Karl August von Hardenberg | |
|---|---|
_-_Charles_Augustus%2c_Prince_Hardenberg_(1750-1822)_-_RCIN_404941_-_Royal_Collection.jpg) Portrait bySir Thomas Lawrence | |
| Prime Minister of Prussia | |
| In office 14 April 1804 – 1806 | |
| Preceded by | Count Haugwitz |
| Succeeded by | Count Haugwitz |
| In office April – July 1807 | |
| Preceded by | Karl von Beyme |
| Succeeded by | Baron Stein |
| In office 6 June 1810 – 26 November 1822 | |
| Preceded by | Count Dohna-Schlobitten |
| Succeeded by | Otto von Voß |
| 2ndInterior Minister of Prussia | |
| In office 1810–1814 | |
| Preceded by | Count Dohna-Schlobitten |
| Succeeded by | Count Schuckmann |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Karl August Fürst von Hardenberg 31 May 1750 |
| Died | 26 November 1822 (aged 72) |
| Spouses |
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| Children | 2 (includingLucie) |
| Parents |
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| Known for | Being a part of thePrussian Reform Movement |
Karl August Fürst von Hardenberg (31 May 1750, inEssenrode-Lehre – 26 November 1822, inGenoa) was aPrussianstatesman andChief Minister of Prussia. While during his late career he acquiesced to reactionary policies, earlier in his career he implemented a variety ofLiberal reforms. To him andBaron vom Stein, Prussia was indebted for improvements in its army system, the abolition ofserfdom and feudal burdens, the throwing open of the civil service to all classes, and the complete reform of the educational system.[1]
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Hardenberg was the eldest son of Christian Ludwig von Hardenberg (1700-1781), a Hanoverian colonel, later to become field marshal andcommander-in-chief of theHanoverian Army under ElectorGeorge III from 1776 until his death. His mother was Anna Sophia Ehrengartvon Bülow. He was born, one of eight children, atEssenrode Manor nearHanover in theElectorate of Hanover, his maternal grandfather's estate. The ancestral home of theknights of Hardenberg is Hardenberg Castle atNörten-Hardenberg, which the family acquired in 1287 and owns to this day. They were created barons and, in 1778, counts.
After studying atLeipzig andGöttingen, he entered the Hanoveriancivil service in 1770 as councillor of the board of domains (Kammerrat); but, finding his advancement slow, he set out, on the advice of George III, on a series of travels, spending some time atWetzlar,Regensburg (where he studied the mechanism of theImperial government),Vienna andBerlin. He also visitedFrance, theDutch Republic andGreat Britain, where he was received kindly by the King (also Elector of Hanover). On his return, he married, at his father's suggestion, the Countess Christiane vonReventlow (1759–1793)[2] in 1774. They had a son, Christian Heinrich August Graf von Hardenberg-Reventlow (1775–1841), and a daughter,Lucie von Hardenberg-Reventlow (1776-1854).
In 1778, Hardenberg was raised to the rank of privy councillor and created agraf (or count). He went back to England in the hope of obtaining the post of Hanoverian envoy in London; but his wife began an affair with thePrince of Wales, which created so great a scandal that he was forced to leave the Hanoverian service. In 1782 he entered the service ofCharles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, and as president of the board of domains displayed a zeal for reform, in the manner approved by theenlightened despots of the century, which rendered him very unpopular with the orthodox clergy and the conservative estates. In Brunswick, too, his position was in the end made untenable by the conduct of his wife, whom he now divorced. He shortly afterwards married a divorced woman.[2]
Fortunately for Hardenberg, this coincided with the lapsing of the principalities ofAnsbach andBayreuth toPrussia, owing to the abdication of the last margrave,Charles Alexander, in 1791. Hardenberg, who happened to be in Berlin at the time, was appointed administrator of the principalities in 1792, on the recommendation ofEwald Friedrich von Hertzberg. The position, owing to the singular overlapping of territorial claims in the oldHoly Roman Empire, was one of considerable delicacy, and Hardenberg filled it with great skill, doing much to reform traditional anomalies and to develop the country, and at the same time labouring to expand the influence of Prussia in southern Germany.[2]
After the outbreak of theFrench Revolutionary Wars, his diplomatic ability led to his appointment as Prussian envoy, with aroving commission to visit the Rhenish courts and win them over to Prussia's views. Ultimately, when the necessity for making peace with theFrench Republic had been recognised, he was appointed to succeed CountAugust Friedrich Ferdinand von der Goltz as Prussian plenipotentiary atBasel (28 February 1795), where he signed thetreaty of peace.[2]
In 1797, on the accession of KingFrederick William III of Prussia, Hardenberg was summoned to Berlin, where he received an important position in the cabinet and was appointed chief of the departments ofMagdeburg andHalberstadt, forWestphalia, and for thePrincipality of Neuchâtel. In 1793, Hardenberg had struck up a friendship withChristian Graf von Haugwitz, the influentialminister for foreign affairs, and when in late 1803 Haugwitz went away on leave he appointed Hardenberg hislocum tenens.[2]
It was a critical period sinceNapoleon had just occupied Hanover, and Haugwitz had urged upon the king the necessity for strong measures and the expediency of a Russian alliance. During Haugwitz's absence, however, the king's irresolution continued, and he clung to the policy of neutrality, which had so far seemed to have served Prussia so well. Hardenberg contented himself with adapting himself to the royal will. When Haugwitz had returned, the unyielding attitude of Napoleon had caused the king to make advances to Russia, but the mutual declarations of 3 and 25 May 1804 pledged both powers to take up arms only in the event of a French attack upon Prussia or of further aggressions in northern Germany. Finally, Haugwitz, unable to persuade the cabinet to a more vigorous policy, resigned, and on 14 April 1804, Hardenberg succeeded him as foreign minister.[2]
If there was to be war, Hardenberg would have preferred the French alliance, the price that Napoleon demanded for the cession of Hanover to Prussia, but the eastern powers would not freely have conceded so great an augmentation of Prussian power. However, he still hoped to gain the coveted prize by diplomacy, backed by the veiled threat of an armed neutrality. Then came Napoleon's contemptuous violation of Prussian territory by marching three French corps through Ansbach. King Frederick William's pride overcame his weakness, and on 3 November he signed with TsarAlexander I of Russia the terms of an ultimatum to be laid before the French emperor.[3]
Haugwitz was despatched to Vienna with the document, but before he had arrived, theBattle of Austerlitz had been fought, and the Prussian plenipotentiary had to make terms with Napoleon. Prussia, bythe treaty signed at Schönbrunn on 15 December 1805, received Hanover but in return for all her territories in South Germany. One condition of the arrangement was the retirement of Hardenberg, whom Napoleon disliked. He was again foreign minister for a few months after the crisis of 1806 (April–July 1807), but Napoleon's resentment was implacable, and one of the conditions of the terms granted to Prussia by theTreaty of Tilsit was Hardenberg's dismissal.[4]
After the forced retirement ofHeinrich Friedrich Karl vom und zum Stein in 1810 and the unsatisfactory interlude of the feebleKarl vom Stein zum Altenstein ministry, Hardenberg was again summoned to Berlin on 6 June 1810, this time as chancellor. TheBattle of Jena–Auerstedt and its consequences had had a profound effect upon him, and in his mind, the traditions of the olddiplomacy had given place to the new sentiment of nationality characteristic of the coming age, which in him found expression in a passionate desire to restore the position of Prussia and crush her oppressors.[4]
During his retirement atRiga, he had worked out an elaborate plan for reconstructing themonarchy on liberal lines, and when he came into power, the circumstances of the time did not admit of his pursuing an independentforeign policy, but he steadily prepared for the struggle with France by carrying out Stein's far-reaching schemes of social and political reorganization.[4]
The military system was completely reformed, serfdom was abolished, municipal institutions were fostered, the civil service was thrown open to all classes and great attention was devoted to the educational needs of every section of the community. When at last the time came to put the reforms to the test, after theFrench invasion of Russia in 1812, it was Hardenberg who persuaded Frederick William to take advantage ofLudwig Yorck von Wartenburg's loyal disloyalty and to declare against France. He was rightly regarded by German patriots as the statesman who had done most to encourage the spirit of national independence, and immediately after he had signed thefirst Peace of Paris in 1814, he was raised to the rank of prince 3 June 1814 in recognition of the part he had played in theWar of the Sixth Coalition.[4]
Hardenberg now had a position in that close corporation of sovereigns and statesmen by whom Europe was governed. He accompanied theallied sovereigns to England and at theCongress of Vienna (1814-1815) was the chief representative of Prussia. However, the zenith of his influence, if not of his fame, had passed. In diplomacy, he was no match forKlemens von Metternich, whose influence soon overshadowed his own in the councils of Europe, Germany and ultimately even Prussia itself.[4]
At Vienna, in spite of the powerful backing ofAlexander I of Russia, he failed to secure the annexation of the whole of Saxony to Prussia. In theSecond Treaty of Paris, after theBattle of Waterloo, he failed to carry through his views as to the further dismemberment of France and had weakly allowed Metternich to forestall him in making terms with the states of theConfederation of the Rhine, which secured to Austria the preponderance in theGerman federal diet. On the eve of theconference of Carlsbad (1819) he signed a convention with Metternich in which, according the historianHeinrich von Treitschke, 'like a penitent sinner, without any formalquid pro quo, the monarchy ofFrederick the Great yielded to a foreign power a voice in her internal affairs."[4]
At the congresses ofAix-la-Chapelle (Aachen),Troppau,Laibach andVerona, the voice of Hardenberg was but an echo of that of Metternich. The cause lay partly in the difficult circumstances of the loosely-knit Prussian monarchy but partly in Hardenberg's character had never been well balanced but had deteriorated with age. He continued amiable, charming and enlightened as ever, but the excesses that had been pardonable in a young diplomat were a scandal in an elderly chancellor and could not but weaken his influence with so pious aLandesvater as Frederick William III.[4]
To overcome the king's terror of liberal experiments would have needed all the powers of an adviser at once wise and in character wholly trustworthy. Hardenberg was wise enough and saw the necessity forconstitutional reform, but he clung with almost senile tenacity to the sweets of office, and when the tide turned against liberalism, he allowed himself to drift with it. In the privacy of royal commissions, he continued to elaborate schemes for constitutions that never saw the light, but Germany, disillusioned, regarded him as an adherent of Metternich, an accomplice in the policy of the Carlsbad Decrees and theTroppau Protocol.[4]
In 1814, King Frederick William III vested Hardenberg with the locality of Quilitz, together with the princely title, as a gratification for his merits as Prussian state chancellor. When he received the manor, he renamed the place right away intoNeuhardenberg (New Hardenberg). From 1820 on, he had the mansion and the church rebuilt inneoclassical style, according to plans designed byKarl Friedrich Schinkel, while the gardens were redesigned by his son-in-law,Prince Hermann von Pückler-Muskau, andPeter-Joseph Lenné.
Hardenberg died atGenoa soon after the closing of theCongress of Verona.[4] Hardenberg'sMemoirs, 1801-07 were suppressed for 50 years after which they were edited with a biography byLeopold von Ranke and published asDenkwürdigkeiten des Fürsten von Hardenberg (5 vols., Leipzig, 1877).[1]
This article incorporates text from a publication now in thepublic domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Hardenberg, Karl August von".Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 12 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 941–942.
"Гарденберг, Карл-Август" .Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary (in Russian). 1906.
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| Preceded by | Prime Minister of Prussia 1804–1806 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Prime Minister of Prussia 1807 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Prime Minister of Prussia 1810 – 1822 | Succeeded by |
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