Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures of themodern era, and his work has been both lauded andcriticised.[7] Marxism has exerted major influence on socialist thought and political movements, withMarxist schools of thought such asMarxism–Leninism and its offshoots becoming the guiding ideologies of revolutionary governments that took power in many countries during the 20th century, known ascommunist states. Marx's work in economics has had a strong influence on modernheterodox theories of labour andcapital,[8][9][10] and he is often cited as one of the principal architects of modernsociology.[11][12]
Biography
Childhood and early education: 1818–1836
Marx's birthplace, now Brückenstraße 10, in Trier. The family occupied two rooms on the ground floor and three on the first floor.[13] Purchased by theSocial Democratic Party of Germany in 1928, it now houses a museum devoted to him.[14]
Largely non-religious, Heinrich was a man of theEnlightenment, interested in the ideas of the philosophersImmanuel Kant andVoltaire. Aclassical liberal, he took part in agitation for a constitution and reforms in Prussia, which was then anabsolute monarchy.[19] In 1815, Heinrich Marx began working as an attorney and in 1819 moved his family to a ten-room property near thePorta Nigra.[20] His wife, Henriette Pressburg, was a Dutch Jew from a prosperous business family that later founded the companyPhilips Electronics. Her sister Sophie Pressburg marriedLion Philips and was the grandmother of bothGerard andAnton Philips and great-grandmother toFrits Philips. Lion Philips was a wealthy Dutch tobacco manufacturer and industrialist, upon whom Karl andJenny Marx would later often come to rely for loans while they were exiled in London.[21]
Little is known of Marx's childhood.[22] The third of nine children, he became the eldest son when his brother Moritz died in 1819.[23] Marx and his surviving siblings werebaptised into theLutheran Church on 28 August 1824,[24] and their mother in November 1825.[25] Marx was privately educated by his father until 1830 when he entered Trier High School (Trier High School [de]), whose headmaster,Hugo Wyttenbach, was a friend of his father. By employing manyliberal humanists as teachers, Wyttenbach incurred the anger of the local conservative government. Police raided the school in 1832 and discovered that literature espousing political liberalism was being distributed among the students. Considering the distribution of such material a seditious act, the authorities instituted reforms and replaced several staff during Marx's attendance.[26]
In October 1835 at the age of 16, Marx travelled to theUniversity of Bonn wishing to study philosophy and literature, but his father insisted on law as a more practical field.[27] Due to a condition referred to as a "weak chest",[28] Marx was excused from military duty when he turned 18. While at the University at Bonn, Marx joined the Poets' Club, a group containing political radicals that were monitored by the police.[29] Marx also joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society and at one point served as the club's co-president.[30][31] In August 1836 he took part in a duel with a member of the university'sBorussian Korps.[32] Although his grades in the first term were good, they soon deteriorated, leading his father to force a transfer to the more serious and academicUniversity of Berlin.[33]
Trierer students in front of the White Horse, among them, Karl Marx.
Karl Marx (detail)
A famous lithograph byDavid Levi Elkan, simply known as "Die Trierer", depicts several students, and among them, Karl Marx, in front of the White Horse in 1836.[b]
Spending summer and autumn 1836 in Trier, Marx became more serious about his studies and his life. He became engaged toJenny von Westphalen, an educated member of thepetty nobility who had known Marx since childhood. As she had broken off her engagement with a youngaristocrat to be with Marx, their relationship was socially controversial owing to the differences between their religious and class origins, but Marx befriended her fatherLudwig von Westphalen (a liberal aristocrat) and later dedicated his doctoral thesis to him.[35] Seven years after their engagement, on 19 June 1843, they married in a Protestant church inKreuznach.[36]
In October 1836, Marx arrived in Berlin, matriculating in the university's faculty of law and renting a room in the Mittelstrasse.[37] During the first term, Marx attended lectures ofEduard Gans (who represented the progressive Hegelian standpoint, elaborated on rational development in history by emphasising particularly its libertarian aspects, and the importance of social question) and ofKarl von Savigny (who represented theHistorical School of Law).[38] Although studying law, he was fascinated by philosophy and looked for a way to combine the two, believing that "without philosophy nothing could be accomplished".[39] Marx became interested in the recently deceased German philosopherGeorg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose ideas were then widely debated among European philosophical circles.[40] During a convalescence in Stralau, he joined theDoctors Club, a student group which discussedHegelian ideas, and through them became involved with a group ofradical thinkers known as theYoung Hegelians in 1837. They gathered aroundLudwig Feuerbach andBruno Bauer, with Marx developing a particularly close friendship withAdolf Rutenberg. Like Marx, the Young Hegelians were critical of Hegel'smetaphysical assumptions but adopted hisdialectical method to criticise established society, politics and religion from a left-wing perspective.[41] Marx's father died in May 1838, resulting in a diminished income for the family.[42] Marx had been emotionally close to his father and treasured his memory after his death.[43]
Inscription at theUniversity of Jena commemorating the PhD he was awarded there in 1841Doctoral certificate for Karl Marx from the University of Jena, April 15, 1841
By 1837, Marx had completed a short novel,Scorpion and Felix; a drama,Oulanem; and a number of love poems dedicated to his wife. None of this early work was published during his lifetime.[44] The love poems were published posthumously in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 1.[45] Marx soon abandoned fiction for other pursuits, including the study of English and Italian,art history and the translation of Latin classics.[46] He began co-operating withBruno Bauer on editing Hegel'sPhilosophy of Religion in 1840. Marx was also engaged in writing his doctoral thesis,The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature,[47] which he completed in 1841. It was described as "a daring and original piece of work in which Marx set out to show that theology must yield to the superior wisdom of philosophy".[48] The essay was controversial, particularly among the conservative professors at the University of Berlin. Marx decided instead to submit his thesis to the more liberalUniversity of Jena, whose faculty awarded him hisPh.D. in April 1841.[49] As Marx and Bauer were bothatheists, in March 1841 they began plans for a journal entitledArchiv des Atheismus (Atheistic Archives), but it never came to fruition. In July, Marx and Bauer took a trip toBonn from Berlin. There they scandalised their class by getting drunk, laughing in church and galloping through the streets on donkeys.[50]
Marx was considering an academic career, but this path was barred by the government's growing opposition to classical liberalism and the Young Hegelians.[51] Marx moved toCologne in 1842, where he became a journalist, writing for the radical newspaperRheinische Zeitung (Rhineland News), expressing his early views on socialism and his developing interest in economics. Marx criticised right-wing European governments as well as figures in the liberal and socialist movements, whom he thought ineffective or counter-productive.[52] The newspaper attracted the attention of the Prussiangovernment censors, who checked every issue for seditious material before printing, which Marx lamented: "Our newspaper has to be presented to the police to be sniffed at, and if the police nose smells anything un-Christian or un-Prussian, the newspaper is not allowed to appear".[53] After theRheinische Zeitung published an article strongly criticising the Russian monarchy, TsarNicholas I requested it be banned and Prussia's government complied in 1843.[54]
Paris: 1843–1845
In 1843, Marx became co-editor of a new, radical left-wing Parisian newspaper, theDeutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (German-French Annals), then being set up by the German activistArnold Ruge to bring together German and French radicals.[55] Therefore Marx and his wife moved to Paris in October 1843. Initially living with Ruge and his wife communally at 23Rue Vaneau, they found the living conditions difficult, so moved out following the birth of their daughter Jenny in 1844.[56] Although intended to attract writers from both France and the German states, theJahrbücher was dominated by the latter and the only non-German writer was the exiled Russiananarchist collectivistMikhail Bakunin.[57] Marx contributed two essays to the paper, "Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right"[58] and "On the Jewish Question",[59] the latter introducing his belief that theproletariat were a revolutionary force and marking his embrace of communism.[60] Only one issue was published, but it was relatively successful, largely owing to the inclusion ofHeinrich Heine's satirical odes on KingLudwig of Bavaria, leading the German states to ban it and seize imported copies (Ruge nevertheless refused to fund the publication of further issues and his friendship with Marx broke down).[61] After the paper's collapse, Marx began writing for the only uncensored German-language radical newspaper left,Vorwärts! (Forward!). Based in Paris, the paper was connected to theLeague of the Just, autopian socialist secret society of workers and artisans. Marx attended some of their meetings but did not join.[62] InVorwärts!, Marx refined his views on socialism based upon Hegelian and Feuerbachian ideas ofdialectical materialism, at the same time criticising liberals and other socialists operating in Europe.[63]
Friedrich Engels, whom Marx met in 1844; the two became lifelong friends and collaborators.
On 28 August 1844, Marx met the German socialistFriedrich Engels at theCafé de la Régence, beginning a lifelong friendship.[64] Engels showed Marx his recently publishedThe Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844,[65][66] convincing Marx that the working class would be the agent and instrument of the final revolution in history.[67][68] Soon, Marx and Engels were collaborating on a criticism of the philosophical ideas of Marx's former friend,Bruno Bauer. This work was published in 1845 asThe Holy Family.[69][70] Although critical of Bauer, Marx was increasingly influenced by the ideas of the Young HegeliansMax Stirner andLudwig Feuerbach, but eventually Marx and Engels abandoned Feuerbachian materialism as well.[71]
During the time that he lived at 38 Rue Vaneau in Paris (from October 1843 until January 1845),[72] Marx engaged in an intensive study ofpolitical economy (Adam Smith,David Ricardo,James Mill,etc.),[73] the French socialists (especiallyClaude Henri St. Simon andCharles Fourier)[74] and the history of France.[75] The study of, and critique, of political economy is a project that Marx would pursue for the rest of his life[76] and would result in his major economic work—the three-volume series calledDas Kapital.[77]Marxism is based in large part on three influences: Hegel's dialectics, French utopian socialism and British political economy. Together with his earlier study of Hegel's dialectics, the studying that Marx did during this time in Paris meant that all major components of "Marxism" were in place by the autumn of 1844.[78] Marx was constantly being pulled away from his critique of political economy—not only by the usual daily demands of the time, but additionally by editing a radical newspaper and later by organising and directing the efforts of a political party during years of potentially revolutionary popular uprisings of the citizenry. Still, Marx was always drawn back to his studies where he sought "to understand the inner workings of capitalism".[75]
An outline of "Marxism" had definitely formed in the mind of Karl Marx by late 1844. Indeed, many features of the Marxist view of the world had been worked out in great detail, but Marx needed to write down all of the details of his world view to further clarify the new critique of political economy in his own mind.[79] Accordingly, Marx wroteThe Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts.[80] These manuscripts covered numerous topics, detailing Marx's concept ofalienated labour.[81] By the spring of 1845, his continued study of political economy, capital and capitalism had led Marx to the belief that the new critique of political economy he was espousing—that ofscientific socialism—needed to be built on the base of a thoroughly developed materialistic view of the world.[82]
TheEconomic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 had been written between April and August 1844, but soon Marx recognised that theManuscripts had been influenced by some inconsistent ideas of Ludwig Feuerbach. Accordingly, Marx recognised the need to break with Feuerbach's philosophy in favour of historical materialism, thus a year later (in April 1845) after moving from Paris to Brussels, Marx wrote his eleven "Theses on Feuerbach".[83] The "Theses on Feuerbach" are best known for Thesis 11, which states that "philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways, the point is to change it".[81][84] This work contains Marx's criticism ofmaterialism (for being contemplative),idealism (for reducing practice to theory), and, overall, philosophy (for putting abstract reality above the physical world).[81] It thus introduced the first glimpse at Marx'shistorical materialism, an argument that the world is changed not by ideas but by actual, physical, material activity and practice.[81][85] In 1845, after receiving a request from the Prussian king, the French government shut downVorwärts!, with the interior minister,François Guizot, expelling Marx from France.[86]
Brussels: 1845–1848
Unable either to stay in France or to move to Germany, Marx decided to emigrate to Brussels in Belgium in February 1845. However, to stay in Belgium he had to pledge not to publish anything on the subject of contemporary politics.[86] In Brussels, Marx associated with other exiled socialists from across Europe, includingMoses Hess,Karl Heinzen andJoseph Weydemeyer. In April 1845, Engels moved from Barmen in Germany to Brussels to join Marx and the growing cadre of members of the League of the Just now seeking home in Brussels.[86][87] Later,Mary Burns, Engels' long-time companion, left Manchester, England to join Engels in Brussels.[88]
In mid-July 1845, Marx and Engels left Brussels for England to visit the leaders of theChartists, a working-class movement in Britain. This was Marx's first trip to England and Engels was an ideal guide for the trip. Engels had already spent two years living in Manchester from November 1842[89] to August 1844.[90] Not only did Engels already know the English language,[91] but he had also developed a close relationship with many Chartist leaders.[91] Indeed, Engels was serving as a reporter for many Chartist and socialist English newspapers.[91] Marx used the trip as an opportunity to examine the economic resources available for study in various libraries in London and Manchester.[92]
In collaboration with Engels, Marx also set about writing a book which is often seen as his best treatment of the concept ofhistorical materialism,The German Ideology.[93] In this work, Marx broke withLudwig Feuerbach,Bruno Bauer,Max Stirner and the rest of the Young Hegelians, while he also broke withKarl Grün and other "true socialists" whose philosophies were still based in part on "idealism". InGerman Ideology, Marx and Engels finally completed their philosophy, which was based solely on materialism as the sole motor force in history.[94]German Ideology is written in a humorously satirical form, but even this satirical form did not save the work from censorship. Like so many other early writings of his,German Ideology would not be published in Marx's lifetime and was published only in 1932.[81][95][96]
After completingGerman Ideology, Marx turned to a work that was intended to clarify his own position regarding "the theory and tactics" of a truly "revolutionary proletarian movement" operating from the standpoint of a truly "scientific materialist" philosophy.[97] This work was intended to draw a distinction between the utopian socialists and Marx's own scientific socialist philosophy. Whereas the utopians believed that people must be persuaded one person at a time to join the socialist movement, the way a person must be persuaded to adopt any different belief, Marx knew that people would tend, on most occasions, to act in accordance with their own economic interests, thus appealing to an entire class (the working class in this case) with a broad appeal to the class's best material interest would be the best way to mobilise the broad mass of that class to make a revolution and change society. This was the intent of the new book that Marx was planning, but to get the manuscript past the government censors he called the bookThe Poverty of Philosophy (1847)[98] and offered it as a response to the "petty-bourgeois philosophy" of the French anarchist socialistPierre-Joseph Proudhon as expressed in his bookThe Philosophy of Poverty (1840).[99]
Marx (right) with his daughters and Engels
These books laid the foundation for Marx and Engels's most famous work, a political pamphlet that has since come to be commonly known asThe Communist Manifesto. While residing in Brussels in 1846, Marx continued his association with the secret radical organisationLeague of the Just.[100] As noted above, Marx thought the League to be just the sort of radical organisation that was needed to spur the working class of Europe toward the mass movement that would bring about a working-class revolution.[101] However, to organise the working class into a mass movement the League had to cease its "secret" or "underground" orientation and operate in the open as a political party.[102] Members of the League eventually became persuaded in this regard. Accordingly, in June 1847 the League was reorganised by its membership into a new open "above ground" political society that appealed directly to the working classes.[103] This new open political society was called the Communist League.[104] Both Marx and Engels participated in drawing up the programme and organisational principles of the newCommunist League.[105]
In late 1847, Marx and Engels began writing what was to become their most famous work – a programme of action for theCommunist League. Written jointly by Marx and Engels from December 1847 to January 1848,The Communist Manifesto was first published on 21 February 1848.[106]The Communist Manifesto laid out the beliefs of the new Communist League. No longer a secret society, the Communist League wanted to make aims and intentions clear to the general public rather than hiding its beliefs as the League of the Just had been doing.[107] The opening lines of the pamphlet set forth the principal basis of Marxism: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles".[108] It goes on to examine the antagonisms that Marx claimed were arising in the clashes of interest between thebourgeoisie (the wealthy capitalist class) and theproletariat (the industrial working class). Proceeding on from this, theManifesto presents the argument for why the Communist League, as opposed to other socialist and liberal political parties and groups at the time, was truly acting in the interests of the proletariat to overthrow capitalist society and to replace it with socialism.[109]
Later that year, Europe experienced a series of protests, rebellions, and often violent upheavals that became known as theRevolutions of 1848.[110] In France,a revolution led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of theFrench Second Republic.[110] Marx was supportive of such activity and having recently received a substantial inheritance from his father (withheld by his uncle Lionel Philips since his father's death in 1838) of either 6,000[111] or 5,000 francs[112][113] he allegedly used a third of it to arm Belgian workers who were planning revolutionary action.[113] Although the veracity of these allegations is disputed,[111][114] the Belgian Ministry of Justice accused Marx of it, subsequently arresting him and he was forced to flee back to France, where with a new republican government in power he believed that he would be safe.[113][115]
Cologne: 1848–1849
Temporarily settling down in Paris, Marx transferred the Communist League executive headquarters to the city and also set up aGerman Workers' Club with various German socialists living there.[116] Hoping to see the revolution spread to Germany, in 1848 Marx moved back to Cologne where he began issuing a handbill entitled theDemands of the Communist Party in Germany,[117] in which he argued for only four of the ten points of theCommunist Manifesto, believing that in Germany at that time the bourgeoisie must overthrow thefeudal monarchy and aristocracy before the proletariat could overthrow the bourgeoisie.[118] On 1 June, Marx started the publication of a daily newspaper, theNeue Rheinische Zeitung, which he helped to finance through his recent inheritance from his father. Designed to put forward news from across Europe with his own Marxist interpretation of events, the newspaper featured Marx as a primary writer and the dominant editorial influence. Despite contributions by fellow members of the Communist League, according toFriedrich Engels it remained "a simple dictatorship by Marx".[119][120][121]
Whilst editor of the paper, Marx and the other revolutionary socialists were regularly harassed by the police and Marx was brought to trial on several occasions, facing various allegations including insulting the Chief Public Prosecutor, committing a press misdemeanor and inciting armed rebellion through tax boycotting,[122][123][124] although each time he was acquitted.[125][124][126] Meanwhile, the democratic parliament inPrussia collapsed and the king,Frederick William IV, introduced a new cabinet of his reactionary supporters, who implemented counterrevolutionary measures to expunge left-wing and other revolutionary elements from the country.[127] Consequently, theNeue Rheinische Zeitung was soon suppressed, and Marx was ordered to leave the country on 16 May 1849.[121][128] Marx returned to Paris, which was then under the grip of both a reactionary counterrevolution and acholera epidemic, and was soon expelled by the city authorities, who considered him a political threat. With his wife Jenny expecting their fourth child and with Marx not able to move back to Germany or Belgium, in August 1849 he sought refuge in London.[129][130]
Marx moved to London in early June 1849 and would remain based in the city for the rest of his life. The headquarters of the Communist League also moved to London. However, in the winter of 1849–1850, a split within the ranks of the Communist League occurred when a faction within it led byAugust Willich andKarl Schapper began agitating for an immediate uprising. Willich and Schapper believed that once the Communist League had initiated the uprising, the entire working class from across Europe would rise "spontaneously" to join it, thus creating revolution across Europe. Marx and Engels protested that such an unplanned uprising on the part of the Communist League was "adventuristic" and would be suicide for the Communist League.[131] Such an uprising as that recommended by the Schapper/Willich group would easily be crushed by the police and the armed forces of the reactionary governments of Europe. Marx maintained that this would spell doom for the Communist League itself, arguing that changes in society are not achieved overnight through the efforts and will power of a handful of men.[131] They are instead brought about through a scientific analysis of economic conditions of society and by moving toward revolution through different stages of social development. In the present stage of development (circa 1850), following the defeat of the uprisings across Europe in 1848 he felt that the Communist League should encourage the working class to unite with progressive elements of the rising bourgeoisie to defeat the feudal aristocracy on issues involving demands for governmental reforms, such as a constitutional republic with freely elected assemblies and universal (male) suffrage. In other words, the working class must join with bourgeois and democratic forces to bring about the successful conclusion of the bourgeois revolution before stressing the working-class agenda and a working-class revolution.[citation needed]
After a long struggle that threatened to ruin the Communist League, Marx's opinion prevailed and eventually, the Willich/Schapper group left the Communist League. Meanwhile, Marx also became heavily involved with the socialist German Workers' Educational Society.[132] The Society held their meetings inGreat Windmill Street,Soho, central London's entertainment district.[133][134] This organisation was also racked by an internal struggle between its members, some of whom followed Marx while others followed the Schapper/Willich faction. The issues in this internal split were the same issues raised in the internal split within the Communist League, but Marx lost the fight with the Schapper/Willich faction within the German Workers' Educational Society and on 17 September 1850 resigned from the Society.[135]
New-York Daily Tribune and journalism
In the early period in London, Marx committed himself almost exclusively to his studies, such that his family endured extreme poverty.[136][137] His main source of income was Engels, whose own source was his wealthy industrialist father.[137] In Prussia as editor of his own newspaper, and contributor to others ideologically aligned, Marx could reach his audience, the working classes. In London, without finances to run a newspaper themselves, he and Engels turned to international journalism. At one stage they were being published by six newspapers from England, the United States,Prussia, Austria, and South Africa.[138] Marx's principal earnings came from his work as European correspondent, from 1852 to 1862, for theNew-York Daily Tribune,[139]: 17 and from also producing articles for more "bourgeois" newspapers. Marx had his articles translated from German byWilhelm Pieper [de], until his proficiency in English had become adequate.[140]
TheNew-York Daily Tribune had been founded in April 1841 byHorace Greeley.[141] Its editorial board contained progressive bourgeois journalists and publishers, among themGeorge Ripley and the journalistCharles Dana, who was editor-in-chief. Dana, afourierist and anabolitionist, was Marx's contact. TheTribune was a vehicle for Marx to reach a transatlantic public, such as for his "hidden warfare" againstHenry Charles Carey.[142] The journal had wide working-class appeal from its foundation; at two cents, it was inexpensive;[143] and, with about 50,000 copies per issue, its circulation was the widest in the United States.[139]: 14 Its editorial ethos was progressive and its anti-slavery stance reflected Greeley's.[139]: 82 Marx's first article for the paper, on the British parliamentary elections, was published on 21 August 1852.[144]
On 21 March 1857, Dana informed Marx that due to the economic recession only one article a week would be paid for, published or not; the others would be paid for only if published. Marx had sent his articles on Tuesdays and Fridays, but, that October, theTribune discharged all its correspondents in Europe except Marx and B. Taylor, and reduced Marx to a weekly article. Between September and November 1860, only five were published. After a six-month interval, Marx resumed contributions from September 1861 until March 1862, when Dana wrote to inform him that there was no longer space in theTribune for reports from London, due to American domestic affairs.[145] In 1868, Dana set up a rival newspaper, theNew York Sun, at which he was editor-in-chief.[146] In April 1857, Dana invited Marx to contribute articles, mainly on military history, to theNew American Cyclopedia, an idea of George Ripley, Dana's friend and literary editor of theTribune. In all, 67 Marx-Engels articles were published, of which 51 were written by Engels, although Marx did some research for them in theBritish Museum.[147] By the late 1850s, American popular interest in European affairs waned and Marx's articles turned to topics such as the "slavery crisis" and the outbreak of theAmerican Civil War in 1861 in the "War Between the States".[148] Between December 1851 and March 1852, Marx worked on his theoretical work about theFrench Revolution of 1848, titledThe Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon.[149] In this he explored concepts inhistorical materialism,class struggle,dictatorship of the proletariat, and victory of the proletariat over thebourgeois state.[150]
The 1850s and 1860s may be said to mark a philosophical boundary distinguishing theyoung Marx's Hegelianidealism and the moremature Marx's[151][152][153][154] scientific ideology associated withstructural Marxism.[154] However, not all scholars accept this distinction.[153][155] For Marx and Engels, their experience of theRevolutions of 1848 to 1849 were formative in the development of their theory of economics and historical progression. After the "failures" of 1848, the revolutionary impetus appeared spent and not to be renewed without an economic recession. Contention arose between Marx and his fellow communists, whom he denounced as "adventurists". Marx deemed it fanciful to propose that "will power" could be sufficient to create the revolutionary conditions when in reality the economic component was the necessary requisite. The recession in the United States' economy in 1852 gave Marx and Engels grounds for optimism for revolutionary activity, yet this economy was seen as too immature for a capitalist revolution. Open territories on America's western frontier dissipated the forces of social unrest. Moreover, any economic crisis arising in the United States would not lead to revolutionary contagion of the older economies of individual European nations, which were closed systems bounded by their national borders. When the so-calledPanic of 1857 in the United States spread globally, it broke all economic theory models, and was the first truly global economic crisis.[156]
First International andDas Kapital
Earliest known photograph taken of Marx in London, 1861.[157]
Marx continued to write articles for theNew York Daily Tribune as long as he was sure that theTribune's editorial policy was still progressive. However, the departure of Charles Dana from the paper in late 1861 and the resultant change in the editorial board brought about a new editorial policy.[158] No longer was theTribune to be a strongabolitionist paper dedicated to a completeUnion victory. The new editorial board supported an immediate peace between the Union and theConfederacy in the Civil War in the United States with slavery left intact in the Confederacy. Marx strongly disagreed with this new political position and in 1863 was forced to withdraw as a writer for theTribune.[159]
In 1864, Marx became involved in theInternational Workingmen's Association (known as the First International),[125] to whose General Council he was elected at its inception in 1864.[160] In that organisation, Marx was involved in the struggle against the anarchist wing centred onMikhail Bakunin.[137] Although Marx won this contest, the transfer of the seat of the General Council from London to New York in 1872, which Marx supported, led to the decline of the International.[161] The most important political event during the existence of the International was theParis Commune of 1871 when the citizens of Paris rebelled against their government and held the city for two months. In response to the bloody suppression of this rebellion, Marx wrote one of his most famous pamphlets, "The Civil War in France", a defence of the Commune.[162][163]
Given the repeated failures and frustrations of workers' revolutions and movements, Marx also sought to understand and provide a critique suitable for thecapitalist mode of production, and hence spent a great deal of time in the reading room of theBritish Museum studying.[164] By 1857, Marx had accumulated over 800 pages of notes and short essays on capital,landed property, wage labour, the state, and foreign trade, and the world market, though this work did not appear in print until 1939, under the titleGrundrisse der Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie (English:Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy).[165][166][167]
In 1859, Marx publishedA Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,[168] his first serious critique of political economy. This work was intended merely as a preview of his three-volumeDas Kapital (English title:Capital: Critique of Political Economy), which he intended to publish at a later date. InA Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx began to critically examine axioms and categories of economic thinking.[169][170][171] The work was enthusiastically received, and the edition sold out quickly.[172]
The successful sales ofA Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy stimulated Marx in the early 1860s to finish work on the three large volumes that would compose his major life's work –Das Kapital and theTheories of Surplus Value, which discussed and critiqued the theoreticians of political economy, particularlyAdam Smith andDavid Ricardo.[137]Theories of Surplus Value is often referred to as the fourth volume ofDas Kapital and constitutes one of the first comprehensive treatises on thehistory of economic thought.[173] In 1867, the first volume ofDas Kapital was published, a work which critically analysed capital.[174][171]Das Kapital proposes an explanation of the "laws of motion" of themode of production from its origins to its future by describing the dynamics of the accumulation of capital, with topics such as the growth ofwage labour, the transformation of the workplace,capital accumulation, competition, thebanking system, thetendency of the rate of profit to fall and land-rents, as well as how waged labour continually reproduce the rule of capital.[175][176][177] Marx proposes that the driving force of capital is in theexploitation oflabour, whose unpaid work is the ultimate source ofsurplus value.
Demand for a Russian language edition ofDas Kapital soon led to the printing of 3,000 copies of the book in the Russian language, which was published on 27 March 1872. By the autumn of 1871, the entire first edition of the German-language edition ofDas Kapital had been sold out and a second edition was published.
Volumes II and III ofDas Kapital remained mere manuscripts upon which Marx continued to work for the rest of his life. Both volumes were published by Engels after Marx's death.[137] Volume II ofDas Kapital was prepared and published by Engels in July 1893 under the nameCapital II: The Process of Circulation of Capital.[178] Volume III ofDas Kapital was published a year later in October 1894 under the nameCapital III: The Process of Capitalist Production as a Whole.[179]Theories of Surplus Value derived from the sprawlingEconomic Manuscripts of 1861–1863, a second draft forDas Kapital, the latter spanning volumes 30–34 of theCollected Works of Marx and Engels. Specifically,Theories of Surplus Value runs from the latter part of theCollected Works' thirtieth volume through the end of their thirty-second volume;[180][181][182] meanwhile, the largerEconomic Manuscripts of 1861–1863 run from the start of theCollected Works' thirtieth volume through the first half of their thirty-fourth volume. The latter half of the Collected Works' thirty-fourth volume consists of the surviving fragments of theEconomic Manuscripts of 1863–1864, which represented a third draft forDas Kapital, and a large portion of which is included as an appendix to the Penguin edition ofDas Kapital, volume I.[183] A German-language abridged edition ofTheories of Surplus Value was published in 1905 and in 1910. This abridged edition was translated into English and published in 1951 in London, but the complete unabridged edition ofTheories of Surplus Value was published as the "fourth volume" ofDas Kapital in 1963 and 1971 in Moscow.[184]
In a letter toVera Zasulich dated 8 March 1881, Marx contemplated the possibility of Russia's bypassing the capitalist stage of development and building communism on the basis of the common ownership of land characteristic of the villagemir.[137][186] While admitting that Russia's rural "commune is the fulcrum of social regeneration in Russia", Marx also warned that in order for the mir to operate as a means for moving straight to the socialist stage without a preceding capitalist stage it "would first be necessary to eliminate the deleterious influences which are assailing it [the rural commune] from all sides".[187] Given the elimination of these pernicious influences, Marx allowed that "normal conditions of spontaneous development" of the rural commune could exist.[187] However, in the same letter to Vera Zasulich he points out that "at the core of the capitalist system ... lies the complete separation of the producer from the means of production".[187] In one of the drafts of this letter, Marx reveals his growing passion for anthropology, motivated by his belief that future communism would be a return on a higher level to the communism of our prehistoric past. He wrote:
the historical trend of our age is the fatal crisis which capitalist production has undergone in the European and American countries where it has reached its highest peak, a crisis that will end in its destruction, in the return of modern society to a higher form of the most archaic type – collective production and appropriation.
He added that "the vitality of primitive communities was incomparably greater than that of Semitic, Greek, Roman, etc. societies, and, a fortiori, that of modern capitalist societies".[188] Before he died, Marx asked Engels to write up these ideas, which were published in 1884 under the titleThe Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State.
Personal life
Family
Jenny Carolina and Jenny Laura Marx (1869): all the Marx daughters were named Jenny in honour of their mother, Jenny von Westphalen.
Marx and von Westphalen had seven children together, but partly owing to the poor conditions in which they lived whilst in London, only three survived to adulthood.[189] Their children were:Jenny Caroline (m. Longuet; 1844–1883);Jenny Laura (m. Lafargue; 1845–1911); Edgar (1847–1855); Henry Edward Guy ("Guido"; 1849–1850); Jenny Eveline Frances ("Franziska"; 1851–1852);Jenny Julia Eleanor (1855–1898) and one more who died before being named (July 1857). According to his son-in-law,Paul Lafargue, Marx was a loving father.[190] In 1962, there were allegations that Marx fathered a son, Freddy,[191] out of wedlock by his housekeeper,Helene Demuth,[192] but the claim is disputed for lack of documented evidence.[193]
Helene Demuth was also largely entrusted as a confidante. In her obituary, penned byFriedrich Engels, her role is revealed as: "Marx took counsel of Helena Demuth, not only in difficult and intricate party matters, but even in respect of his economical writings".[194]
Marx frequently used pseudonyms, often when renting a house or flat, apparently to make it harder for the authorities to track him down. While in Paris, he used that of "Monsieur Ramboz", whilst in London, he signed off his letters as "A. Williams". His friends referred to him as "Moor", owing to his dark complexion and black curly hair, while he encouraged his children to call him "Old Nick" and "Charley".[195] He also bestowed nicknames and pseudonyms on his friends and family, referring to Friedrich Engels as "General", his housekeeper Helene as "Lenchen" or "Nym", while one of his daughters, Jennychen, was referred to as "Qui Qui,Emperor of China" and another, Laura, was known as "Kakadou" or "theHottentot".[195]
Health
Marx drank heavily after joining the Trier Tavern Club drinking society in the 1830s, and continued to do so until his death.[31]
Marx was afflicted by poor health, what he himself described as "the wretchedness of existence",[196] and various authors have sought to describe and explain it. His biographer Werner Blumenberg attributed it to liver and gall problems which Marx had in 1849 and from which he was never afterward free, exacerbated by an unsuitable lifestyle. The attacks often came with headaches, eye inflammation,neuralgia in the head, and rheumatic pains. A serious nervous disorder appeared in 1877 and protractedinsomnia was a consequence, which Marx fought with narcotics.[197]
The illness was aggravated by excessive nocturnal work and faulty diet. Marx was fond of highly seasoned dishes, smoked fish, caviare, pickled cucumbers, "none of which are good for liver patients", but he also liked wine and liqueurs and smoked an enormous amount "and since he had no money, it was usually bad-quality cigars". From 1863, Marx complained a lot about boils: "These are very frequent with liver patients and may be due to the same causes".[197] The abscesses were so bad that Marx could neither sit nor work upright. According to Blumenberg, Marx's irritability is often found in liver patients:
The illness emphasised certain traits in his character. He argued cuttingly, his biting satire did not shrink at insults, and his expressions could be rude and cruel. Though in general Marx had blind faith in his closest friends, nevertheless he himself complained that he was sometimes too mistrustful and unjust even to them. His verdicts, not only about enemies but even about friends, were sometimes so harsh that even less sensitive people would take offence ... There must have been few whom he did not criticize like this ... not even Engels was an exception.[198]
According to Princeton historianJerrold Seigel, in his late teens, Marx may have had pneumonia or pleurisy, the effects of which led to his being exempted from Prussian military service. In later life whilst working onDas Kapital (which he never completed),[196][199] Marx suffered from a trio of afflictions. A liver ailment, probably hereditary, was aggravated by overwork, a bad diet, and lack of sleep. Inflammation of the eyes was induced by too much work at night. A third affliction, eruption of carbuncles or boils, "was probably brought on by general physical debility to which the various features of Marx's style of life – alcohol, tobacco, poor diet, and failure to sleep – all contributed. Engels often exhorted Marx to alter this dangerous regime". In Seigel's thesis, what lay behind this punishing sacrifice of his health may have been guilt about self-involvement and egoism, originally induced in Karl Marx by his father.[200]
In 2007, aretrodiagnosis of Marx's skin disease was made bydermatologist Sam Shuster ofNewcastle University. For Shuster, the most probable explanation was that Marx suffered not from liver problems, but fromhidradenitis suppurativa, a recurring infective condition arising from blockage ofapocrine ducts opening intohair follicles.[201] Shuster went on to consider the potentialpsychosocial effects of the disease, noting that the skin is an organ of communication and that hidradenitis suppurativa produces much psychological distress, including loathing and disgust and depression of self-image, mood, and well-being, feelings for which Shuster found "much evidence" in the Marx correspondence. Professor Shuster went on to ask himself whether the mental effects of the disease affected Marx's work and even helped him to develophis theory of alienation.[202]
By a strange blunder ... his death was not announced for two days, and then as having taken place at Paris. The next day the correction came from Paris; and when his friends and followers hastened to his house inHaverstock Hill, to learn the time and place of burial, they learned that he was already in the cold ground. But for this secresy [sic] and haste, a great popular demonstration would undoubtedly have been held over his grave.[208]
Several of his closest friends spoke at his funeral, includingWilhelm Liebknecht and Friedrich Engels. Engels' speech included the passage:
On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep – but forever.[209]
Marx's surviving daughtersEleanor andLaura, as well asCharles Longuet andPaul Lafargue, Marx's two French socialist sons-in-law, were also in attendance.[205] He had been predeceased by his wife and his eldest daughter, the latter dying a few months earlier in January 1883. Liebknecht, a founder and leader of the German Social Democratic Party, gave a speech in German, and Longuet, a prominent figure in the French working-class movement, made a short statement in French.[205] Twotelegrams from workers' parties in France and Spain[which?] were also read out.[205] Together with Engels's speech, this constituted the entire programme of the funeral.[205] Non-relatives attending the funeral included three communist associates of Marx: Friedrich Lessner, imprisoned for three years after theCologne Communist Trial of 1852; G. Lochner, whom Engels described as "an old member of the Communist League"; andCarl Schorlemmer, a professor of chemistry in Manchester, a member of theRoyal Society, and a communist activist involved in the 1848Baden revolution.[205] Another attendee of the funeral wasRay Lankester, a British zoologist who would later become a prominent academic.[205]
Marx left a personal estate valued for probate at £250,[210] equivalent to £38,095 in 2024.[211] Upon his own death in 1895, Engels left Marx's two surviving daughters a "significant portion" of his considerable estate, valued in 2024 at US$6.8 million.[191]
Marx and his family were reburied on a new site nearby in November 1954. Thetomb at the new site, unveiled on 14 March 1956,[212] bears the carved message: "Workers of All Lands Unite", the final line ofThe Communist Manifesto; and, from the 11th "Thesis on Feuerbach" (as edited by Engels), "The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways—the point however is to change it".[213] TheCommunist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had the monument with a portrait bust byLaurence Bradshaw erected and Marx's original tomb had only humble adornment.[213]
The Marxist historianEric Hobsbawm remarked: "One cannot say Marx died a failure." Although he had not achieved a large following of disciples in Britain, his writings had already begun to make an impact on the left-wing movements in Germany and Russia. Within twenty-five years of his death, the continental European socialist parties that acknowledged Marx's influence on their politics had contributed to significant gains in theirrepresentative democratic elections.[214]
The classical political economy (economics) of Adam Smith andDavid Ricardo,[216] as well asJean Charles Léonard de Sismondi's critique of laissez-faire economics and analysis of the precarious state of the proletariat[217]
Marx's Judaic legacy has been identified as formative to both his moral outlook[220] and his materialist philosophy.[221]
Marx's view of history, which came to be calledhistorical materialism (controversially adapted as the philosophy ofdialectical materialism by Engels and Lenin), certainly shows the influence of Hegel's claim that one should view reality (and history)dialectically.[215] However, whereas Hegel had thought inidealist terms, putting ideas in the forefront, Marx sought to conceptualise dialectics inmaterialist terms, arguing for the primacy of matter over idea.[81][215]
Where Hegel saw the "spirit" as driving history, Marx saw this as an unnecessary mystification, obscuring the reality of humanity and its physical actions shaping the world.[215] He wrote that Hegelianism stood the movement of reality on its head, and that one needed to set it upon its feet.[215] Despite his dislike of mystical terms, Marx usedGothic language in several of his works: inThe Communist Manifesto he proclaims "A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre", and inThe Capital he refers to capital as "necromancy that surrounds the products of labour".[222]
Though inspired by French socialist and sociological thought,[216] Marx criticisedutopian socialists, arguing that their favoured small-scale socialistic communities would be bound to marginalisation and poverty and that only a large-scale change in theeconomic system could bring about real change.[219][223]
Other important contributions to Marx's revision of Hegelianism came from Engels's book,The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, which led Marx to conceive of the historical dialectic in terms ofclass conflict and to see the modern working class as the most progressive force for revolution,[67] as well as from the social democratFriedrich Wilhelm Schulz, who inDie Bewegung der Produktion described the movement of society as "flowing from the contradiction between the forces of production and the mode of production".[224][225]
Marx believed that he could study history and society scientifically, discerning tendencies of history and thereby predicting the outcome of social conflicts. Some followers of Marx, therefore, concluded that a communist revolution would inevitably occur. However, Marx famously asserted in the eleventh of his "Theses on Feuerbach" that "philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point however is to change it" and he clearly dedicated himself to trying to alter the world.[6][213]
Marx's theories inspired several theories and disciplines of future, including but not limited to:
Marx has been called "the first great user ofcritical method in social sciences", a characterisation stemming from his frequent use ofpolemics throughout his work to effect critiques of other thinkers.[215][216] He criticised speculative philosophy, equatingmetaphysics with ideology.[226][227] By adopting this approach, Marx attempted to separate key findings from ideological biases.[216] This set him apart from many contemporary philosophers.[6]
Like Tocqueville, who described a faceless and bureaucraticdespotism with no identifiable despot,[228] Marx also broke with classical thinkers who spoke of a single tyrant and withMontesquieu, who discussed the nature of the single despot. Instead, Marx set out to analyse "the despotism of capital".[229] Fundamentally, Marx assumed thathuman history involves transforminghuman nature, which encompasses both human beings and material objects.[230] Humans recognise that they possess both actual and potential selves.[231][232]
For both Marx and Hegel, self-development begins with an experience of internalalienation stemming from this recognition, followed by a realisation that the actual self, as asubjective agent, renders its potential counterpart anobject to be apprehended.[232] Marx further argues that by moulding nature[233] in desired ways[234] the subject takes the object as its own and thus permits the individual to be actualised as fully human. For Marx, thehuman nature –Gattungswesen, orspecies-being – exists as a function of human labour.[231][232][234]
Fundamental to Marx's idea of meaningful labour is the proposition that for a subject to come to terms with its alienated object it must first exert influence upon literal,material objects in the subject's world.[235] Marx acknowledges that Hegel "grasps the nature of work and comprehends objective man, authentic because actual, as the result of hisown work",[236] but characterises Hegelian self-development as unduly "spiritual" and abstract.[237]
Marx thus departs from Hegel by insisting that "the fact that man is a corporeal, actual, sentient, objective being with natural capacities means that he has actual, sensuous objects for his nature as objects of his life-expression, or that he can only express his life in actual sensuous objects".[235] Consequently, Marx revises Hegelian "work" into material "labour" and in the context of human capacity to transform nature the term "labour power".[81]
A monument dedicated to Marx and Engels inShanghai, China
Marx had a special concern with how people relate to their own labour power.[239] He wrote extensively about this in terms of the problem ofalienation.[240] As with the dialectic, Marx began with a Hegelian notion of alienation but developed a more materialist conception.[239]Capitalism mediates social relationships of production (such as among workers or between workers and capitalists) through commodities, including labour, that are bought and sold on the market.[239] For Marx, the possibility that one may give up ownership of one's own labour – one's capacity to transform the world – is tantamount to being alienated from one's own nature and it is a spiritual loss.[239] Marx described this loss ascommodity fetishism, in which the things that people produce, commodities, appear to have a life and movement of their own to which humans and their behaviour merely adapt.[241]
Commodity fetishism provides an example of what Engels called "false consciousness",[242] which relates closely to the understanding of ideology. By "ideology", Marx and Engels meant ideas that reflect the interests of a particular class at a particular time in history, but which contemporaries see as universal and eternal.[243] Marx and Engels's point was not only that such beliefs are at best half-truths, as they serve an important political function. Put another way, the control that one class exercises over the means of production include not only the production of food or manufactured goods but also the production of ideas (this provides one possible explanation for why members of a subordinate class may hold ideas contrary to their own interests).[81][244]
Marx was an outspoken opponent ofchild labour,[245] saying that British industries "could but live by sucking blood, and children's blood too", and that U.S. capital was financed by the "capitalized blood of children".[222][246]
Religion
Marx agreed withFeuerbach that religion is a human construct reflecting human conditions ("man creates religion, religion does not create man"), but analysed this in historical, not abstract terms. He saw religion as both an expression of suffering and a protest against it. In his 1843 essayCritique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Marx sought to distance himself fromYoung Hegelians likeBruno Bauer, whose religion-focused critique, in his view, could not be a solution to human suffering without a transformative critique of society.Critique of religion would be ineffective without changing the real social conditions of which religion is only an expression.[247]
According toShlomo Avineri, the famous passage from the introduction to this essay is, though often only partially quoted, "both more complex and more profound" than would seem, and Marx here expressed "empathy, not scorn" for religious feelings:[247]
Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is theopium of the people.
The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions.[248]
Similar to the later views ofMax Weber, Marx believed that religion plays alegitimating function for the dominant classes by providing a divine sanction forinequality and existing social conditions, and that for subordinate classes religion offers an escape:[249] like anopiate, alleviating pain but not offering a cure.[247] Marx'sgymnasium senior thesis at theGymnasium zu Trier [de] argued that religion had as its primary social aim the promotion ofsolidarity.[citation needed]
Critique of political economy, history and society
But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the means of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere mean of production.
Marx's thoughts on labour and its function in reproducing capital were related to the primacy he gave to social relations in determining the society's past, present and future.[215][251][252] Critics have called thiseconomic determinism. Labour is the precondition for the existence of, andaccumulation of capital, which both shape thesocial system.[252] For Marx,social change was driven by conflict between opposing interests, by parties situated in the historical situation of theirmode of production.[176] This became the inspiration for the body of works known as theconflict theory.[251]
In hisevolutionary model of history, he argued thathuman history began with free, productive and creative activities that was over time coerced and dehumanised, a trend most apparent under capitalism.[215] Marx noted that this was not an intentional process, but rather due to the immanent logic of the currentmode of production which demands more human labour (abstract labour) to reproduce the social relationships of capital.[175][177]
The organisation of society depends onmeans of production. The means of production are all things required to produce material goods, such as land, natural resources, and technology but not human labour. Therelations of production are the social relationships people enter into as they acquire and use the means of production.[251] Together, these compose themode of production and Marx distinguished historical eras in terms of modes of production. Marx differentiated betweenbase and superstructure, where the base (or substructure) is theeconomic system and superstructure is the cultural and political system.[251] Marx regarded this mismatch between economic base and socialsuperstructure as a major source of social conflict.[251]
Despite Marx's stress on the critique of capitalism and discussion of the newcommunist society that should replace it, his explicit critique is guarded, as he saw it as an improved society compared to the past ones (slavery andfeudalism).[81] Marx never clearly discusses issues ofmorality andjustice, but scholars agree that his work containedimplicit discussion of those concepts.[81]
Marx's view of capitalism was two-sided.[81][152] On one hand, in the 19th century's deepest critique of the dehumanising aspects of this system he noted that defining features of capitalism include alienation, exploitation and recurring, cyclicaldepressions leading to mass unemployment. On the other hand, he characterised capitalism as "revolutionising, industrialising and universalising qualities of development, growth and progressivity" (by which Marx meant industrialisation, urbanisation, technological progress, increasedproductivity and growth,rationality, andscientific revolution) that are responsible for progress, at in contrast to earlier forms of societies.[81][152][215]
Marx considered the capitalist class to be one of the most revolutionary in history because it constantly improved the means of production, more so than any other class in history and was responsible for the overthrow offeudalism.[219][253] Capitalism can stimulate considerable growth because the capitalist has an incentive to reinvest profits in new technologies andcapital equipment.[239]
According to Marx, capitalists take advantage of the difference between the labour market and the market for whatever commodity the capitalist can produce. Marx observed that in practically every successful industry, input unit-costs are lower than output unit-prices. Marx called the difference "surplus value" and argued that it was based onsurplus labour, the difference between what it costs to keep workers alive, and what they can produce.[81] Although Marx describes capitalists asvampires sucking worker's blood,[215] he notes that drawing profit is "by no means an injustice" since Marx, according toAllen W. Wood "excludes any trans-epochal standpoint from which one can comment" on the morals of such particular arrangements.[81] Marx also noted that even the capitalists themselves cannot go against the system.[219] The problem is the "cancerous cell" ofcapital, understood not as property or equipment, but the social relations between workers and owners, (the selling and purchasing of labour power) – the societal system, or rathermode of production, in general.[219]
At the same time, Marx stressed that capitalism was unstable and prone toperiodic crises.[95] He suggested that over time capitalists would invest more and more in new technologies and less and less in labour.[81] Since Marx believed that profit derived from surplus value appropriated from labour, he concluded that the rate of profit would fall as the economy grows.[254] Marx believed that increasingly severe crises would punctuate thiscycle of growth and collapse.[254] Moreover, he believed that in the long-term, this process would enrich andempower the capitalist class and impoverish the proletariat.[254][219] In section one ofThe Communist Manifesto, Marx describesfeudalism, capitalism, and the role internal social contradictions play in the historical process:
We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged ... the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes ... The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring order into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property.[4]
Outside a factory inOldham, 1900. Marx believed that industrial workers, theproletariat, would rise up around the world.
Marx believed that those structural contradictions within capitalism necessitate its end, giving way to socialism, or apost-capitalistic, communist society:
The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.[4]
Thanks to various processes overseen by capitalism, such as urbanisation, the working class, the proletariat, should grow in numbers and developclass consciousness, in time realising that they can and must change the system.[215] Marx believed that if the proletariat were to seize the means of production, they would encourage social relations that would benefit everyone equally, abolishing the exploiting class and introducing a system of production less vulnerable to cyclical crises.[215] Marx argued inThe German Ideology that capitalism will end through the organised actions of an international working class:
Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.[255]
In this new society, the alienation would end and humans would be free to act without being bound by selling their labour.[254] It would be a democratic society, enfranchising the entire population.[219] In such autopian world, there would also be little need for a state, whose goal was previously to enforce the alienation.[254] Marx theorised that between capitalism and the establishment of a socialist/communist system, would exist a period ofdictatorship of the proletariat – where the working class holds political power and forcibly socialises the means of production.[219] As he wrote in hisCritique of the Gotha Program, "between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of therevolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat".[256] While he allowed for the possibility of peaceful transition in some countries with strongdemocratic institutional structures (such asBritain, theUnited States, and theNetherlands), he suggested that in other countries in which workers cannot "attain their goal by peaceful means" the "lever of our revolution must be force".[257]
Marx viewedRussia as the main counter-revolutionary threat to European revolutions.[258] During theCrimean War, Marx backed theOttoman Empire and its allies Britain and France against Russia.[258] He was absolutely opposed toPan-Slavism, viewing it as an instrument of Russian foreign policy.[258] Marx had considered theSlavic nations exceptPoles as 'counter-revolutionary'. Marx and Engels published in theNeue Rheinische Zeitung in February 1849:
To the sentimental phrases about brotherhood which we are being offered here on behalf of the most counter-revolutionary nations of Europe, we reply that hatred of Russians was and still is the primary revolutionary passion among Germans; that since therevolution [of 1848] hatred of Czechs and Croats has been added, and that only by the most determined use of terror against these Slav peoples can we, jointly with the Poles and Magyars, safeguard the revolution. We know where the enemies of the revolution are concentrated,viz. in Russia and the Slav regions of Austria, and no fine phrases, no allusions to an undefined democratic future for these countries can deter us from treating our enemies as enemies. Then there will be a struggle, an "inexorable life-and-death struggle", against those Slavs who betray the revolution; an annihilating fight and ruthless terror – not in the interests of Germany, but in the interests of the revolution!"[259]
Marx and Engels sympathised with theNarodnik revolutionaries of the 1860s and 1870s. When theRussian revolutionaries assassinated TsarAlexander II of Russia, Marx expressed the hope that the assassination foreshadowed 'the formation of a Russian commune'.[260] Marx supported thePolish uprisings against tsarist Russia.[258] He said in a speech in London in 1867:
In the first place the policy of Russia is changeless... Its methods, its tactics, its manoeuvres may change, but the polar star of its policy – world domination – is a fixed star. In our times only a civilised government ruling over barbarian masses can hatch out such a plan and execute it. ... There is but one alternative for Europe. Either Asiatic barbarism, under Muscovite direction, will burst around its head like an avalanche, or else it must re-establish Poland, thus putting twenty million heroes between itself and Asia and gaining a breathing spell for the accomplishment of its social regeneration.[261]
Marx supported the cause ofIrish independence. In 1867, he wrote Engels: "I used to think the separation of Ireland from England impossible. I now think it inevitable. The English working class will never accomplish anything until it has got rid of Ireland. ... English reaction in England had its roots ... in the subjugation of Ireland."[262]
Marx spent some time inFrench Algeria, which had beeninvaded and made aFrench colony in 1830, and had the opportunity to observe life in colonial North Africa. He wrote about the colonial justice system, in which "a form of torture has been used (and this happens 'regularly') to extract confessions from the Arabs; naturally it is done (like the English in India) by the 'police'; the judge is supposed to know nothing at all about it."[263] Marx was surprised by the arrogance of manyEuropean settlers in Algiers and wrote in a letter:
when a European colonist dwells among the 'lesser breeds,' either as a settler or even on business, he generally regards himself as even more inviolable than handsome William I [a Prussian king]. Still, when it comes to bare-faced arrogance and presumptuousness vis-à-vis the 'lesser breeds,' the British and Dutch outdo the French.[263]
Marx's analysis of colonialism as a progressive force bringing modernization to a backward feudal society sounds like a transparent rationalization for foreign domination. His account of British domination, however, reflects the same ambivalence that he shows towards capitalism in Europe. In both cases, Marx recognizes the immense suffering brought about during the transition from feudal to bourgeois society while insisting that the transition is both necessary and ultimately progressive. He argues that the penetration of foreign commerce will cause a social revolution in India.[264]
There cannot remain any doubt but that the misery inflicted by the British on Hindostan [India] is of an essentially different and infinitely more intensive kind than all Hindostan had to suffer before. England has broken down the entire framework of Indian society, without any symptoms of reconstitution yet appearing... [however], we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition.[263][265]
From an academic perspective, Marx's work contributed to the birth of modern sociology. He has been cited as one of the 19th century's three masters of the "school of suspicion",[270] and as one of the three principal architects of modernsocial science.[271] In contrast to other philosophers, Marx offered theories that could often be tested with thescientific method.[6]
In modernsociological theory,Marxist sociology is recognised as one of the main classical perspectives.Isaiah Berlin considers Marx the true founder of modern sociology "in so far as anyone can claim the title".[274] Beyond social science, he has also had a lasting legacy in philosophy, literature, the arts, and the humanities.[275][276][277][278]
Marx statue in Trier, Germany
Social theorists of the 20th and 21st centuries have pursued two main strategies in response to Marx. One move has been to reduce it to its analytical core, known as analytical Marxism. Another, more common move has been to dilute the explanatory claims of Marx's social theory and emphasise the "relativeautonomy working-class agenda" of aspects of social and economic life not directly related to Marx's central narrative of interaction between the development of the "forces of production" and the succession of "modes of production". This has been theneo-Marxist theorising adopted by historians inspired by Marx's social theory such asE. P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. It has also been a line of thinking pursued by thinkers and activists such asAntonio Gramsci who have sought to understand the opportunities and the difficulties of transformative political practice, seen in the light of Marxist social theory.[279][280][281][282] Marx's ideas had a profound influence on subsequent artists and art history, with avant-garde movements across literature, visual art, music, film, and theatre.[283]
A map of countries that declared themselves to be socialist states under theMarxist–Leninist definition between 1979 and 1983, which marked the greatest territorial extent ofsocialist states
In countries associated with Marxism, political opponents have blamed Marx for millions of deaths,[295] while others argue for a distinction between the legacy and influence of Marx specifically, and the legacy and influence of those who have shaped his ideas for political purposes.[296] Arthur Lipow describes Marx and his collaboratorFriedrich Engels as "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism."[297]
The cities ofMarks, Russia andKarl-Marx-Stadt, Germany, now known as Chemnitz, were named after Marx.[298][299] In May 2018, to mark the bicentenary of his birth, a statue of him by leading Chinese sculptorWu Weishan and donated by the Chinese government was unveiled in his birthplace ofTrier, Germany. The then-European Commission presidentJean-Claude Juncker defended Marx's memory, saying that today Marx "stands for things which he is not responsible for and which he didn't cause because many of the things he wrote down were redrafted into the opposite".[300][301]
In 2017, a feature film, titledThe Young Karl Marx, received good reviews for both its historical accuracy and its brio in dealing with intellectual life.[302]
^abHis name was spelledCarl Marx in the birth register ofTrier and he occasionally used this spelling in official contexts up to the 1840s. His full name is sometimes given asKarl Heinrich Marx, but he never officially had a middle name, using the formsKarl Heinrich orCarl Heinrich (with his father's first name added after his own) only several times as a student.[2]
^Until 2017, this was the earliest known depiction of Marx, even though he was only identified in 1890 by [Friedrich?] Schneider, a judicial council and senate president in Cologne. However, because this depiction fits into Marx's description, it was accepted as being him since then.[34] Depictions of the young Marx by Hellmut Bach (1953) and another drawing that is more idealistic by I. Grinshtein (1961) was based upon this lithography; however they became more famous than the original depiction. The copy preserved in the Stadtmuseum Simeonstift Trier has some lost portions from above (the written year 1836, depictions of the brotherhood's activities etc.) because of ageing: this can be seen from earlier publications of the image.
^Hicks, John (May 1974). "Capital Controversies: Ancient and Modern".The American Economic Review.64 (2): 307.The greatest economists, Smith or Marx or Keynes, have changed the course of history ...
^Kim, Sung Ho (2017)."Max Weber". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.).Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab,Stanford University.Archived from the original on 18 March 2019. Retrieved10 December 2017.Max Weber is known as a principal architect of modern social science along with Karl Marx and Emil Durkheim.
^Marx's thesis was posthumously published inMarx, Karl;Engels, Friedrich (1975).Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Vol. 1. New York: International Publishers. pp. 25–107..
^Marx, Karl (1975). "Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law".Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Vol. 3. New York: International Publishers. p. 3.
^Marx, Karl (1975). "On the Jewish Question".Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Vol. 3. New York: International Publishers. p. 146.
^Larisa Miskievich, "Preface" to Volume 28 of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels (International Publishers: New York, 1986) p. xii
^Karl Marx,Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 35,Volume 36 andVolume 37 (International Publishers: New York, 1996, 1997 and 1987).
^Note 54 contained on p. 598 in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 3.
^Karl Marx, "Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844"Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 3 (International Publishers: New York, 1975) pp. 229–346.
^abcdefghijklmno"Karl Marx".Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab,Stanford University. 2017.Archived from the original on 8 February 2012. Retrieved28 May 2005.. First published Tue 26 August 2003; substantive revision Mon 14 June 2010. Retrieved 4 March 2011.
^Karl Marx, "Theses on Feuerbach", contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 5 (International Publishers: New York, 1976) pp. 3–14.
^Karl Marx, "Theses on Feuerbach," contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 5, p. 8.
^Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "German Ideology" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 5 (International Publishers: New York, 1976) pp. 19–539.
^See Note 71 on p. 672 of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 6 (International Publishers: New York, 1976).
^Karl Marx,The Poverty of Philosophy contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 6 (International Publishers: New York, 1976) pp. 105–212.
^Frederick Engels, "Principles of Communism" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 6 (International Publishers, New York, 1976) pp. 341–57.
^Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "The Communist Manifesto" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 6, pp. 477–519.
^Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "Demands of the Communist Party" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 7 (International Publishers: New York, 1977) pp. 3–6.
^Note 269 on p. 674 of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 11.
^Dussel, Enrique D. (2001). Moseley, Fred Baker (ed.).Towards an Unknown Marx: A Commentary on the Manuscripts of 1861–63. Translated by Angulo, Yolanda. London; New York: Routledge. p. xxxiii.ISBN0-415-21545-5.
^Marx, Karl; Engels, Friedrich (1965). "Marx to Engels, June 14, 1853". In Ryazanskaya, S. W. (ed.).Selected Correspondence. Translated by Lasker, I. (2nd ed.). Moscow: Progress Publishers. pp. 83–86.
^Taken from a picture on p. 327 of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 11 (International Publishers: New York, 1979).
^Karl Marx, "The Elections in England – Tories and Whigs" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 11 (International Publishers: New York, 1979) pp. 327–32.
^Note 1 at p. 367 contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 19 (International Publishers: New York, 1984).
^Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 11 (International Publishers: New York, 1979) pp. 99–197.
^Karl Marx, "The Civil War in France" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 22 (International Publishers: New York, 1986) pp. 307–59.
^Karl Marx, "Economic Manuscripts of 1857–1858" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 28 (International Publishers: New York, 1986) pp. 5–537.
^Karl Marx, "Economic Manuscripts of 1857–1858" contained in the Preparatory Materials section of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 29 (International Publishers: New York, 1987) pp. 421–507.
^Karl Marx, "A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 29, pp. 257–417.
^Marx."Economic Manuscripts: Appendix I: Production, Consumption, Distribution, Exchange".www.marxists.org.Archived from the original on 8 February 2002. Retrieved28 March 2022.[...] The solitary and isolated hunter or fisherman, who serves Adam Smith and Ricardo as a starting point, is one of the unimaginative fantasies of eighteenth-century romances a la Robinson Crusoe; and despite the assertions of social historians, these by no means signify simply a reaction against over-refinement and reversion to a misconceived natural life. [...] This is an illusion and nothing but the aesthetic illusion of the small and big Robinsonades. It is, on the contrary, the anticipation of "bourgeois society," which began to evolve in the sixteenth century and in the eighteenth century made giant strides towards maturity. The individual in this society of free competition seems to be rid of natural ties, etc., which made him an appurtenance of a particular, limited aggregation of human beings in previous historical epochs. The prophets of the eighteenth century, on whose shoulders Adam Smith and Ricardo were still wholly standing, envisaged this 18th-century individual – a product of the dissolution of feudal society on the one hand and of the new productive forces evolved since the sixteenth century on the other – as an ideal whose existence belonged to the past. They saw this individual not as an historical result, but as the starting point of history [...] Labour seems to be a very simple category. The notion of labour in this universal form, as labour in general, is also extremely old. Nevertheless "labour" in this simplicity is economically considered just as modern a category as the relations which give rise to this simple abstraction.
^abCalhoun 2012, p. 138: "Marx used social criticism as his standard form of social analysis. Marx defined criticism as the "radical negation of social reality.""
^Karl Marx, "Capital II: The Process of Circulation of Capital" embodying the whole volume of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 36 (International Publishers: New York, 1997).
^Karl Marx, "Capital III: The Process of Capitalist Production as a Whole" embodying the whole volume of theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 37 (International Publishers: New York, 1998).
^Karl Marx, "Theories of Surplus Value" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 30 (International Publishers: New York, 1988) pp. 318–451.
^Karl Marx, "Theories of Surplus Value" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 31 (International Publishers: New York, 1989) pp. 5–580.
^Karl Marx, "Theories of Surplus Value" contained in theCollected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 32 (International Publishers: New York, 1989) pp. 5–543.
^Lafargue, Paul (1972).Marx–Engels–Lenin Institute (ed.).Reminiscences of Marx (September 1890). Progress Publishers.Archived from the original on 16 August 2021. Retrieved30 December 2020.He was a loving, gentle and indulgent father. [...] There was never even a trace of the bossy parent in his relations with his daughters, whose love for him was extraordinary. He never gave them an order, but asked them to do what he wished as a favour or made them feel that they should not do what he wanted to forbid them. And yet a father could seldom have had more docile children than he.
^abcSee Marx K (1997). "Critique of Hegel's dialectic and philosophy in general". In K Marx,Writings of the Young Marx on Philosophy and Society (LD Easton & KH Guddat, Trans.), pp. 314–47. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. Original work published 1844.
^See also Lefever DM; Lefever JT (1977). "Marxian alienation and economic organisation: An alternate view".The American Economist (21) 2, pp. 40–48.
^abSee also Holland EW (2005). "Desire". In CJ Stivale (Ed.),Gilles Deleuze: Key Concepts, pp. 53–62. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press.
^abMarx, Karl."Grundrisse 06".Marxists Internet Archive.Archived from the original on 21 November 2021. Retrieved21 November 2021.the demand that wage labour be continued but capital suspended is self-contradictory, self-dissolving.
^Karl Marx (1970) [1875]."Critique of the Gotha Programme, Part IV".Marx/Engels Selected Works. Vol. 3. Moscow: Progress Publishers. pp. 13–30.Archived from the original on 2 July 2019 – via marxists.org.
^La Liberté SpeechArchived 16 July 2018 at theWayback Machine delivered by Karl Marx on 8 September 1872, inAmsterdam. "You know that the institutions, mores, and traditions of various countries must be taken into consideration, and we do not deny that there are countries – such as America, England, and if I were more familiar with your institutions, I would perhaps also add Holland – where the workers can attain their goal by peaceful means. This being the case, we must also recognise the fact that in most countries on the Continent the lever of our revolution must be force; it is force to which we must some day appeal to erect the rule of labour."
^Cited in: B. Hepner, "Marx et la puissance russe," in: K. Marx,La Russie et l'Europe, Paris, 1954, p. 20. Originally published inNeue Rheinische Zeitung, no. 223, 16 February 1849.
^Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels to the Chairman of the Slavonic Meeting, 21 March 1881. Source: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels,Selected Correspondence (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975).
^Speech delivered in London, probably to a meeting of the International's General Council and the Polish Workers Society on 22 January 1867, text published inLe Socialisme, 15 March 1908;Odbudowa Polski (Warsaw, 1910), pp. 119–23;Mysl Socjalistyczna, May 1908. From Karl Marx and Frederick Engels,The Russian Menace to Europe, edited by Paul Blackstock and Bert Hoselitz, and published byGeorge Allen and Unwin, London, 1953, pp. 104–08.
^Ricoeur, Paul (1970).Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. New Haven and London:Yale University Press. p. 32.
^"Max Weber".Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab,Stanford University. 2017.Archived from the original on 26 May 2024. Retrieved29 November 2009.
^Becker, S.L. (1984). "Marxist Approaches to Media Studies: The British Experience".Critical Studies in Mass Communication.1 (1):66–80.doi:10.1080/15295038409360014.
^Kołakowski, Leszek. Main Currents of Marxism: the Founders, the Golden Age, the Breakdown. Translated by P.S. Falla. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2005.
^Aron, Raymond. Main Currents in Sociological Thought. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1965.
^Anderson, Perry. Considerations on Western Marxism. London: NLB, 1976.
^Hobsbawm, E. J. How to Change the World: Marx and Marxism, 1840–2011 (London: Little, Brown, 2011), 314–44.
^Hemingway, Andrew (2006).Marxism and the History of Art: From William Morris to the New Left.Pluto Press.
^Lipow, Arthur (1991).Authoritarian Socialism in America: Edward Bellamy and the Nationalist Movement.University of California Press. p. 1.ISBN978-0-520-07543-6.'We are not among those communists who are out to destroy personal liberty, who wish to turn the world into one huge barrack or into a gigantic workhouse. There certainly are some communists who, with an easy conscience, refuse to countenance personal liberty and would like to shuffle it out of the world because they consider that it is a hindrance to complete harmony. But we have no desire to exchange freedom for equality. We are convinced ... that in no social order will freedom be assured as in a society based upon communal ownership.' Thus wrote the editors of theJournal of the Communist League in 1847, under the direct influence of the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
Heinrich, Michael (2019).Karl Marx and the Birth of Modern Society: The Life of Marx and the Development of His Work. Volume I: 1818–1841. New York: Monthly Review P.ISBN978-1-58367-735-3.
Little, Daniel.The Scientific Marx, (University of Minnesota Press, 1986)ISBN0-8166-1505-5
Mandel, Ernest.Marxist Economic Theory. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970.
Mandel, Ernest.The Formation of the Economic Thought of Karl Marx. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977.
Miller, Richard W.Analyzing Marx: Morality, Power, and History. Princeton, N.J:Princeton University Press, 1984.
Rothbard, Murray.An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought Volume II: Classical Economics (Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 1995)ISBN0-945466-48-X
Saito, Kohei.Karl Marx's Ecosocialism: Capital, Nature, and the Unfinished Critique of Political Economy, Monthly Review Press 2017.
Schmidt, Alfred.The Concept of Nature in Marx. London: NLB, 1971.
Seigel, J.E. (1973). "Marx's Early Development: Vocation, Rebellion and Realism".The Journal of Interdisciplinary History.3 (3):475–508.doi:10.2307/202551.JSTOR202551.
Thomas, Paul.Karl Marx and the Anarchists. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980.
Uno, Kozo.Principles of Political Economy. Theory of a Purely Capitalist Society, Brighton, Sussex: Harvester; Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities, 1980.
Vianello, F. [1989], "Effective Demand and the Rate of Profits: Some Thoughts on Marx,Kalecki andSraffa", in: Sebastiani, M. (ed.),Kalecki's Relevance Today, London, Macmillan,ISBN978-0-312-02411-6.
Wendling, Amy.Karl Marx on Technology and Alienation (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009)
Wheen, Francis.Marx's Das Kapital, (Atlantic Books, 2006)ISBN1-84354-400-8
Wilson, Edmund.To the Finland Station: A Study in the Writing and Acting of History, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1940
TheCollected Works of Marx and Engels, in English translation and in 50 volumes, are published in London by Lawrence & Wishart and in New York by International Publishers. (These volumes were at one time put online by theMarxists Internet Archive, until the original publishers objected on copyright grounds:"Marx/Engels Collected Works".Marxists Internet Archive.Archived from the original on 17 August 2021. Retrieved3 March 2018.) They are available online and searchable, for purchase or through subscribing libraries, in theSocial Theory (Archived 3 March 2018 at theWayback Machine) collection published byAlexander Street Press in collaboration with theUniversity of Chicago.
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