| Karbi | |
|---|---|
| Arlêng | |
| Region | Assam,Meghalaya,Arunachal Pradesh |
| Ethnicity | Karbi |
Native speakers | 528,503 (2011)[1] |
| Dialects | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | Either:mjw – Karbiajz – Plains Karbi (Amri) |
| Glottolog | karb1240 |
| ELP | Karbi |
Map showing where Karbi is spoken | |
TheKarbi language (US:/kɑːrbi/ ⓘ) is aTibeto-Burman language spoken by theKarbi (also known asMikir orArlêng) people ofNortheastern India. It is also calledHills Karbi to differentiate it fromPlains Karbi (Amri Karbi) which is variously treated as a variety of Karbi or its own language.
It belongs to theSino-Tibetan language family, but its position is unclear. Grierson (1903)[2] classified it under Naga languages, Shafer (1974) and Bradley (1997) classify the Mikir languages as an aberrantKuki-Chin branch, but Thurgood (2003) leaves them unclassified within Sino-Tibetan.Blench and Post (2013) classify it as one of the most basal languages of the entire family.
Originally, there was no written form of the language, and like most languages ofNortheast India, Karbi writing system is based on Roman script, occasionally inAssamese script. The earliest written texts in Karbi were produced by Christian missionaries, in Roman script, especially by the American Baptist Mission and the Catholic Church. The missionaries brought out a newspaper in Karbi titledBirta in the year 1903, Rev. R.E. Neighbor's 'Vocabulary of English and Mikir, with Illustrative Sentences' published in 1878, which can be called the first Karbi dictionary. Sardoka Perrin Kay's 'English–Mikir Dictionary' published in 1904, Sir Charles Lyall and Edward Stack'sThe Mikirs in 1908, the first ethnographic details on the Karbis and G.D. Walker's 'A Dictionary of the Mikir Language' published in 1925 are some of the earliest known books on the Karbis and the Karbi language and grammar.[3]
The Karbis have a rich oral tradition. TheMosera (recalling the past), a lengthy folk narrative that describes the origin and migration ordeal of the Karbis, is one such example.
There is little dialect diversity except for theDumurali / Kamrup Karbi dialect, which is distinct enough to be considered a separate Karbi language.
Konnerth (2014) identifies two main variations of the Karbi language:
Data below are from Konnerth (2017).[4]
| Bilabial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Stop | Voiceless | p | t | c | k | |
| Voiced | b | d | ɟ~j | |||
| Aspirated | pʰ~ɸ | tʰ | kʰ | |||
| Fricative | β~w | s | h | |||
| Nasal | m | n | ||||
| Rhotic | r~ɾ | |||||
| Approximant | l | ɟ~j | ||||
| Bilabial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Stop | p | t | k | |||
| Nasal | m | n | ŋ | |||
| Rhotic | r~ɾ~ɹ | |||||
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High | /i/ | /u/ | |
| Close-mid | /e/ | /o/ | |
| Low | /a/ |
| Diphthongs of Karbi | (ei) | ai | oi | ui |
|---|
Karbi syllables may be the open (C)(C)V(V) or the closed (C)(C)VC. Possible onset consonant cluster combinations are as follows:/plprpʰlpʰrtʰrklkrkʰr/.
There are three pairs of tones in Karbi: low (L), mid (M), and high (H). Unstressed syllables are often toneless. Clitics are toneless, but some suffixes, such as derivational suffixes, tend to have tone.
Karbi is a highlysynthetic, agglutinating language, especially in predicate morphology. Karbi nouns are however typically analytic and isolating. It distinguishes first person inclusive and exclusive pronouns. Possessivea- and plural marker-tum are used to denote plurality in periphrastic level.
te
therefore
mò
ko
buddy:VOC
jīrpō
friend
pu
te mò pí-nè-pinã-cē-dèt-jí-ma ko jīrpō pu
therefore FUT what-INDF-DISTR.PL-NEG-PFV-IRR.2-Q buddy:VOC friend QUOT
'And there won't be any difficulties, my friend?'
| +4 | +3 | +2/+1 | core | -1 | -2 | -3 | -4 | -5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| proclitic | NMLZ | CAUS (pV-)/RECIP/REFL (che-)/AUTOBEN/MAL (cho-) | verb stem | DERIV | RDPL | NEG (-cē) | Aspect | AM/subordinate, non-declarative speech act-marking |
Karbi noun phrase structure accepts enumeration constructions, RCs, and PCT modifiers to occur on either side of the head noun. DEMs and (NP)POSRs are restricted to the front slots, and the plural marker takes the last slot.
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | core | 5 | 6 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demonstratives | Numbers | Relative Clauses / PCT modifier | ([NP]Possessor) | Head Noun | PCT modifier / Relative Clauses / Number | Plural |
pinì-ke
today-TOP
e-sòn
one-CLF:thing
a-khobór
mẽ-sén
be-good-INT
arjū-lōng
hear-get
pinì-ke nèe-sòna-khobórmẽ-sén arjū-lōng
today-TOP 1SG.EXCLone-CLF:thingPOSS-news(IND)be-good-INT hear-get
'Today I got good news'
Role-marking has three classes: unmarked NPs, marked with-phān (non-subject) andlōng (locative). Unmarked NPs refers to NPs that display clear from context what kind of syntactic/semantic role they play in the clause. The S arguments in intransitive clauses are always unmarked, but O & A arguments may not be marked in Karbi differential object marking. OBL participants may remain unmarked as well if their role in the clause is clear from context.
nang-pō-le
hēmtāp
tree.house
a-ngsóng
chō-tē
eat-if
chō
eat
nang-pō-le hēmtāp a-ngsóng chō-tē nang-tūm-kemandú-le chō
2SG-father-FOC.IRR tree.house POSS-high.up eat-if 2SG-PL-TOPfield.hut-FOC.IRR eat
'If your father takes his meal in the tree house, you eatin the field hut'
Core arguments marked with-phān are syntactically participants with the O and R roles in clause.
chonghō
frog
jamír
grain.sp
a-bú-pen
chonghōa-phān jamír a-bú-pen sáp-phrát~phrát-dèt
frogPOSS-NSUBJ grain.sp POSS-bundle-with beat.w/flexible-IDEO~DISTR.PL-PFV
'and with a bundle of jamir they beatthe frog[...]'
Locative-lōng marks oblique locational expressions in NP relation of any semantic types, human O-like locational arguments, human R-like locational arguments, as well as it may replace relator nouns that indicate specific locational and directional relations such as 'in', 'near', 'at', 'around' and such. In addition, a enclitic=pen is used to mark the instrumental, the comitative, the ablative. Diachronically,-pen is a clause final marker.
a-phì
alòng
thòn-dām-kòk-lò
drop-go-in.a.fixed.place-REL
a-phìalòng thòn-dām-kòk-lò
POSS-grandmotherLOC drop-go-in.a.fixed.place-REL
'and she left (the child)with the grandmother'
lasō
this
alòng
dùn-krì-lò
join-follow.closely-REL
lasōa-bamón-pīalòng dùn-krì-lò
this POSS-wise.person(IND)-femaleLOC join-follow.closely-REL
'hefollowed his wife closely, hefollowed this bamónpī closely'
Clauses can combine into a chain of clauses by suffixing-si (non-final.realis),-ra (non-final.irrealis),-pen (non-final.with). Clausal chaining marks events in temporal sequence, and other clausal chaining constructions can perform other functions.
e
[ánke
and.then
a-pāi-tā
pharlá
outside.part.Karbi.house
dàm]
go
[thēng
firewood
a-khangrá
[hēm
house
[hongkūp
entrance.area.Karbi.house
[mōk
breast
pō]
father
e [ánke a-pāi-tā pharlá dàm] [thēng a-khangrá ó-kòk-si] [hēm dàm-si] [hongkūp ingnì-lùn-si] [mōk che-pa-chū-si] [dō-jòi-nōi pō]
DS and.then POSS-mother-(additive.focus):DM outside.part.Karbi.house go firewood POSS-basket.for.firewood leave.in.a.fixed.place-NF:REAL house go-NF:REAL entrance.area.Karbi.house sit-big:(agent-orientated.verb)-NF:REAL breast RECP-CAUS-suck-NF:REAL stay-quiet-INF.COND.IMP father
'and then, the mother went and unloaded the firewood in the Pharla (Veranda), then entered the house, sat in the Hongkup, gave the child the milk, (and said) "be quiet, Daddy"'
Karbi is spoken in the following areas of Northeast India (Ethnologue).
An estimate 1500 Karbi live in Bangladesh.[5]