival at the shrine, the pilgrim will bow and give offerings.[103] Formudang, these mountains are places to replenish theirmyŏnggi and are conducive to receiving visions.[370]Mudang will make offerings not only at the mountains but also at springs and guardian treesen route.[371] Those reaching the summit of a mountain will often add a pebble to acairn to propitiate that mountain'ssansin.[372] Incorrectly performing the pilgrimage may upset thesansin and bring about this spirit's retribution.[373]
The most sacred mountain for themudang isMount Paektu, located on North Korea's northern border with China;[374] this is believed to channelki to every other mountain in the peninsula.[118] According to legend, it is also the birthplace of Tan'gun, the national ancestor and firstmudang.[118] Since the 1990s,mudang from South Korea have travelled to China to make pilgrimages to this mountain.[375]
An important component of themudang's role is to produce talismans calledpujŏk (bujeok) which are presented as providing the bearer with good fortune.[376] Thesepujŏk are often based on Hanja, Korean versions of Chineselogograms.[377] These may be distributed to attendees at the end of a rite.[340] Clients will often affix these to the internal walls of their home.[378]
Divination is termedjeom.[379] One form of divination, sometimes performed during other rituals, involves a person picking one of a selection of rolled up silk flags; the color of the selected flag is then interpreted as bearing meaning for that individual.[380] Green and yellow flags are often seen as indicating bad fortune,[380] while red is regarded as being auspicious.[381] Themugŏri style of divination involves casting rice and coins onto a tray,[382] while another practice entails shaking rice kernels onto a person's lap and then drawing meaning from whether they are of an odd or even number.[383]
In Korean vernacular religion, there are also ritual specialists who perform divinations and produce amulets but who do not engage ingut rituals like themudang.[384]
It is difficult to determine the origins ofmusok.[385]Detailed accounts ofmudang rituals prior to the modern period are rare,[386] and the fact that the tradition is orally transmitted means it is difficult to trace historical processes.[12]
Some historians have argued thatmusok has common origins with other traditions labelled "shamanic" in parts of North Asia, suggesting a common origin in prehistory.[387]Korean shamanism goes back to prehistoric times, pre-dating the introduction ofBuddhism and Confucianism, and the influence of Taoism, in Korea.[388] Over time, elements from other traditions, such as Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism, were absorbed into its practices.[389] Vestiges of temples dedicated to gods and spirits have been found on tops and slopes of many mountains in the peninsula.[388]
Shamanism can be traced back to 1,000 BC.[390] The religion has been part of the culture of the Korean Peninsula since then. "Historically, Korean Shamanism (Musok) was an orally transmitted tradition that was mastered mainly by illiterate low-ranking women within the neo-Confucian hierarchy."[391] However, several records and texts have documented the origin of Korean Shamanism. One of these texts isWei Shi which traces Shamanism to the third century.[392] Chinesedynastic histories mention the importance of designated shamans among early religious practices in Japan but not Korea.[393] The Korean studies scholar Richard D. McBride thus asserts that non-shamans were able to practice "under their own authority".[393] Evidently, the history of Korean Shamanism remains a mystery. However, foreign religions, includingChristianity,Buddhism,Confucianism andTaoism have influenced the development of Korean Shamanism.[394]
The development of Korean Shamanism can be categorized into different groups. The first category involves simple transformation. In this transformation, the influence of the practices and beliefs of other religions on Korean Shamanism was superficial.[395] The second category of transmission was syncretistic. This category involves Shamanism being incorporated into the practices and beliefs of other cultures, including Confucianism, Christianity, Taoism, and Buddhism.[395] These religions had different levels of influence on Korean Shamanism. The third category involves the formation of new religions through the mixing of beliefs and practices of Shamanism with those of other dominant religions.[395]
Although many Koreans converted to Buddhism when it was introduced to the peninsula in the 4th century, and adopted as the state religion inSilla andGoryeo, it remained a minor religion compared to Korean shamanism.[396]
The termmu is first recorded in the 12th-centuryYisanggugjip.[397] It also appears in theSamguk sagi from that century.[398]The use of images of themusok deities, hanging on the wall, is first recorded from the 13th century.[399]
The Goryeo kingdom was replaced by the Joseon dynasty, which saw an increase in governmental persecution of themudang.[400]Confucianism was the dominant ideology in Joseon Korea, contributing to these suppressions;[401] later historians argued that this was connected to the elite's desire to gain more power by challenging rivals to their Confucian system.[402] Confucians accepted the existence of the spirits invoked in themudang's rites,[403] but argued that there were better ways of dealing with these supernatural beings.[404] They regarded themusok rituals as improper,[404] criticising the presence of both sexes together in environments where alcohol was being consumed.[405] Korea'sNeo-Confucian scholars used the derogatory termŭmsa for non-Confucian ceremonies, of which they considered themudang rituals among the lowest.[406]
In the Joseon dynasty,mudang belonged to one of eight outcast groups that were expelled from the capital city.[407] TheGyeonggukdaejeon law book prescribed 100 lashes in public for anyone found to be supporting them.[401] This persecution could prove deadly; in an extreme case, amudang was beheaded in 1398.[408] In an oft-cited incident, Jeju governor Yi Hyŏngsang initiated a purge ofsimbang on the island in 1702, destroying 129 shrines.[409] Taxes were levied on themudang's rituals, both to discourage the practice but also to raise revenues for the government; these taxes remained in place until the 1895 Kabo reforms.[410] At the same time as the government persecuted themudang, they also turned to them in emergencies like epidemics, droughts, and famines.[408] Severalmudang were permitted access to the royal palaces, where several structures were set aside for their usage.[411]
By the late 19th century, many Korean intellectuals eager formodernisation came to regardmusok as superstition that should be eradicated;[412] they increasingly referred to it with the termmisin ("superstition").[413] These ideas were endorsed inTongnip sinmun, Korea's first vernacular newspaper.[414] Many of these intellectuals were Christian, thus regarding themudang's spirits as evildemons.[415] In 1896, police launched a crackdown by arrestingmudang, destroying shrines, and burning paraphernalia.[416]
TheEmpire of Japan invaded Korea in 1910.[417] During theJapanese occupation, the occupiers tried to incorporatemusok within, or replace it with,State Shinto.[418][419] The Japanese colonialGovernor-General of Chōsen presented themudang as evidence for Korean cultural backwardness, an approach intended to legitimize Japanese imperial rule.[420] Japanese efforts to suppress the tradition included the Mind Cultivation Movement launched in 1936.[421] Korean elites largely supported these suppressions for a variety of reasons, one of which was to demonstrate Korean cultural advancement to the Japanese occupying Korea.[422]
It was in this colonial context that scholars developed the idea that themudang were continuing an ancient Korean religion and thus represented the spiritual and cultural repository of the Korean people.[423] Influenced by the Western use of the term "shamanism" as a cross-cultural category, some Korean scholars speculated that themudang tradition descended from Siberian traditions.[271] The Japanese scholarTorii Ryūzō proposed themudang as a remnant of a primordialShinto, with both stemming from Siberian "shamanism".[424] These ideas were built on by nationalist Korean scholarsCh'oe Nam-sŏn andYi Nŭnghwa in the 1920s.[424] Cho'e reversed Torii's framework by emphasising the primacy of ancient Korean over Japanese tradition as the transmitter of Siberian religion,[425] while Yi promoted themudang tradition as the residue of what he calledsin'gyo ("divine teachings"), meaning a primordial Korean religion that lost its purity through the arrival of Confucianism and Buddhism.[425] At the time, Korean elites remained wary about this new positive reassessment.[426]
The situation forMusok worsened after thedivision of Korea and the establishment of anorthern Socialist government and asouthern pro-Christian government.[427] The Korean War and subsequent urbanisation of Korean society resulted in many Koreans moving around the peninsula, impacting the distinct regional traditions of themudang.[428] Manymudang from Hwanghae (in North Korea) resettled inInchon (in South Korea), strongly influencingmusok there, for example.[204] This migration meant that by the early 21st century,kangsin-mu were increasingly dominant in areas like Jeju wheresesŭp-mu historically predominated, generating rivalry between the two traditions.[55]
In North Korea, most formal religious activity was suppressed,[429] withmudang labelled part of the "hostile class".[430] In South Korea, Christianity spread rapidly from the 1960s, becoming the country's dominant religion by the 21st century.[431] South Korean leaderSyngman Rhee launched theSin Saenghwal Undong ("New Life Movement") which destroyed many village shrines.[432] This policy continued as theSaemaul Undong ("New Community Movement") of his successor,Park Chung Hee, which led to a surge in the police suppression ofmudang during the 1970s.[433] In response,mudang formed the Tae Han Sŭngkong yŏngsin yŏnhap-hoe (Korean Victory Over Communism Federation of Shamans) to promote their interests, its name reflecting the pervasiveanti-communist atmosphere of South Korean society.[434] Such outright persecution ended after Park's assassination in 1979.[432]
The popularization offolklore studies in the 1970s resulted in the notion ofmusok as Korea's ancient tradition gaining acceptance among growing numbers of educated South Koreans.[435] In 1962, South Korea had introduced a Cultural Properties Protection Law that recognised performing arts asintangible cultural heritage; some folklorists used this to help defend themudang.[435] In the latter part of the 20th century, themudang rituals were increasingly revived as a form of theatrical performance linked to cultural conservation and tourism.[436] From the 1980s onward, South Korea's government designated certainmudang as Human Cultural Treasures.[437] One of the best-known examples wasKim Geum-hwa, who from the 1980s performed for foreign anthropologists, toured Western countries, and appeared in documentaries.[438] Reflecting the view ofmusok as an important part of Korea's cultural heritage, agut was depicted on a South Korean postage stamp whilemusok elements were included at theSeoul 1988 Olympic Arts Festival and the 1988 inauguration of PresidentRoh Tae-woo.[439] Paintings ofmusok deities became increasingly collectable in the 1980s and 1990s.[440]
Themudang were often regarded favorably within South Korea'sminjung (Popular Culture Movement) pro-democracy campaign from the 1970s; severalmudang were active in the movement and became emblematic of its struggle.[441] Advocacy groups were also formed to advance the cause of themu,[442] keen to present the tradition as lying at the heart of Korean culture,[442] while the 1980s also sawmudang begin to write books about themselves.[443]Mudang also adapted to new technologies; from the 1990s they increasingly used theInternet to advertise their services,[444] while portrayals ofmudang became widespread on South Korean television in the 2010s.[445] This increasing cultural visibility improved themudang's social image.[446]
Since the early 19th century, a number of movements of revitalization or innovation of traditional Korean shamanism arose. They are characterized by an organized structure, a codified doctrine, and a body of scriptural texts. They may be grouped into three major families: the family ofDaejongism or Dangunism, theDonghak-originated movements (includingCheondoism andSuunism), and the family ofJeungsanism (includingJeung San Do,Daesun Jinrihoe, the now-extinctBocheonism, and many other sects).[447]
Mostmudang are female,[448] something that may connect to origin myths that presentmusok as first developing among women.[449] Approximately a fifth ofmudang are male,[330] although the latter are proportionately over-represented in 21st-century media representations.[450] There is regional variation in these gender differences; on Jeju Island, there were more male than femalesimbang prior to the 1950s, and proportions of male practitioners remain higher there than on the Korean mainland.[451]Mudang have conventionally belonged to the lowest social class;[452] Chongho Kim noted that mostmudang he encountered in the 1990s were both financially poor and had little formal education.[453]
Determining the number ofmudang is difficult.[28] In 1983, around 43,000 people were membersmudang unions,[454] while in the early 21st century, Sarfati estimated the number ofmudang at being over 200,000.[28] Rather than being evenly distributed throughout South Korea, concentrations were higher in Seoul,[455] and on Jeju.[456] The number ofmudang as a whole does not appear to be decreasing,[457] although the hereditarysesŭp-mu, including the Jejusimbang, are "in steep decline".[458]Musok is not recorded in the South Korean census because the government does not regard adherence to it as being akin to identifying as a Christian or a Buddhist.[459] A late 20th-century survey by the Korean Gallup Research Institute indicated that 38 percent of the adult population of South Korea had used amudang.[460] In North Korea, according to demographic analyses by Religious Intelligence, approximately 16 percent of the population practises "traditional ethnic" religion.[461]
Since at least the 20th century,mudang have travelled abroad to perform rituals;[157] many for instance serve clients inJapan's Korean minority.[462] There are alsomudang in Europe,[38] and a small number of non-Koreans have becomemudang; a 2007 documentary covered the story of a Germanmudang.[120] Kendall noted the existence of onemudang living outside Korea who was promoting their teachings through New Age-style workshops.[463]
Musok has been suppressed throughout Korean history under a succession of dominant ideologies including Confucianism, Japanese colonialism, and Christianity.[464] At the start of the 21st century, themudang remained widely stigmatized in South Korean society, facing widespread prejudice.[465] In 2021, Sarfati observed that while the religion was "still stigmatized", it was experiencing "growing acceptance" in South Korea.[466]
The religion's critics often regardmudang as swindlers,[467] people who manipulate the gullible.[468] Critics regularly focus their critique on the large sums of money that themudang charge,[469] and maintain that the expenses required for its rituals are wasteful.[470] Critics have also accusedmudang of disrupting the civil order with their rituals.[469] Kendall noted that there was a "generally adversarial relationship" betweenmudang and Protestants in South Korea,[135] the latter regardingmusok as "Devil worship",[471] although there are also Protestants who have commissionedgut.[472] Mainline Protestant theologians have sometimes blamedmusok for predisposing Koreans toPentecostalism and the idea that prayer can generate financial reward.[473] Christians have sometimes harassedmudang at their places of work or during their ceremonies,[474] something whichmudang regard asreligious discrimination.[475]
Mudang began appearing in South Korean film in the 1960s.[476] Early portrayals in the 1960s and 1970s generally showed them as harmful, frightening, and anti-modern figures, as inSsal (1963),Munyŏdo (1972) andIŏdo (1977).[477] From the mid-2000s, films increasingly portrayed them as members of a living tradition situated in modern urban environments, as inCh'ŏngham Posal (2009) andPaksu Kŏndal (2013).[478] The 2000s also saw several successful documentaries aboutmudang appear in Korean cinemas,[164] as well as increasing appearances ofmudang on Korean television.[479] Korean artists who have citedmusok rituals as an influence on their work includeNam June Paik, who recreated an exorcismgut for several performances from the late 1970s.[480]Musok has also been presented in museums, although often with emphasis placed on its folkloric and aesthetic value rather than its role as a religious practice.[481] South Korea's government often embracegut as a traditional performing artform, but marginalise its religious function.[482]
Musok has influenced some Korean new religions, such asCheondoism andJeungsanism, and some Christian churches in Koreamake use of practices rooted inmusok.[483]
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