TheKojiki (古事記, "Records of Ancient Matters" or "An Account of Ancient Matters"), also sometimes read asFurukotofumi[1] orFurukotobumi,[2][a] is an earlyJapanese chronicle ofmyths, legends,hymns, genealogies,oral traditions, and semi-historical accounts down to 641[3] concerning the origin of the Japanesearchipelago, thekami, and theJapanese imperial line. It is claimed in its preface to have been composed byŌ no Yasumaro at the request ofEmpress Genmei in the early 8th century (711–712), and thus is usually considered to be the oldest extant literary work inJapan.[4][5]
The myths contained in theKojiki as well as theNihon Shoki are part of the inspiration behind many practices and unified "Shinto orthodoxy".[6] Later, they were incorporated intoShinto practices such as themisogi purification ritual.[7][8][9]
It is believed that the compilation of various genealogical and anecdotal histories of the imperial (Yamato) court and prominent clans began during the reigns ofEmperors Keitai andKinmei in the 6th century, with the first concerted effort at historical compilation of which we have record being the one made in 620 under the auspices ofPrince Shotoku andSoga no Umako. According to theNihon Shoki, the documents compiled under their initiative were theTennōki or the "Record of the Emperors", theKokki (国記, alsoKunitsufumi) or the "National Record", and other "fundamental records" (本記,hongi ormototsufumi) pertaining to influential clans and free subjects. Out of these texts, only theKokki survived the burning ofSoga no Emishi's estate (where these documents were kept) during theIsshi incident of 645, and was itself apparently lost soon after.[10]
TheKojiki's preface indicates that leading families also kept their own historical and genealogical records; indeed, one of the reasons it gives for the compilation of theKojiki is the correction of errors that had supposedly crept into these documents. According to the preface,Emperor Tenmu (reigned 673–686) ordered the review and emendation of clan documents and commissioned a certain court attendant (toneri) of exceptional memory namedHieda no Are to memorize records andoral traditions concerning the imperial lineage. Beyond this memorization, nothing occurred until the reign ofEmpress Genmei (reigned 707–715), who on the 18th of the 9th month of 711 (Wadō 4) ordered the courtierŌ no Yasumaro to record what had been learned by Hieda no Are. He finished and presented his work to Empress Genmei on the 28th of the 1st month of 712 (Wadō 5).[4][10]
A page from the Shinpukuji manuscript of theKojiki, dating from 1371–72
TheKojiki is a collation of different traditions woven into a single "official" mythology, made in an attempt to justify the rule of the imperial Yamatopolity and at the same time to subsume different interest groups under its wing by giving them a place and an interest in the national genealogy-mythology. Apart from furthering the imperial agenda, an increased interest in the nation's origins in reaction to the influx of foreign culture and the need for an authoritative genealogical account by which to consider the claims of noble families and to reorganize them into a new system of ranks and titles are also possible factors for its compilation.[11]
TheKojiki's narrative establishes theYamato line's right to rule via myth and legend, portraying it as the progeny of heavenly deities and the rightful heir to the land of Japan. A good part of the latter portion of the text is spent recounting various genealogies which served not only to give the imperial family an air of antiquity (which may not necessarily reflect historical reality), but also served to tie, whether true or not, many existing clans' genealogies to their own. Regardless of the work's original intent, it finalized and possibly even formulated the framework by which Japanese history was examined in terms of the reign of emperors.[4][5][11]
In contrast to theNihon Shoki (compiled 720), the first ofsix histories commissioned by the imperial court, which was modeled onChinese dynastic histories and was intended to be a national chronicle that could be shown with pride to foreign envoys, theKojiki is inward looking, concerned mainly with the ruling family and prominent clans, and is apparently intended for internal consumption. Whereas theNihon Shoki uses a variety of source documents (including Chinese texts), theKojiki is apparently based on sources handed down within the court.[12][13][14]
Whereas theNihon Shoki, owing to its status as one of the six imperial histories, was widely read and studied during theHeian period (794–1185), theKojiki was mostly treated as an ancillary text. Indeed, a work known as theSendai Kuji Hongi (also known as theKujiki), claimed to have been authored by Prince Shōtoku and Soga no Umako, was considered to be earlier and more reliable than theKojiki. (Modern scholarly consensus holds theKuji Hongi to be a Heian period forgery based on both theKojiki and theShoki, although certain portions may indeed preserve genuine early traditions and sources.) By theKamakura period (1185–1333), the work languished in obscurity such that very few people had access to the text, particularly that of the middle (second) volume.[15] It is due to this neglect that theKojiki is available only in comparatively late manuscripts, the earliest of which dates to the late 14th century.[16]
It was with the advent of printing in the early modern period that theKojiki first reached a wide audience. The earliest printed edition of the text was theKan'ei Kojiki (寛永古事記), published in Kyoto in 1644 (Kan'ei 21). A second edition, theGōtō Kojiki (鼇頭古事記, "Kojiki with Marginal Notes") was printed byDeguchi (Watarai) Nobuyoshi, a priest atIse Shrine, in 1687 (Jōkyō 4).[16][17]
Kojiki-den by Motoori Norinaga
The birth of nativist studies (kokugaku) and nationalist sentiment during theEdo period saw a reappraisal of theKojiki.Kokugaku scholars saw Japan's earliest writings as the repository of a uniquely superior Japanese identity that could be revived by recovering the ancient language they were written in; theKojiki, by virtue of its antiquity, gained the status of a sacred text.[18] TheKojiki came to be highly regarded that scholars such asKada no Azumamaro andKamo no Mabuchi – himself a student of Azumamaro – produced annotated versions of it.[16]
TheKojiki received its most serious study and exposition in the hands ofMotoori Norinaga, who obtained a copy of the Kan'ei printed edition in 1754. After meeting Mabuchi in 1763, Norinaga began to devote his efforts to an in-depth scholarly study of the text. A monumental 44-volume study of theKojiki calledKojiki-den, composed over a 34-year period (1764–1798), was the fruit of his labor.[16] With Norinaga, theKojiki assumed an importance equal to theNihon Shoki; in fact, in his view theKojiki was a more trustworthy source for ancient Japanese traditions than was theShoki precisely because it was free of "Chinese mentality". He viewed theKojiki as a true account of actual events that when read correctly, could reveal Japan in its pristine, ideal state as a community where thekami, the emperor and the people lived in harmony.[16][19] Norinaga's work was carried on in different directions by his discipleHirata Atsutane and his rivals Fujitani Mitsue (1768–1823)[20] and Tachibana Moribe (1781–1849),[21] who each produced commentaries and treatises on the text.[16]
TheKojiki became once more the object of scholarly focus and discussion in theMeiji period with the introduction of Western academic disciplines such asphilology andcomparative mythology. The importance of the text as a work of literary value was recognized, and scholars realized that its accounts were comparable in many ways toancient Greek andRoman myths. At the same time, however, theKojiki andNihon Shoki achieved a sort of scriptural status underState Shintō, which viewed the stories contained therein as orthodox national history. Official ideology upheld as unquestionable fact the belief in the emperor's divinity and the idea of Japan as a racially superior "national body" (kokutai), with scholars who questioned their veracity facing the threat of censorship, forced resignation, or even trial in court.[16][18]
Until theMeiji era, the text's sacred nature was not known to have been questioned.[22] However, theKojiki was still widely seen as inferior to theNihon Shoki untilMotoori Norinaga wrote theKojiki-den.[22] In 1913,Tsuda Sōkichi argued in a study that theKojiki, particularly in its earlier sections, was neither history nor myth but a document created to legitimize the rule of the imperial line. While his conclusions led to considerable controversy, his influence remains in subsequent studies of the text (particularly in post-World War II scholarship), which amounts largely to development and correction of the line of thought originally proposed by him. In reaction to Tsuda,Watsuji Tetsurō (1920) argued for a literary appreciation of the Kojiki, claiming that this gave it inner coherence.Kurano Kenji (1927) took it a step further, proposing that theKojiki may best be compared with Westernepic literature and regarded as a national epic likeBeowulf is in the English-speaking world. During the 1920s and 30s, linguistHashimoto Shinkichi studied the phonology of theOld Japanese language, and his conclusions were applied by scholars to the study of the text.[16]
TheKojiki continued to attract the attention of academics and other specialists in the post-war period, which saw the appearance of numerous editions, translations and commentaries on the text by authors such as Kurano Kenji,Takeda Yūkichi,Saigō Nobutsuna, andKōnoshi Takamitsu.
There are two major branches ofKojiki manuscripts: Ise and Urabe. The extant Urabe branch consists of 36 existing manuscripts all based on the 1522 copies by Urabe Kanenaga. The Ise branch may be subdivided into the Shinpukuji-bon (真福寺本) manuscript of 1371–1372 and the Dōka-bon (道果本) manuscripts. The Dōka sub-branch consists of:
the Dōka-bon (道果本) manuscript of 1381; only the first half of the first volume remains
the Dōshō-bon (道祥本) manuscript of 1424; only the first volume remains, and there are many defects
the Shun'yu-bon (春瑜本) manuscript of 1426; one volume
The Shinpukuji-bon manuscript (1371–1372) is the oldest existing manuscript. While divided into the Ise branch, it is actually a mixture of the two branches. The monk Ken'yu based his copy on Ōnakatomi Sadayo's copy. In 1266, Sadayo copied volumes one and three but did not have access to the second volume. Finally, in 1282, he obtained access to the second volume through a Urabe-branch manuscript that he used to transcribe.
TheKojiki contains various songs and poems. While the historical records and myths are written in a form of theChinese language, the songs are written inOld Japanese with theMan'yōgana writing system, which usesChinese characters only phonetically.[23]
TheKojiki is divided into three parts: theKamitsumaki (上巻,"upper volume"), theNakatsumaki (中巻; "middle volume") and theShimotsumaki (下巻; "lower volume").
TheKamitsumaki, also known as theKamiyo no Maki (神代巻; "Volume of the Age of the Gods"), includes thepreface of theKojiki, and is focused on the deities of creation and the births of various deities of thekamiyo (神代) period, orAge of the Gods. TheKamitsumaki also outlines the myths concerning the foundation of Japan. It describes howNinigi-no-Mikoto, grandson ofAmaterasu and great-grandfather ofEmperor Jimmu, descended fromheaven to Takachihonomine inKyūshū and became theprogenitor of the Japanese Imperial line.[8][9][24]
TheNakatsumaki begins with the conquests ofJimmu, which make him the firstEmperor of Japan; and ends with the 15th Emperor,Ōjin. Thesecond throughninth Emperors' reigns are recorded in a minimum of detail, with only their names, the names of their various descendants, and the locations of their palaces and tombs listed, with no mention of their achievements. Many of the stories in this volume are mythological; theallegedly historical information is highly suspect.
TheShimotsumaki covers the 16th to 33rd Emperors and, unlike previous volumes, has very limited references to interactions with deities. (Such interactions are very prominent in the first and second volumes.) Information about the 24th to 33rd Emperors is scant.
What follows is a condensed summary of the contents of the text, including many of the names of gods, emperors, and locations as well as events which took place in association with them. The original Japanese is included in parentheses where appropriate.
Ō no Yasumaro's preface, in the form of a dedicatory address toEmpress Genmei, begins with a poem summarizing the main contents of the work. He then relates howEmperor Tenmu commissionedHieda no Are to memorize the genealogies and records of the imperial house years earlier, and how Genmei in turn ordered Yasumaro to compile a written record of what Are had learned. He finally concludes the preface with a brief explanation of theChinese characters used totranscribe native Japanese words in the text and the division of the work into three volumes.
When heaven and earth came into existence, three gods collectively known as theKotoamatsukami (別天津神, "Distinguished HeavenlyKami") appeared, who were then followed byseven generations of deities. The seventh and final generation ofkami, a male-female pair known asIzanagi-no-Mikoto (伊邪那岐命) andIzanami-no-Mikoto (伊邪那美命), are ordered to solidify and shape the earth, which was then like floating oil on the primeval ocean. The couple, using aspear, churn the ocean, thus forming the island ofOnogoro (淤能碁呂島).
Making their home on the island, Izanagi and Izanami marry and beget the islands of Japan as well as numerous otherkami. Izanami dies while giving birth to the fire godKagutsuchi-no-Kami (火神迦具土神); in a fit of rage, Izanagi kills the newborn Kagutsuchi andsearches for his wife inYomi (黄泉国,Yomi no kuni), the land of the dead. Izanami reveals that she had already eaten the food of the underworld and thus cannot return to the land of the living; she will, however, try to ask for permission and bade Izanagi to wait. Izanagi loses his patience and lights his comb as a torch to gaze at his wife, only to find that Izanami is now a rotting corpse. Horrified at this sight, Izanagi runs away and seals the entrance to Yomi. Izanami pronounces a curse, vowing to kill a thousand people each day, to which Izanagi replies that he will then beget fifteen hundred people everyday to thwart her. Izanagi, feelingcontaminated by his visit to Yomi, went toimmerse himself in a river, bringing more gods into existence as he does so. The three most importantkami, the "Three Precious Children" (三貴子,mihashira no uzu no miko,sankishi) –Amaterasu Ōmikami (天照大御神),Tsukuyomi-no-Mikoto (月読命), andSusanoo-no-Mikoto (須佐之男命) – came into existence when Izanagi washed his left eye, his right eye, and his nose, respectively.
Amaterasu and Susanoo
Amaterasu emerges out of the Heavenly Rock Cave (Shunsai Toshimasa, 1889)
Izanagi divides the world among his three children: Amaterasu was allottedTakamagahara (高天原, the "Plain of High Heaven"), Tsukuyomi the night, and Susanoo the seas. Susanoo, who missed his mother and kept weeping and howling incessantly, rejects his appointed task, leading Izanagi to expel him. Susanoo then goes up to Takamagahara, claiming to wish to see his sister. When a suspicious Amaterasu went out to meet him clad in armor, Susanoo protested his innocence and proposed that theyexchange oaths. Five malekami (Amaterasu's sons) andthree femalekami (Susanoo's daughters) come into existence when the two gods each chewed and spat out an object carried by the other (Amaterasu Susanoo's sword, Susanoo Amaterasu'smagatama beads) during the rite of oath-taking. Susanoo, declaring himself the winner of the contest, "raged with victory" and proceeds to wreak havoc upon Takamagahara, causing Amaterasu to hide in theAma-no-Iwato (天岩戸, the "Heavenly Rock Cave"), plunging heaven and earth into total darkness. The gods, led by the wiseOmoikane-no-Kami (思金神), eventually persuade her to come out of the cave, restoring light to the world. As punishment for his misdeeds, Susanoo is thrown out of Takamagahara.
Susanoo asks thekami of food,Ōgetsuhime-no-Kami (大気都比売神), to give him something to eat. When the goddessproduced foodstuffs from her mouth, nose, and rectum, a disgusted Susanoo kills her, at which various crops, plants and seeds spring from her dead body. Susanoo then makes his way down toAshihara-no-Nakatsukuni (葦原中国, the "Central Land of Reed Plains", i.e. the earthly land of Japan), to theland of Izumo, where he slays a monstrous eight-headed serpent called theYamata-no-Orochi (八俣遠呂智) to rescue the earthly goddessKushinadahime (櫛名田比売), whom he married. Out of the serpent's carcass, Susanoo finds the swordAme-no-Murakumo-no-Tsurugi (天叢雲剣, "Heavenly Sword of Gathering Clouds"), which he presents to Amaterasu as a reconciliatory gift.
A descendant of Susanoo,Ōnamuji-no-Kami (大穴牟遅神), helps a haplesshare that had been mistreated by his eighty brothers (八十神,yasogami); the hare, in turn, helps Ōnamuji win the hand of the goddess Yagamihime (八上比売) ofInaba. This earns Ōnamuji the jealousy of his brothers, who begin to make repeated attempts on his life. Seeking refuge in a subterranean realm ruled by Susanoo calledNe-no-Katasukuni (根之堅洲国), Ōnamuji meets and falls in love with Susanoo's daughter Suseribime-no-Mikoto (須勢理毘売). Upon learning of their affair, Susanoo imposes four trials on Ōnamuji, each of which he overcame with Suseribime's help. Ōnamuji manages to outwit Susanoo and leave the realm, taking his new wife Suseribime as well as Susanoo's sword,koto, and bow and arrows back with him, but not before being advised by Susanoo to change his name to Ōkuninushi-no-Kami (大国主神, "Master of the Great Land"). Ōkuninushi defeats his wicked brothers and becomes the lord of Ashihara-no-Nakatsukuni. Under the name Yachihoko-no-Kami (八千矛神, "Eight Thousand Spears"), he takes a third wife, Nunakawahime (沼河比売) ofKoshi.
A tiny god riding on the waves of the sea in a bean-pod appears before Ōkuninushi. A god in the form of ascarecrow namedKuebiko (久延毘古) identifies the dwarf as Sukunabikona-no-Kami (少名毘古那神), a son ofKamimusubi-no-Kami (神産巣日神), one of the three primordialKotoamatsukami. Sukunabikona assists Ōkuninushi in his task of creating and developing the land (kuni-zukuri), but eventually crosses over to the "eternal land" (常世国,tokoyo no kuni), leaving Ōkuninushi without a partner. Another deity,Ōmononushi-no-Kami (大物主神), then appears and promises to aid Ōkuninushi if he will worship him. Ōkuninushi then enshrines Ōmononushi inMount Mimoro inYamato Province.
The gods dwelling in Takamagahara decide that Ashihara-no-Nakatsukuni, which they consider to be overpopulated by unruly and evilkami, must be pacified and turned over to their rule. Amaterasu decrees that Ame-no-Oshihomimi-no-Mikoto (天忍穂耳命), one of the five sons born to her when Susanoo chewed hermagatama beads, shall be the one sent down to take possession of the land. Ame-no-Oshihomimi, after observing the earth below, deems it to be too tumultuous and refuses to go. Another son, Ame-no-Hohi-no-Mikoto (天菩比命) was sent, but ended up siding with Ōkuninushi and did not return for three years. A third messenger, Ame-no-Wakahiko (天若日子), was then dispatched, but ended up marrying Ōkuninushi's daughter Shitateruhime (下照比売) and did not report for eight years, plotting to gain the land for himself. He was eventually slain by the same arrow he used to shoot apheasant sent by the heavenly deities to question him. During Ame-no-Wakahiko's funeral, Shitateruhime's brotherAjishikitakahikone-no-Kami (阿遅志貴高日子根神) is enraged at being mistaken for the dead god (whom he resembled in appearance) and destroys the mourning house (moya) where the funeral was held.The heavenly deities then dispatch the god of thunder,Takemikazuchi-no-Kami (建御雷神), who descends on the shores of Inasa (伊那佐之小浜,Inasa no ohama) in Izumo. Ōkuninushi tells Takemikazuchi to confer with his sonKotoshironushi-no-Kami (事代主神); after being questioned, Kotoshironushi accepts the demands of the heavenlykami and withdraws. When Takemikazuchi asks if Ōkuninushi has any other sons who ought to be consulted, Ōkuninushi's second son,Takeminakata-no-Kami (建御名方神), appears and brashly challenges Takemikazuchi to a test of strength but is defeated. Takeminakata flees tothe sea of Suwa inShinano, where he finally surrenders. After hearing that his two sons have submitted, Ōkuninushi relinquishes his control of the land, asking only thata magnificent palace be built in his honor. Ōkuninushi withdraws into the unseen world, while Takemikazuchi returns to Takamagahara, his mission completed.
Ame-no-Oshihomimi is once again commanded to descend to Ashihara-no-Nakatsukuni in order to take possession of it, at which Ame-no-Oshihomimi recommends that his son,Hikoho-no-Ninigi-no-Mikoto (日子番能邇邇芸命), be sent instead. Amaterasu bequeaths to Ninigithree sacred treasures – the sword Kusanagi-no-Tsurugi (草薙剣, "Grass-cutter", another name for the Ame-no-Murakumo-no-Tsurugi) given to her by Susanoo, themirror used by the other gods to lure her out of the Ama-no-Iwato, andmagatama beads – and has a number of gods (which included the five divine ancestors of the priestly clans involved in the services of the imperial family) accompany him in his descent. As Ninigi was about to come down, an earthly deity namedSarutabiko-no-Kami (猿田毘古神) comes and offers to be his guide. Ninigi finally descends from heaven to the summit of MountTakachiho inHimuka and sets up his dwelling there. He meets a goddess namedKohohana-no-Sakuyabime (木花之佐久夜毘売, "Princess of the Flowering Trees"), the daughter ofŌyamatsumi-no-Kami (大山津見神), the god of mountains, and seeks to marry her. Ōyamatsumi approves of the marriage and also offers his elder daughter Iwanagahime (石長比売 "Princess of the Eternal Rocks") to Ninigi, but Ninigi rejects her due to her ugliness. Ōyamatsumi declares that he had sent his two daughters to Ninigi to ensure that Ninigi would endure like the rocks and flourish like the trees and flowers; however, because Ninigi had rejected Iwanagahime in favor of Sakuyabime, he is doomed to live a life as fleeting as the blossoms of the trees. This, the story explains, is why the emperors – Ninigi's descendants – are mortal.Sakuyabime becomes pregnant after spending only one night with Ninigi, causing suspicion in Ninigi. To prove her fidelity, Sakuyabime confines herself inside a sealed birth hut and sets it ablaze as she was about to give birth. She delivered three children in the midst of the fire:Hoderi-no-Mikoto (火照命), Hosuseri-no-Mikoto (火須勢理命), andHoori-no-Mikoto (火遠理命).
Hoori (Yamasachihiko)
Hoori and ToyotamabimeHoderi and Hoori, also known as Umisachihiko (海幸彦, "Luck of the Sea") and Yamasachihiko (山幸彦, "Luck of the Mountain"), grew up to be a fisherman and a hunter, respectively. One time, the brothers agree to exchange places and try using the other's tools. Hoori ended up losing his brother's fish hook in the sea; he tries to make compensation, but Hoderi, furious, insists on having the original hook. Hoori goes to the sea in search of the fish hook and ends up in the palace of the sea god,Watatsumi-no-Kami (綿津見神), where he is warmly welcomed, and marries Watatsumi's daughter,Toyotamabime (豊玉毘売). After staying in Watatsumi's realm for three years, Hoori expresses his wish to return to the surface. The lost fish hook is finally discovered lodged in asea bream's throat. Watatsumi gives Hoori two magical jewels: theShiomitsutama (塩盈珠, "Tide-raising Jewel") and theShiofurutama (塩乾珠, "Tide-ebbing Jewel"), telling him to use both to subdue his brother. Hoori goes back to land on the back of awani and returns the fish hook to Hoderi, now cursed to give bad luck to its user. Within three years, Hoderi became poverty-stricken and attempted to attack Hoori, who then used the two jewels to defeat him. Finally, Hoderi submitted and swore fealty to Hoori.
Ugayafukiaezu
Toyotamabime arrives on the surface pregnant with Hoori's child, wishing to give birth on land. A birth hut thatched with cormorant feathers was built for her. Toyotamahime tells Hoori not to look at her while she is giving birth; however, he breaks his promise and discovers her true form to be that of awani. Angry and ashamed at having her true form discovered, she returned to the sea and never met him again. Hoori reigned in the palace at Takachiho for 580 years before his death.Toyotamabime entrusted her newborn son, whom she namedUgayafukiaezu-no-Mikoto (鵜葦草不合命, "Unfinished Cormorant-Feather Thatching"), to the care of her sister,Tamayoribime (玉依毘売命). Ugayafukiaezu eventually took his aunt Tamayoribime as his wife and had four children with her, one of whom was Kamu-Yamato-Iwarebiko-no-Mikoto (神倭伊波礼毘古命), also known as theEmperor Jimmu.
^-bumi is a voiced form offumi (seerendaku). This reading was proposed byMotoori Norinaga, who spelt it out with phonetic kanji (kana, or more specifically,magana) asJapanese:布琉許登夫美 inKojiki-den.
^Jaroslav Průšek and Zbigniew Słupski, eds., Dictionary of Oriental Literatures: East Asia (Charles Tuttle, 1978): 140-141.
^abcBrownlee, John S. (1991).Political thought in Japanese historical writing: from Kojiki (712) to Tokushi Yoron (1712). Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.ISBN978-0-88920997-8.OCLC243566096.
^Bellingham, David; Whittaker, Clio; Grant, John (1992).Myths and Legends. Secaucus, New Jersey: Wellfleet Press. p. 181.ISBN1-55521-812-1.OCLC27192394.
^Furuso, Masami."Fujitani Mitsue".Encyclopedia of Shinto. Retrieved2019-11-01.
^Shibata, Shin'ichi."Tachibana Moribe".Encyclopedia of Shinto. Retrieved2019-11-01.
^abBellingham, David; Whittaker, Clio; Grant, John (1992).Myths and Legends. Secaucus, New Jersey: Wellfleet Press. p. 184.ISBN1-55521-812-1.OCLC27192394.
^The idea of writing : writing across borders. Voogt, Alexander J. de., Quack, Joachim Friedrich, 1966-. Leiden: Brill. 2012.ISBN9789004215450.OCLC773348868.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
Brownlee, John S. (1991).Political Thought in Japanese Historical Writing: FromKojiki (712) to Tokushi Yoron (1712). Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. (ISBN0-88920-997-9)
Starrs, Roy (2005). "TheKojiki as Japan's National Narrative", inAsian Futures, Asian Traditions, edited by Edwina Palmer. Folkestone, Kent: Global Oriental,ISBN1-901903-16-8
Wittkamp, Robert F. (2018). "The Body as a Mode of Conceptualization in theKojiki Cosmogony" in「東西学術研究所紀要」第51輯 (Tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūsho kiyō 51, pp. 47–64, PDF online available).
Wittkamp, Robert F. (2020): "Re-Examining Japanese Mythologies: Why theNihon Shoki has two books of myths but theKojiki only one" in「東西学術研究所紀要」第53輯 (Tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūsho kiyō 53, pp. 13–39, PDF online available).
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