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Konstantinos Mitsotakis

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Prime Minister of Greece from 1990 to 1993

Konstantinos Mitsotakis
Κωνσταντίνος Μητσοτάκης
Mitsotakis in 1992
Prime Minister of Greece
In office
11 April 1990 – 13 October 1993
PresidentChristos Sartzetakis
Konstantinos Karamanlis
Preceded byXenophon Zolotas (interim)
Succeeded byAndreas Papandreou
President of New Democracy
In office
1 September 1984 – 3 November 1993
Preceded byEvangelos Averoff
Succeeded byMiltiadis Evert
Ministerial offices
1992Foreign Affairs
1991–1993Aegean
1980–1981Foreign Affairs
1978–1980Coordination
1965–1966Coordination
1965Finance
1964–1965Finance
1963Finance
Member of theHellenic Parliament
In office
20 November 1977 – 18 February 2004
In office
31 March 1946 – 21 April 1967
ConstituencyChania
Personal details
Born(1918-10-18)18 October 1918
Died29 May 2017(2017-05-29) (aged 98)
Athens, Greece
Political partyLiberal (1946–1961)
Centre Union (1961–1974)
Independent (1974–1977)
New Liberal (1977–1978)
New Democracy (1978–2017)
Spouse
ChildrenDora
Alexandra
Katerina
Kyriakos
Alma materUniversity of Athens
AwardsAustraliaCompanion of the Order of Australia (Honorary) (6 January 1992)[1]
FinlandGrand Cross of the Order of the Holy Lamb (10 May 1991)[2]
PortugalMilitary Order of Christ[i]
ItalyOrder of Merit of the Italian Republic[i]
CyprusOrder of Makarios III[i]
Signature
WebsiteK. Mitsotakis Foundation
Military service
Branch/serviceGreek Army

Konstantinos Mitsotakis (Greek:Κωνσταντίνος Μητσοτάκης,romanized: Konstantínos Mitsotákis,IPA:[konsta(n)ˈdinosmit͡soˈtacis]; 31 October [O.S. 18 October] 1918 – 29 May 2017) was a Greek liberal politician and statesman. He served asprime minister of Greece from 1990 to 1993.[3]

Born inChania, Crete, he came from a politically prominent family related toEleftherios Venizelos. Mitsotakis graduated in law and economics from theUniversity of Athens. He joined politics in 1946 as a member of theLiberal Party. During the 1950s and 1960s, he held several ministerial posts. He joinedCenter Union party in 1961 and he was regarded as a potential candidate for the party's leadership by 1965. However, he crossed party lines against Prime MinisterGeorgios Papandreou and his sonAndreas Papandreou in theIouliana of 1965, which made him a controversial figure for decades. After the fall of theGreek junta in 1974, Mitsotakis worked to rebuild his political reputation, and in 1978, joined the political party ofKonstantinos Karamanlis,New Democracy. He rose to its leadership in 1984, standing out as one of the few most experienced[ii] politicians capable of confronting thepopulist Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou and the rulingPASOK party. Their rivalry deeplypolarized Greek society, cumulating in the "catharsis" era (1989), when Andreas was indicted in connection with theKoskotas scandal after an unlikely coalition between New Democracy andSynaspismos, which included the formerly-bannedCommunist Party, was formed following theJune 1989 elections.

Coming to power in1990, Mitsotakis implemented anausterity program combined with policies ofeconomic liberalization andprivatization in an effort to reverse the economic divergence of the previous decade and steer Greece toward meeting theEuro convergence criteria. His government also improved relations with neighboring countries and theUnited States, ratifying theMaastricht Treaty. However, his tenure was marred by political instability and internal party conflicts, one which was the handling of theMacedonia naming dispute, that led to the sacking ofForeign MinisterAntonis Samaras in 1992. The next year, Samaras lured New Democracy MPs into hisown political party, resulting in a loss of majority for the Mitsotakis government and defeat in theensuing elections to Andreas Papandreou.

After resigning from the Presidency of New Democracy in November 1993, Mitsotakis remained an influential figure in Greek public life even after leaving office, spanning 58 years of active political career. In 2017, He died at the age of 98. His son,Kyriakos Mitsotakis, was elected as the prime minister of Greece in2019.

Personal life and family

[edit]

Mitsotakis was born on 31 October 1918[4] inHalepa suburb ofChania, Crete, into an influential political family, linked to the distinguished statesmanEleftherios Venizelos. His grandfatherKostis Mitsotakis [el] (1845–1898), a lawyer, journalist, and short-time member of parliament (MP) of thenOttoman-ruled Crete, founded the "Party of the Barefeet" (Greek:Κόμμα των Ξυπόλητων) with Venizelos that later becameLiberal Party. Kostis married Venizelos' sister, Katigo Venizelou, Konstantine's grandmother. Mitsotakis fatherKyriakos Mitsotakis (senior) [el] (1883–1944), also MP for Chania in theGreek Parliament (1915–20) and leader of the Cretan volunteers fighting with the Greek army in theFirst Balkan War, married Stavroula Ploumidaki. Stavroula was the daughter ofCharalambos Ploumidakis [el] (1866–1943), who was cousin of Eleftherios Venizelos and the first Christian mayor of Chania and an MP at the time of theCretan State.

He studied law at theUniversity of Athens using funds from a bequest established for his education by Eleftherios Venizelos. Mitsotakis was married toMarika Mitsotakis (née Giannoukou) from 1953 until her death on 6 May 2012.[5] They had four children, two of which,Kyriakos Mitsotakis andDora Bakoyannis, have notable political careers.

Mitsotakis developed a large collection ofMinoan and other Cretan antiquities, which he and his wife donated to the Greek state.[citation needed] He promoted thereforestation efforts across Greece, in particular the mountains of Crete.[citation needed]

Main members of the Venizelos/Mitsotakis family. Prime Ministers of Greece arehighlighted in light blue.
Kyriakos Venizelos [la]
(?–1883)		Styliani Ploumidaki
(1830–1897)
Eleftherios Venizelos
(1864–1936)		Katingo Venizelou
(1858–1934)		Constantine "Costis" Mitsotakis [el]
(1845–1898)
Kyriakos Venizelos [el]
(1892–1942)		Sofoklis Venizelos
(1894–1964)		Kyriakos Mitsotakis [el]
(1892–1942)		Stavroula Ploumidaki
(1896–1983)
Nikitas Venizelos
(1930–2020)		Konstantinos Mitsotakis
(1918–2017)		Marika Giannoukou
(1930–2012)
Pavlos Bakoyannis
(1935–1989)		Dora Bakoyanni
néeMitsotaki
(b. 1954)		Kyriakos Mitsotakis
(b. 1968)
Kostas Bakoyannis
(b. 1978)

Resistance activities

[edit]

Shortly before the outbreak of theWorld War II, he enlisted in the Infantry Reserve Officers' School on the island ofSyros. With the onset of war, he joined thearmy and fought as a reserve second lieutenant inMacedonia (Greece) against theGerman invasion of Greece, remaining on the front line for a month and a half. During the retreat, he moved south.

During theGerman occupation, Mitsotakis joined the resistance and played a key role as a negotiator among its various ideologically divided groups. He was involved in the intelligence network "Pentadyma" (Greek:Πεντάδυμα), linking Allied envoys with anti-Nazi officers. Later on, he intensified his activity by aiming to encourage German soldiers to defect to the Allied side. For his resistance activities, he was imprisoned twice by the Germans.

For his service, he received medals from both Greece and Britain. Following the German surrender, he served as a liaison between the British intelligence service and the Greek military administration.

Political career

[edit]

Early political career and Center Union (1946–1967)

[edit]

Mitsotakis was elected to theGreek Parliament for the first time in1946, standing for theLiberal Party in his native prefecture of Chania. In February 1951, he assumed the position of Deputy Minister of Finance under the government ofSofoklis Venizelos for ten months.[6]

In 1961, he joined intoGeorgios Papandreou'sCenter Union, as several members of the Liberal Party did.[6] He took the Ministry of Finance. In the meantime, the son of Georgios Papandreou,Andreas Papandreou, who had joined Greek politics after 23 years in the United States as a prominent academic,[7] was campaigning by having fierce anti-monarchy and anti-American rhetoric, destabilizing the fragile political equilibrium and becoming the leader of the party's left-wing.[8][9] However, Papandreou's rapid ascension, orchestrated by his father, created displeasure among Center Union party members.[10][11] After the death of Sofoklis Venizelos, Mitsotakis became the main antagonist of Andreas for the Center Union leadership.[12] In 1965, Mitsotakis, raisednepotism concerns in a newspaper interview, "leadership... is neither bestowed nor is it inherited,"[13] marking the beginning of long-term political rivalry between the two men with serious national consequences.[14]

During theIouliana crisis of 1965, Mitsotakis was among 45 MPs who crossed party lines by siding with the king, further intensifying the growing political polarization.[15] Papandreou loyalists branded this group the "apostates," a label that captured the deep divisions of the period. Although Mitsotakis's political career survived the aftermath of the crisis, he carried the stigma for decades, as opponents repeatedly invoked it to question his credibility and integrity.[6] In the mid-1980s, Andreas revived this memory during election campaigns, portraying Mitsotakis as a traitor and blaming him for Iouliana that led to theGreek junta.[14]

Exile (1967–1974)

[edit]

He was arrested in 1967 by themilitary junta but managed to escape to Turkey with a help of Turkish foreign ministerİhsan Sabri Çağlayangil. He lived inexile with his family inParis, France, until his return to Greece in 1974, following therestoration of democracy.

Return to Greece (1974–1984)

[edit]
Konstantinos Mitsotakis addressed in theUnited Nations 35th session in 28/9/1980 as the Foreign Minister of Greece

In1974, he campaigned as an independent and failed to be elected to Parliament. He was re-elected in1977 as founder and leader ofParty of New Liberals. While the his party got 1% of the national vote, its votes were concentrated at Chania, an area with strongVenizelist support, earning two seats.[16] In 1978, he merged his party withKonstantinos Karamanlis'New Democracy (ND) as part of Karamanlis' effort to broaden the ND's appeal toward thepolitical centre.[16] He served asMinister for Coordination from 1978 to 1980, and asMinister for Foreign Affairs from 1980 to 1981.

Karamanlis becamePresident of Greece in1980, leaving a power vacuum in the upcoming elections of 1981.[17]Georgios Rallis succeeded him as leader, but failed to counter the rising popularity of charismatic Papandreou. The ND government was defeated by Papandreou'sPASOK in1981. On the same day, ND was also defeated in the firstGreek election to the European Parliament. These setbacks led the party to electEvangelos Averoff, formerMinister for National Defence, as the new leader of ND.

Papandreou's PASOK started to implemented an ambitioussocial,economic, andforeign agenda, whose early successes raised concern within ND. In1984 European Parliament election, ND increased its share of the vote by 7% but still unable to displace PASOK into second place.[14] The defeat prompted Averoff to resign as party leader.[14]

Leading New Democracy party (1984–1989)

[edit]

In September 1984, following the resignation of New Democracy leaderEvangelos Averoff, Mitsotakis was elected as the party's new leader.[18] He launched a series of structural reforms aimed at modernizing the party. However, before these changes could take effect, Mitsotakis, as leader of the opposition, found himself confronting Papandreou in the first constitutional crisis of the republic.

Constitutional crisis (1985)

[edit]
Main articles:1985 Greek constitutional crisis and1985 Greek presidential election
Presidents of the Hellenic Republic, Konstantinos Karamanlis (left) and Christos Sartzetakis (right).

In March of 1985, Papandreou provoked aconstitutional crisis by denying Karamanlis a second presidential term and instead supportingSupreme Court justiceChristos Sartzetakis.[19] At the same time, he proposed constitutional amendments aimed at increasing the power of his position by weakening the presidential powers, which had served aschecks and balances on theexecutive branch.[20][21][22] Karamanlis resigned two weeks before the termination of his term, andacting presidentIoannis Alevras of PASOK took over.[23] Mitsotakis was quick to accuse Papandreou of creating a constitutional crisis to remove Karamanlis from office to establish a totalitarian constitution;[24] an observation that was adopted by constitutional scholars in subsequent analysis of the events.[iii]

The election of the new president took place under a tense and confrontational atmosphere due to Papandreou's dubious constitutional procedures.[25] Mitsotakis accused Papandreou of violating constitutional principle ofsecret ballot (Article 32),[26] by forcing his deputies to cast their vote with colored ballots.[25][27] However, Mitsotakis' concern was dismissed because PASOK controlled the majority in the Parliament.[25] Mitsotakis and Papandreou ended up having a verbal confrontation. Mitsotakis claimed Papandreou had no respect for the Parliament, and Papandreou responded, with Mitsotakis' role in theIouliana in mind, that the latter was the last person entitled to speak about respect.[25]

Sartzetakis was elected in the third round with Alevras casting the decisive vote. Mitsotakis considered the vote illegal and claimed that if New Democracy won the upcoming elections, Sartzetakis would not be president by bringing the legality of the process toCouncil of State (Greek:Συμβούλιο Επικρατείας), further deepening theconstitutional crisis.[28][27]

Polarized 1985 elections

[edit]
Main article:1985 Greek parliamentary election

Both parties continued their confrontations over the constitutional crisis in their election campaigns, where the political polarization reached new heights.[29] On one hand, Mitsotakis declared, "In voting, the Greek people will also be voting for a president"[30] and warned the danger of sliding towards an authoritarian one-party state.[31] One the other hand, Papandreou characterized the upcoming elections as a fight betweenlight and darkness in his rallies, implying that PASOK represented the "forces of light" since its logo was a rising sun.[32] He further argued that every vote against PASOK was a vote for the return of the Right with the slogan "Vote PASOK to prevent a return of the Right."[33] The communists, persecuted by the Right in the 1950s, protested against Papandreou's dwelling on the past, pointing out that the 1980s were not the same as the 1950s.[33] Before the elections, Karamanlis cautioned voters that PASOK had brought "confusion and uncertainty," but his statement was withheld from state-controlled media.[34]

In the election, New Democracy raised its vote share by 4.98%, reaching 40.84%, however, this gain was insufficient, as PASOK’s losses were minimal—only about 2.3% compared to 1981—allowing PASOK to be re-elected with 45.82% of the vote.[35] Historian,Richard Clogg argued that the large-scale rally by Mitsotakis on 2 June atSyntagma Square may have panicked communists to vote for PASOK, effectively erasing any gains by centrists defecting from PASOK.[36][37]

Mitsotakis accepted Sartzetakis as president after his defeat.[38] Papandreou'sconstitutional changes were enacted in 1986, consolidating power in the office of the prime minister.[39]

Leadership speculations and fracture

[edit]

Despite ND's increased share of the vote, PASOK's 5% lead, combined with concerns over the party’s two consecutive electoral defeats (in 1981 underGeorgios Rallis and in 1985 under Mitsotakis), sparked doubts among ND's old guard about Mitsotakis's future as party leader. Facing internal dissent, Mitsotakis resigned in 1985 but later stood unopposed for re-election at the party congress, winning the backing of 82 of ND's 126 deputies, 11 more than in 1984.[40] His former rival for the leadership,Konstantinos Stephanopoulos, abstained from the vote and subsequently left ND to establish a new political party,Democratic Renewal, taking nine MPs with him. Stephanopoulos criticized the ND leadership for its weak campaign performance in 1985 and for appearing to prioritize the interests of employers over those of workers.[40]

Unholy alliance

[edit]

The dominance of Papandreou in the elections of 1985 caused frustration in the communist parties,Communist Party of Greece (KKE) andEurocommunists, who lost significant electoral share.[41] Moreover, there was growing resentment towards PASOK for itsauthoritarian practices andmonopoly of power, while at the same time utilized the Left's ideology and voting power.[42] In thelocal elections of October 1986, KKE party chose not to support candidates of PASOK in the three major municipalities (Athens,Piraeus, andThessaloniki), which provided an opportunity for ND to obtain a new power basis to challenge PASOK.[43] PASOK described this unannounced collaboration as "unholy alliance."[44]

Catharsis (1989–1990)

[edit]
Four Greek politicians (L-R:Leonidas Kyrkos,Charilaos Florakis, Mitsotakis,Konstantinos Stephanopoulos) discuss a time after the Papandreou indictment for the Koskotas scandal. Papandreou called them the "gang of four."

In theJune 1989 election, Mitsotakis defeated Papandreou, owing much to theKoskotas scandal.[45] However, no single political party formed a government on its own, a consequence of Papandreou'selectoral law change just before the elections that was intended to prevent the opposition from coming to power. Thepolitical gridlock led to an unexpected collaboration between conservativeNew Democracy and leftist parties underSynaspismos, led byCharilaos Florakis, to form a government with a limited mandate to carry out the investigations into PASOK's scandals that became known as "catharsis." This collaboration was extraordinary for Greek society since they were on opposite sides in theGreek civil war (1946–1949) and signaled the end of military interference in politics.[46][47][48] The decision by Mitsotakis and Florakis carried additional responsibility because if charges weren't filed against Papandreou during this term, future prosecutions would be impossible according to the constitution.[49][50]

The transitional collaborative government was led byTzannis Tzannetakis (2 July–12 October) and initiated parliamentary investigations that led to the indictment of Papandreou and four of his ministers in connection to the Koskotas scandal (29 September 1989).[51] It also granted the first private televisionbroadcast licenses to publishers critical of PASOK as a counterbalance to state media to avoid future political exploitation from any futureomnipotent prime minister.[52] The government was soon dissolved after the indictments.[51]

Political polarization peaked five weeks before the scheduledelections of November 1989, when the Greek parliament was set to begin deliberations on whether Papandreou and four of his ministers[53][54] should be indicted. On this day, 26 September 1989, just hours before deliberations were to start,Pavlos Bakoyannis (son-in-law of Mitsotakis), a prominent conservative member of parliament and the architect of collaboration between the left and right wings for Papandreou's indictment, was shot by17 November terrorist group outside his office in Athens.[55][56] Both major political parties, New Democracy and PASOK, blamed each other for the assassination.[57] On 22 October, there was an assassination attempt against Mitsotakis hours before addressing his supporters inMytilini on the island ofLesbos.[58]

After the indictments, the collaborative government dissolved on 7 October, and a caretaker government underIoannis Grivas took over until the elections on 5 November.[59][60] In theNovember 1989 elections, New Democracy rose to 46% but still could form a government. ANational unity government was then formed by New Democracy, PASOK, and Synaspismos under 85-year-old former bankerXenophon Zolotas to break the deadlock and restore public trust. Zolotas resigned in April 1990, unable to reverse the economic decline attributed to Papandreou's earlier policies.[46] In theApril 1990 elections, Mitsotakis was able to form government with the support of a single MP fromDemocratic Renewal.[46]

Prime Minister (1990–1993)

[edit]
(Left) Greek inflation (%) in 1974–2000 period. In 1987, Papandreou abandoned the austerity measures (the dotted line estimates inflation if he had not) and delayed the convergence of the Greek economy with EEC criteria by more than four years. The 1980–2000 dataset is from theInternational Monetary Fund website[1], the 1974–1979 dataset is from the AMECO Database[2]. (Right) Greek debt over GDP (%) in the 1974–2000 period. In 1981, Papandreou changed the course of the economy by making it more dependable on foreign borrowing. The dataset is from theInternational Monetary Fund website[3]. The colored regions approximately highlight the prime minister's reigns; for 1989–1990, there was no stable government due to Papandreou's change in electoral law.
Mitsotakis with Spanish Prime MinisterFelipe González in 1990
Mitsotakis with Turkish Prime MinisterSüleyman Demirel with in theWorld Economic Forum in Davos, on 1 February 1992.

Economy

[edit]

Mitsotakis' government, after taking office, introduced a series of austerity measures (following the footsteps ofCostas Simitis in 1985–7) to tame the chronic budget deficits and high inflation rates, both necessary to meet theEuro convergence criteria.[60] His government also repealed the wage price index, which kept people's incomes high while fueling inflation, and it was PASOK's popular law among wage earners since 1982 when it was first introduced.[61] Certain areas, such as banking, were deregulated to attract capital.[62] Mitsotakis' government sold or liquidated 44 companies controlled by the "Industrial Reconstruction Organisation," which was created by PASOK and was designed to assist failed firms in recovery.[63] While the Greek economy started to recover towards meeting the Euro convergence criteria, austerity policies caused significant frustration on the Greek voters.[64]Moreover, Mitsotakis lacked the political capital to impose the necessary fiscal disciple,[60] causing friction with ND populists members, who wished to swell their patronage appointments as Papandreou did.[65]

Social reforms

[edit]

In social policy family benefits were introduced for families with 3 children or more.Social Insurance Institute pension replacement rates were reduced from 80% to 60%, while the retirement age was raised to 65 for both men and women who entered the workforce in 1993.[66]

Foreign policy

[edit]

Mitsotakis initiated efforts designed to improve relations with the US, which Papandreou's anti-American rhetoric had damaged.[67][68] In July 1990, a defense cooperation agreement was signed regarding the operation of American bases in Greece for the next eight years.[67][69] Greece's airspace and naval support during theGulf War further improved the relations between U.S. and Greece. Mitsotakis also visited Washington, making him the first Greek prime minister to do so since 1964 by Papandreou's father.[70] Mitsotakis took the initiative for Greece toformally recognize the State of Israel, making it the last EEC member to do so.[71] In 1992, he visited Israel, making it the first official visit by a Greek Prime Minister while in office.[71] To prevent the use of Greece as a base for terrorism, Mitsotakis reinstated Karamanlis' anti-terror legistation[72] that Papandreou had repealed in 1983 and expelledPLO members.[73] Mitsotakis also supported a new dialogue withTurkey, but made progress on theCyprus dispute a prerequisite for improvement on other issues.[citation needed]

Opposition and conflicts

[edit]

Papandreou criticized Mitsotakis's government for its economic policies, for not taking a sufficiently strict position over thenaming dispute with the newly independentRepublic of Macedonia (Mitsotakis favored a composite name such as "Nova Macedonia", for which he was accused at the time of being too lenient) as well as over Cyprus, and for being too pro-American. Mitsotakis's government collapsed afterAntonis Samaras left the New Democracy party in June 1993, protesting his dismissal asMinister for Foreign Affairs in April 1992 due to his moderate handling of theMacedonia naming dispute with the neighboring country.[74] Samaras created a new political partyPolitical Spring (Greek:Πολιτική Άνοιξη) that sliced off ND support in the upcoming elections.

Post-leadership era (1993–2004)

[edit]

We are battling against the powerful, greedy interests which thought that Greece belonged to them, who were used to running the country from behind the scenes for their own benefit. When we wouldn’t go along with them, they brought down the government, with the hope of bringing back Mr. Papandreou who has always done their bidding. But they will soon learn ... that our country is the precious heritage of all the people, not the private preserve of any individuals, no matter how much money, how many media and how many politicians they own.

—Mitsotakis in his final election rally in 1993[75]

Papandreou's PASOK obtained a parliamentary majority inpremature 1993 elections, based on the restored pre-1989 electoral system. After the elections, Mitsotakis resigned as ND leader and he was replaced byMiltiadis Evert,[76] however, he remained the party's honorary chairman.

Retirement and death

[edit]

In January 2004 Mitsotakis announced that he would retire from Parliament at the7 March election, 58 years after hisfirst election.

Mitsotakis died on 29 May 2017 inAthens, aged 98 of natural causes.[77][78][79]Four days of national mourning were declared.[80] Hisstate funeral was held on 31 May 2017 and he was buried in Chania.[81][82]

Governance approach

[edit]

Mitsotakis was the first prime minister of theMetapolitefsi whose rise to power lacked the near-absolute dominance within party and government that Karamanlis and Papandreou had enjoyed. Although he led New Democracy to three consecutive electoral victories between 1989 and 1990, only the last granted him a narrow majority. Suspicion from both the populist wing and the Karamanlis' loyalists marked him as an outsider within the party establishment and never fully "owned" the party. His often uneasy relationship with Karamanlis, especially over the referral of Papandreou to a special court, persisted even after Mitsotakis nominated him for the presidency in1990.[6]

Mitsotakis upheld core liberal values throughout his long career. After becoming ND leader in 1984, he embraced the emergence ofneoliberalism at international stage, which helped modernize his image despite his age and longstanding presence in politics. Moreover, he blended modernizing methods, such asmarket research and professionalcampaign strategies, with the habits of Greece's political traditions. His program of "Liberal New Democracy," aimed to reposition ND as a reformist and forward-looking party and to counter PASOK'sstatist agenda. However, his brand ofAnglo-Saxon–style liberalism found limited resonance in Greek political culture, often clashing with his own allies.[83]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^abc
    Some derived from photographic coverage of his funeral.[84][85]
  2. ^
    Mitsotakis had approximately seven years of ministerial experience under different prime ministers before becoming one.[6] For comparison, Papandreou's ministerial experience was 18 months, when his father was prime minister, from February 1964 to July 1965.[86]Costas Simitis also had approximately seven years of ministerial experience but under a single prime minister.[6] Karamanlis had three years of experience as Minister of Public Works, but more experienced ministers surrounded him once as a prime minister.[87]
  3. ^
    While Papandreou contended that Karamanlis' removal was necessary for the constitutional revision,Aristovoulos Manesis [el], a constitutional scholar, argued the reverse: the constitutional revision was a pretext to justify the removal of Karamanlis, which would remind left-leaning voters as the elections were approaching that PASOK remained faithful to its revolutionary left-wing origins.[88] Additionally, scholars consider that the motive behind Papandreou's actions was to divert public attention from economic policies.[89][90]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Australian Parliament Honours.
  2. ^Helsingin Sanomat May 1991.
  3. ^Prime Minister History, Official Site.
  4. ^Panagiotarea 2013, p. 176.
  5. ^Greek Reporter 2012.
  6. ^abcdefFeatherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 117.
  7. ^Clive 1985, p. 491.
  8. ^Close 2014, p. 109.
  9. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 84.
  10. ^Draenos 2012, pp. 67–68.
  11. ^Curtis 1995, p. 70.
  12. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 140.
  13. ^Clogg 2013, p. 246.
  14. ^abcdClogg 2013, p. 190.
  15. ^Close 2014, p. 108.
  16. ^abClogg 1987, p. 189.
  17. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 161.
  18. ^Close 2014, p. 294.
  19. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 87.
  20. ^Featherstone 2012, p. 183.
  21. ^Katsoudas 1987, p. 28.
  22. ^Clogg 1985, pp. 105–110.
  23. ^Clogg 1985, p. 106.
  24. ^Clogg 1985, p. 107.
  25. ^abcdClogg 1985, p. 109.
  26. ^Greek Constitution 1975, p. 631.
  27. ^abKalyvas 1997, p. 97.
  28. ^Clogg 1985, pp. 110–111.
  29. ^Close 2004, p. 267.
  30. ^Clogg 1985, p. 110.
  31. ^Clogg 2013, p. 194.
  32. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 166.
  33. ^abClogg 1987, p. 108.
  34. ^Clogg 1985, p. 111.
  35. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, pp. 166–167.
  36. ^Clogg 1987, p. 113.
  37. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 167.
  38. ^Clogg 1985, p. 112.
  39. ^Greek Constitution 1986.
  40. ^abClogg 1987, p. 169.
  41. ^Kapetanyannis 1993, p. 85.
  42. ^Kapetanyannis 1993, p. 89.
  43. ^Kapetanyannis 1993, pp. 85–86.
  44. ^Kapetanyannis 1993, p. 86.
  45. ^Dobratz & Whitfield 1992, pp. 167–180.
  46. ^abcKoliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 170.
  47. ^Close 2014, p. 159.
  48. ^Clogg 2013, p. 197.
  49. ^Pirounakis 1997, p. 256.
  50. ^Sassoon 1997, p. 72.
  51. ^abClogg 2013, pp. 197–198.
  52. ^Papathanassopoulos 1990, p. 394.
  53. ^Kontos, Kambria-Kapardis & Milonas 2011, p. 230.
  54. ^Dobratz & Whitfield 1992, p. 172.
  55. ^Chicago Tribune Oct. 1989.
  56. ^New York Times Sep. 1989a.
  57. ^Karyotis 2007, pp. 279–280.
  58. ^Clive 1990, p. 120.
  59. ^Clive 1990, p. 119.
  60. ^abcLiakos & Doumanis 2023, p. 345.
  61. ^Gallant 2016, p. 302.
  62. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 175.
  63. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 176.
  64. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 177.
  65. ^Curtis 1995, p. 224.
  66. ^Alexiadou 2016.
  67. ^abGallant 2016, pp. 300–301.
  68. ^Bellou, Couloumbis & Kariotis 2003, pp. 100–102.
  69. ^Bellou, Couloumbis & Kariotis 2003, p. 102.
  70. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, p. 171.
  71. ^abTziampiris 2014, p. 50.
  72. ^Kassimeris 1993, pp. 300–306.
  73. ^Borgeas 2016, pp. 170–171.
  74. ^Clogg 2013, p. 212.
  75. ^Featherstone 1994, p. 286.
  76. ^Curtis 1995, p. 233.
  77. ^Reuters May 2017.
  78. ^Bloomberg May 2017.
  79. ^The New York Times May 2017.
  80. ^Ethnos 2023.
  81. ^Greek Reporter May 2017.
  82. ^The National Herald Oct. 2017.
  83. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 118.
  84. ^Newsbomb May 2017.
  85. ^iefimerida May 2017.
  86. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 101.
  87. ^Featherstone & Papadimitriou 2015, p. 59.
  88. ^Manesis 1989, pp. 13–14.
  89. ^Featherstone 1990b, p. 108.
  90. ^Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009, pp. 164–166.

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Political offices
Preceded byMinister of Finance
1963		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Finance
1964–1965		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Finance
1965		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Coordination
1965		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Coordination
1965–1966		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Coordination
1978–1980		Succeeded by
Minister of Foreign Affairs
1980–1981		Succeeded by
Preceded byPrime Minister of Greece
1990–1993		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of the Aegean
1991–1993		Succeeded by
Preceded byMinister of Foreign Affairs
1992		Succeeded by
Party political offices
Preceded by President ofNew Democracy
1984–1993		Succeeded by
First Hellenic Republic
(1822–1832)
Kingdom of Greece (Wittelsbach)
(1833–1862)
Kingdom of Greece (interregnum)
(1862–1863)
Kingdom of Greece (Glücksburg)
(1863–1924)
Second Hellenic Republic
(1924–1935)
Kingdom of Greece (Glücksburg)
(1935–1973)
Military Junta
(1967–1974)
Third Hellenic Republic
(since 1974)
1Head of military/dictatorial government.2Head of rival government not controllingAthens.3Head of emergency orcaretaker government.4Head ofcollaborationist government during theAxis occupation (1941–44).
First Hellenic Republic
(1822–1832)
Kingdom of Greece (Wittelsbach)
(1833–1862)
Kingdom of Greece (Glücksburg)
(1863–1924)
Second Hellenic Republic
(1924–1935)
Kingdom of Greece (Glücksburg)
(1935–1973)
Military Junta
(1967–1974)
Third Hellenic Republic
(since 1974)
§ variously as Chief Secretary/General Secretary of State
† officially considered the first foreign minister of independent Greece
Leaders ofNew Democracy
§ interim leader
International
National
People
Other
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