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Karajá language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Macro-Je language spoken in Brazil
For other uses, seeKaraja (disambiguation).
"Karayá language" redirects here; not to be confused withKaray-a language.
Karajá
Iny rybè
Pronunciation[iˌnə̃ɾɨˈbɛ]
Native toBrazil
RegionAraguaia River
Ethnicity3,600Karajá people (2007)[1]
Native speakers
2,700 (2006)[1]
Macro-Jê
  • Karajá
Dialects
  • Northern
  • Southern Karajá
  • Javaé [pt]
  • Xambioá
Language codes
ISO 639-3kpj
Glottologkara1500
ELPKarajá
This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA.

Karajá, also known asIny rybè,[2]: 1  is aMacro-Jê language spoken by theKarajá people in some thirty villages in centralBrazil.

There are distinct male and female forms of speech; one of the principal differences is that men drop the sound/k/, which is pronounced by women.

Karaja is averb-final language,[3] with simple noun and more complexverbal morphology that includesnoun incorporation. Verbsinflect for direction as well as person, mood, object, and voice.

Dialects

[edit]

Dialects are Northern Karajá, Southern Karajá,Xambioá, andJavaé.[2]: 1 [4]: 95 

Karajá proper is spoken on the main course of theAraguaia River in and aroundBananal Island. Phonologically, it is set apart from the other dialects (Javaé and Xambioá) by the occurrence of the vowel /ə/ (not represented in the orthography), which corresponds to a full vowel in Javaé and Xambioá whose quality is a copy of the vowel of the next syllable. For example, Karajábdi /bədɪ/ ‘honey’,-dkỹ /-dəkə̃/ ‘causative suffix’,-tka /-ɗəka/ ‘to tie’,kbò /kəbɔ/ ‘banzeiro’,kdò /kədɔ/ ‘termite’,rkù /ɾəkʊ/ ‘gourd’ correspond to Javaé and Xambioábidi /bɪdɪ/,-nỹkỹ /-də̃kə̃/,-taka /-ɗaka/,kòbò /kɔbɔ/,kòdò /kɔdɔ/,rùkù /ɾʊkʊ/.[2]: 21, 31  Another phonological feature unique to Karajá proper is the progressive palatalization of/k/ and/ɾ/ (to/tʃ/ and/dʒ/) following an/i/: compare Karajáritxòrè ‘offspring’,itxòrò ‘fox’,ritxokoRitxoko clay doll’,idjasòarowana’ and Javaé/Xambioárikòrè,ikòrò,rikoko,iraso.[2]: 37 [5]: 77, 92  Examples of lexical differences between Karajá proper and other dialects includelei ‘anaconda’,tõsõ ‘woodpecker’,makiti ‘sugarcane’, corresponding to Javaé and Xambioárei,sõsõ,biditi.[2]: 21 

Karajá proper is further subdivided into Northern and Southern Karajá. Southern Karajá is spoken in the Fontoura (Btõiry) village and further to the south, whereas Northern Karajá is spoken in the São Domingos (Krèhãwa) village and further to the north.[6] There are few differences between Northern and Southern Karajá. Examples of lexical differences include N(orthern)ji(k)arỹ / S(outhern)di(k)arỹ ‘I’,[2]: 89  Nwi / Swiu ‘song.♂’,[2]: 134  Nadèrana / Swdèna ‘prostitute’, Nbdòlèkè / Sbdòkùjkèpirarucu fish’, Nbutxi / Sboti ‘clay pot’, N(k)õritxi / S(k)uritxi ‘curassow’,[6] and other word pairs. Northern Karajá also differs from Southern Karajá in using different habitual markers for different persons (first person-wahã, second person-mahã, third person-mỹhỹ), whereas Southern Karajá uses-mỹhỹ for all three persons.[2]: 252  In addition, there is a difference regarding the occurrence of the centripetal prefix (n- ord-, phonologically /d-/) in the first person of therealis mood. In Northern Karajá (just like in Javaé and Xambioá), it occurs only once, after the first person prefix:ãdiwyde ‘I brought it’. In Southern Karajá, it occurs twice, both before and after the person prefix:nadiwyde ‘I brought it’.[2]: 39 

Javaé is currently spoken by theJavaés River, a smaller branch of the Araguaia, though historically the Javaé inhabited the interior of the Bananal island, until at least the first half of the 20th century.[2]: 2  The Javaé are referred to by the Karajá proper asixỹju, a term otherwise used to non-Karajá indigenous peoples such as theXavante, but clearly speak a variety of Karajá. Javaé has moreApyãwa loans than other Karajá dialects.[2]: 169  Phonologically, Javaé is characterized by the occurrence of /e/ corresponding to Karajá/ə/ and Xambioá/i/ preceding a syllable which contains a/i/: Javaé-tebiè ‘to raise, to feed’,hetxi ‘bottom, buttocks’,exi ‘soft’,-teji ‘to put’ correspond to Karajá-tbiè,htxi,àxi,tdi; Xambioá-txibiè,hitxi,ixi,tidi.[2]: 97–8  In addition, Javaé has less genderlectal differences than Karajá and Xambioá, as in many cases the Javaé women systematically use forms that are restricted to the male genderlect in other dialects.[2]: 155–9 

Xambioá is spoken on the east bank of the Araguaia, close to the mouth of theMaria River (a western tributary of the Araguaia), which makes it the northernmost variety of Karajá.[2]: 3  Ribeiro (2012) reports that there were only 8 fluent speakers in 1998, all of them elderly.[2]: 9, 23  Phonologically, Xambioá is characterized by the progressive palatalization of/k/ to[c] following an/i/, as inikòrò [icɔˈɾɔ] ‘fox’ (unlike in Karajá, this does not lead to a neutralization with[tʃ]).[2]: 130  Another phonological feature of Xambioá is the occurrence of the oralallophone of/a/ (i.e.,[a]) where other dialects have[ã]: Xambioáhabu ‘man’,ati ‘Pimelodus|mandi fish’,aw(òk)ò ‘canoe’ vs. Karajáhãbu,hãti,hãw(k)ò.[5]: 93, 96  Some Xambioá words are not found in other dialects, such as theLíngua Geral Amazônica borrowingmabèra ‘paper’ (in Karajá and Javaé, the term for ‘skin, bark, cloth’ is used instead: Karajá ♀tky, Javaé ♀tyky, Karajá/Javaé ♂tyy).[5]: 94 

Phonology

[edit]

Karajá has thirteen oralvowels,/iɪeɛɨ̘ɨɘəauʊoɔ/, and threenasal vowels,ə̃õ/. The Javaé and Xambioá dialects differ from Karajá in lacking/ə/./a/ is nasalized word initially and when preceded by/h/ or a voiced stop (except in Xambioá):/aθɪ/[ãθɪ] 'grass',/ɔha/[ɔhã] 'armadillo'./a/ also triggers the occurrence of the nasal allophones of preceding/b/ or/d/:/bahadʊ/[mahãdʊ] 'group',/dadɪ/[nadɪ] 'my mother'.

FrontCentralBack
Closei, ĩɨ̘u
Near-closeɪɨʊ
Close-mideɘ, ə̃o, õ
Open-midɛəɔ
Opena ([ã])

This language hasATRvowel harmony which causes the non-ATR vowelsɛɨʊɔ/ to become more tense (/ieɨ̘uo/) by the influence of a ATR vowel (one of/ieɨ̘ɘuoĩ/) located further to the right. The vowels/aə̃õ/ are opaque. Note thatɔ/ undergo the harmony in an iterative manner (as in/ɾ-ɛ-ɾɔ=ɾ-e/eɾoɾe/ ‘I ate it’), whetherɨʊ/ may optionally block the further spread of the [+ATR] feature:/ɾ-ɛ-hɪ=ɾ-e/ → /ɾ'''e'''h'''i'''ɾe/ or/ɾɛhiɾe/ ‘I drove it away’.[2]: 107–8 

V → [+ATR] / _ (C)-V[+ATR]


The chart below contains the consonantsounds used in Karajá.

LabialDentalPostalveolarVelarGlottal
Obstruentvoicelessk
voicedbd
nasalmn
implosiveɗ
fricativeθʃh
Sonorantlaterall
centralwɾ

The consonants/dlɗθ/ are palatalized to[dʒʃ] when adjacent to [+ATR] high vowels. Consonants/bd/ have nasal allophones[mn] when occurring before/a/. In addition, in the Karajá proper dialect only,/kɾ/ are progressively palatalized to[tʃdʒ] following a/i/. In fact, almost all occurrences of[dʒʃ] can be explained by the operation of these two processes; for these reasons, Ribeiro (2012) argues that[dʒʃ] have no phonemic status.[2]: 116–21  Under this analysis, Karajá has only twelve consonant phonemes, eight of which arecoronal. The chart below illustrates the phonemic inventory of Karajá assuming[mnʃ] are not phonemic.

CoronalPeripheral
DentalFrontBack
Obstruentplosivedbk
implosiveɗ
fricativeθh
Sonorantlaterall
centralɾw

Men's and women's speech

[edit]

Some examples of the differences between men's and women's speech, especially the presence or lack of/k/ (including in borrowings from Portuguese),[7][2] follow. Note that men maintain/k/ in at least one grammatical ending.[7]

WomenMenGloss
kotù/kɔɗʊ/òtù/ɔɗu/turtle
kòlùkò/kɔlʊkɔ/òlùò/ɔluɔ/labret
karitxakre /kaɾitʃa-kɾe/ariakre /aɾia-kɾe/I will walk*
bèraku/bɛɾaku/bero/beɾo/river
anona/adõda/aõna/aõda/thinɡ
kabè/kabɛ/abè/abɛ/coffee
(from Portuguesecafé)

* The/itʃa/ derives historically from*ika, and so becomes /ia/ in men's speech.

The first (Northern Karajá, Javaé, Xambioá: ♀jikarỹ, ♂ jiarỹ/di(k)aɾə̃/; Southern Karajá: ♀dikarỹ, ♂ diarỹ/dɪ(k)aɾə̃/) and third (tki/ɗəkɪ/, ♂ optional male form:tii/ɗɪɪ/) person pronouns differ based on gender of the speaker, but the second person pronounkai/kai/ is an exception to this rule, and is pronounced the same by men and women.[2]

It is hypothesized (Ribeiro 2012) that in the past this process of the k-drop became a sign of masculinity and women resisted it in order to keep a more conservative form of speech.

Morphology

[edit]

Verb

[edit]

The verb in Karajá grammar always agrees with the subject of the sentence, as it does in French for example; these agreements are determined by the past and present tense (also known as realis) or future, potential, and admonitory tenses (also known as irrealis). Verbs have no lexical opposites (such as in vs. out) and direction is represented through inflection; all Karajá verbs can inflect for direction. Verbs are either transitive or intransitive and the valence of each verb, therefore, may increase or decrease depending on their status as transitive or intransitive.

Noun

[edit]

Nouns can be incorporated into verbs to create noun-verb compounds with the noun being placed into the verb. Any noun can be turned into a verb with the use of a suffix and action nouns can be created with the use of the verb stem.

Pronoun

[edit]

There are three personal pronouns:

  • First person (‘I’): ♀jikarỹ/dikaɾə̃, ♂jiarỹ/diaɾə̃/ (Southern Karajá: ♀dikarỹ/dɪkaɾə̃/, ♂diarỹ/dɪaɾə̃/)

Diarỹ

/dɪaɾə̃

I

aõkõ,

aõkõ,

NEG

kaita.

kai=ɗa/

you=ASSERT

Diarỹ aõkõ, kaita.

/dɪaɾə̃ aõkõ, kai=ɗa/

I NEG you=ASSERT

‘Not me, but you instead.’

Diarỹ

/dɪaɾə̃

I

aõkõ,

aõkõ,

NEG

kaita.

kai=ɗa/

you=ASSERT

Diarỹ aõkõ, kaita.

/dɪaɾə̃ aõkõ, kai=ɗa/

I NEG you=ASSERT

‘Not me, but you instead.’

Tki

/ɗəkɪ

he

ohã

ɔhã

armadillo

riròkõre.

∅-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=kõ=ɾ-e/

3-CTFG-TRANS-eat=NEG=CTFG-IMPERF

Tki ohã riròkõre.

/ɗəkɪ ɔhã ∅-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=kõ=ɾ-e/

he armadillo 3-CTFG-TRANS-eat=NEG=CTFG-IMPERF

‘He doesn’t eat armadillo.’

Diarỹ

/dɪaɾə̃

I

boho

boho

PL

kdùra

kədʊɾa

fish

ãriròrènykre.

a-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾɛdə̃=kɾe/

1-CTFG-TRANS-eat=CTFG-PL=FUT

Diarỹ boho kdùra ãriròrènykre.

/dɪaɾə̃ boho kədʊɾa a-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾɛdə̃=kɾe/

I PL fish 1-CTFG-TRANS-eat=CTFG-PL=FUT

‘We (exclusive) will eat fish.’

Iny

/idə̃

KarajáPL

boho

boho

fish

kdùra rkiròrènykre.

kədʊɾa ɾək-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾ-ɛdə̃=kɾe/

1PL.INCL-TRANS-eat=POT

Iny boho {kdùra rkiròrènykre.}

/idə̃ boho {kədʊɾa ɾək-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾ-ɛdə̃=kɾe/}

{Karajá PL} fish 1PL.INCL-TRANS-eat=POT

‘We (inclusive) will eat fish.’

Possessive pronouns are not used but are instead marked by affixes (ie.wa- = ‘my’) and there are three demonstrative pronouns:[2]: 232 

  • ka - ‘this’
  • kia - ‘that (close to the addressee)’
  • kùa - ‘that (distant from both the speaker and the addressee)’

Direction

[edit]

Direction in the Karajá language does not have any lexical opposites, such asin andout orgo andcome. Direction, rather, is marked by a set of prefixes that determine whether the event in the sentence is happening away from or toward the speaker. Centrifugal direction (away from the speaker) is characterized by means of the prefixr- while centripetal direction (toward the speaker) is characterized by means of the prefixd-. All the verbs in the Karajá language — even those that do not convey the semantics of movement — obligatorily inflect for direction.[2]

  • Centrifugal:

Rurure.

/∅-ɾ-∅-ʊɾʊ=ɾ-e/

3-CTFG-INTR-die=CTFG-IMP

Rurure.

/∅-ɾ-∅-ʊɾʊ=ɾ-e/

3-CTFG-INTR-die=CTFG-IMP

‘He died (thither).’

Durude.

/∅-d-∅-ʊɾʊ=d-e/

3-CTPT-INTR-die=CTPT-IMP

Durude.

/∅-d-∅-ʊɾʊ=d-e/

3-CTPT-INTR-die=CTPT-IMP

‘He died (hither).’

Syntax

[edit]

Valence

[edit]

Karajá language is characterized both by the reduction of valence and by the increase in valence. Valence increase happens through causitivization and through oblique promotion while valence decrease happens through reflixivatization, passivization, and antipassivization (Ribeiro 2012).

Valence increase

[edit]

Unergative verbs may be causativized by means of suffixing the causativizer[check spelling] suffix-dkỹ plus the verbalizer suffix-ny to the nominalized verb.[2]: 51  In the example below, the verbrika ‘to walk’ is first nominalized by means of the process of consonantal replacement, yieldingrira, and then causativized.

Hãbu

/habu

man

kùladù

kʊladʊ

child

ririradkỹnyrèri.

∅-ɾ-ɪ-ɾi[ɾ]a-dəkə̃-də̃=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

3-CTFG-walk[NMLZ]-CAUS-VERB=CTFG-PROGR

Hãbu kùladù ririradkỹnyrèri.

/habu kʊladʊ ∅-ɾ-ɪ-ɾi[ɾ]a-dəkə̃-də̃=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

man child 3-CTFG-walk[NMLZ]-CAUS-VERB=CTFG-PROGR

‘The man is making the child walk.’

The man in this example is the causer who makes the child, the causee, walk.

Valence-decreasing morphology

[edit]

In Karajá, it is possible to demote a patient of a transitive verb to peripheral status by means of the antipassive prefixò-:[2]: 196 

Nadi

/d-ādɪ

REL-mother

ròsùhòrèri.

∅-ɾ-ɔ-θʊhɔ=ɾɛɾɪ/

3-CTFG-ANTI-wash=CTFG-PROGR

Nadi ròsùhòrèri.

/d-ādɪ ∅-ɾ-ɔ-θʊhɔ=ɾɛɾɪ/

REL-mother 3-CTFG-ANTI-wash=CTFG-PROGR

‘My mother is washing (something).’

Reflexivity in the Karajá language is marked by the reflexive prefix with two allomorphs,exi- ̣(on verbs) andixi- (on postpositions):[2]: 52 

Dikarỹ

/dɪkaɾə̄

I

karexisuhokre.

ka-ɾ-eθi-θʊhɔ=kəɾe/

1-CTFG-REFL-wash=FUT

Dikarỹ karexisuhokre.

/dɪkaɾə̄ ka-ɾ-eθi-θʊhɔ=kəɾe/

I 1-CTFG-REFL-wash=FUT

‘I will wash myself.’

Hãbu

/habu

Man

iximy

iθi=bə̄

REFL=LOC

robire.

∅-ɾ-∅-obi=ɾ-e/

3-CTFG-INTR-see=CTFG-IMPERF

Hãbu iximy robire.

/habu iθi=bə̄ ∅-ɾ-∅-obi=ɾ-e/

Man REFL=LOC 3-CTFG-INTR-see=CTFG-IMPERF

‘The man saw himself.’

In these examples, the patient is coreferential with the agent (that is, they refer to the same individual).

Passivization
[edit]

Passives are described as the change of a clause from a transitive to an intransitive sentence through the demotion of the subject. Passive verbs are marked either by the prefixa- (or by its zero allomorph∅- in the vowel-initial stems that belong to the so called ɗ-class):[2]: 194 

Nadi

/d-ãdɪ

REL-mother

watky

wa-ɗəkɨ

1-clothes

risùhòrèri.

∅-ɾ-ɪ-θʊhɔ=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

3-CTFG-TRANS-wash=CTFG-PROGR

Nadi watky risùhòrèri.

/d-ãdɪ wa-ɗəkɨ ∅-ɾ-ɪ-θʊhɔ=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

REL-mother 1-clothes 3-CTFG-TRANS-wash=CTFG-PROGR

‘My mother is washing my clothes.’

Watky

/wa-ɗəkɨ

1-clothes

rasùhòrèri.

∅-ɾ-a-θʊhɔ=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

3-CTFG-PASS-wash=CTFG-PROGR

Watky rasùhòrèri.

/wa-ɗəkɨ ∅-ɾ-a-θʊhɔ=ɾ-ɛɾɪ/

1-clothes 3-CTFG-PASS-wash=CTFG-PROGR

‘My clothes are being washed.’

Here, the subject ‘mother’ is demoted in the second example.

Number

[edit]

When referring to nouns, plurality is expressed through three processes: reduplication, the pluralizer-boho, and the use of the nounmahãdù ‘people, group’. In verbs, plurality is marked through the use of the pluralizer-eny.

Reduplication

[edit]

In the Karajá language,reduplication occurs with nouns and is used to convey plurality:[2]: 125 

iròdu

/irɔdʊ

animal

iròdu

irɔdʊ/

animal

iròdu iròdu

/irɔdʊ irɔdʊ/

animal animal

‘animals’

Pluralizer-boho

[edit]

The pluralizer-boho is used to pluralize the three personal pronouns:[2]: 207 

Diarỹ

/dɪaɾə̃

I

boho

boho

PL

kdùra

kədʊɾa

fish

ãriròrènykre.

a-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾɛdə̃=kɾe/

1-CTFG-TRANS-eat=CTFG-PL=FUT

Diarỹ boho kdùra ãriròrènykre.

/dɪaɾə̃ boho kədʊɾa a-ɾ-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾɛdə̃=kɾe/

I PL fish 1-CTFG-TRANS-eat=CTFG-PL=FUT

‘We (exclusive) will eat fish.’

Iny

/idə̃

Karajá

boho

boho

PL

kdùra

kədʊɾa

fish

rkiròrènykre.

ɾək-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾ-ɛdə̃=kɾe/

1PL.INCL-TRANS-eat=POT

Iny boho kdùra rkiròrènykre.

/idə̃ boho kədʊɾa ɾək-ɪ-ɾɔ=ɾ-ɛdə̃=kɾe/

Karajá PL fish 1PL.INCL-TRANS-eat=POT

‘We (inclusive) will eat fish.’

In addition, the latter example shows how the pluralizer–boho, when combined with the noun for people (iny), functions as a first person plural inclusive pronoun to include those outside of a specific group. According to Ribeiro,iny serves the same function as the phrasea gente, commonly found inBrazilian Portuguese.[2]: 208 

mahãdù

[edit]

In contrast to the pluralizer-boho, the noun wordmahãdù is not used with pronouns but rather functions as a noun to pluralize a group of people, as shown in the following example:[2]: 248 

Iny

/idə̄

people

mahãdù

bãhãdʊ

group

tamy

ɗabə̃

3.AL

ròrùnyre.

∅-r-a-ɔrʊ-də̃=r-e/

3-CTFG-INTR-run-VERB=CTFG-IMPRF

Iny mahãdù tamy ròrùnyre.

/idə̄ bãhãdʊ ɗabə̃ ∅-r-a-ɔrʊ-də̃=r-e/

people group 3.AL 3-CTFG-INTR-run-VERB=CTFG-IMPRF

‘Firing their guns, the Karajá ran after them, it is said.’

In the above sentence, ‘Karajá’ (iny) becomes pluralized through the use ofbãhãdʊ.

Pluralizer-èny

[edit]

As mentioned above, the pluralizer-èny functions to pluralize verbs as shown in the following example:[2]: 186 

Tamyle

/ɗabə̄=le

3.AL=EMPH

dòidènyde

∅-d-∅-ɔɪ=d-ɛdə̄=d-e

3-CTPT-move(PL)=CTPT-PLURAL=CTPT-IMP

tuijyymy.

ɗʊ=idʒɨɨ=bə̄/

3.LOC=story=LOC

Tamyle dòidènyde tuijyymy.

/ɗabə̄=le ∅-d-∅-ɔɪ=d-ɛdə̄=d-e ɗʊ=idʒɨɨ=bə̄/

3.AL=EMPH 3-CTPT-move(PL)=CTPT-PLURAL=CTPT-IMP 3.LOC=story=LOC

‘They came to him to tell the story.’

‘Came’, in this example, is pluralized to indicate that many individuals came.

Vocabulary

[edit]

Language contact

[edit]

Ribeiro (2012) finds a number ofApyãwa loanwords in Karajá (such asbèhyra ‘carrying basket’,kòmỹdawyraandu ’beans’,hãrara ‘macaw (sp.)’,tarawè ‘parakeet (sp.)’,txakohi ‘Txakohi ceremonial mask’,hyty ‘garbage (Javaé dialect)’) as well as several Karajá loans inApyãwa (tãtã ‘banana’,tori ‘White man’,marara ‘turtle stew’,irãwore ‘Irabure ceremonial mask’),Parakanã, andAsuriní of Trocará (sata ‘banana’,toria ‘White man’).[2]: 10–12  Some loans from one of theLíngua Geral varieties (Língua Geral Paulista orLíngua Geral Amazônica) have also been found, includingjykyra ‘salt’,mỹkawa ‘firearm’,brùrè ‘hoe’,kòmỹta ‘beans’,mabèra ‘paper (Xambioá dialect)’,ĩtajuwa ‘money (dated)’).: 7 

Karajá has also contacted with the distantly relatedMẽbêngôkre language. Ribeiro (2012) identifies a number of Karajá loanwords in Mẽbêngôkre, especially in the dialect spoken by theXikrin group; the source of these loanwords is thought to be the Xambioá dialect. Examples includewarikoko (Kayapó dialect) orwatkoko (Xikrin dialect) ‘tobacco pipe’,rara ‘kind of basket’,wiwi ‘song, chant’,bikwa ‘relative, friend’,bero ‘puba flour’, borrowed from Karajáwerikòkò,lala,wii,bikòwa,bèrò.[2]: 13 

Loanwords fromBrazilian Portuguese, such asnieru ‘money’ andmaritò ‘suit, jacket’ (fromdinheiro,paletó), are also found.[2]: 18 

Jolkesky (2016) notes that there are lexical similarities with theKarib,Puinave-Nadahup, andTupi language families due to contact.[8]

Sample vocabulary

[edit]

Loukotka (1968) lists the following basic vocabulary items for Karajá and Javajé.[9]

glossKarajáJavajé
onedohodzyizohódi
twoinatiináti
threeinatanganádo
headwa-ararahah
earnoʔontinóhonti
toothwa-idzyuzyuʔú
womanhanököuãuoːkoː
waterbää
stonemámamená
maizemahidiulad'ié
tapirkaongrikonrí

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^abKarajá atEthnologue (18th ed., 2015)(subscription required)
  2. ^abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyzaaabacadaeafagahaiRibeiro, Eduardo Rivail (2012).A grammar of Karajá (Ph.D. dissertation). Chicago: University of Chicago.
  3. ^Rodrigues (1999), pp. 187–88
  4. ^Nikulin, Andrey. 2020.Proto-Macro-Jê: um estudo reconstrutivo. Doctoral dissertation, University of Brasília.
  5. ^abcRibeiro, Eduardo Rivail (2001–2002). "Empréstimos Tupi-Guarani em Karajá".Revista do Museu Antropológico.5/6 (1):75–100.
  6. ^abKarajá, Hatawaki; Karajá, Juanahu; Karajá, Leandro; Karajá; Karajá, Teribre; Karajá, Wadoi; Karajá, Woubedu (10 January 2013)."Dicionário Multimídia Karajá".Museu do Índio. Retrieved1 August 2020.
  7. ^abRodrigues (1999), pg. 177
  8. ^Jolkesky, Marcelo Pinho de Valhery (2016).Estudo arqueo-ecolinguístico das terras tropicais sul-americanas (Ph.D. dissertation) (2 ed.). Brasília: University of Brasília.
  9. ^Loukotka, Čestmír (1968).Classification of South American Indian languages. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center.

References

[edit]
  • Fortune, David & Fortune, Gretchen (1963). The phonemes of the Karajá language (manuscript). Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Lingüístico do Museu Nacional.
  • Museo do Índio (2016). Karajá/Iny. Retrieved fromhttp://prodoclin.museudoindio.gov.br/index.php/etnias/karaja
  • Ribeiro, Eduard Rivail. (2000) "[ATR] vowel harmony and palatalization in Karajá".Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics.10:Proceedings ofwail 2000. pp. 80–89.
  • Ribeiro, Eduardo Rivail. (2002) "Direction in Karajá". In Rosa María Ortiz Ciscomani, ed.,Vi encuentro internacional de lingüística en el noroeste.
  • Ribeiro, Eduardo (2012). A Grammar of Karajá. University of Chicago, Chicago.
  • Rodrigues, Aryon D. (1999) "Macro-Jê". In R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.),The Amazonian Languages. Cambridge Language Surveys. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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