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Kalau Lagau Ya
Western Torres Strait
Mabuiag
Pronunciation	[kala(u)laɡauja]
Native to	Australia
Region	Western and CentralTorres Strait Islands,Queensland
Ethnicity	Badu Island,Mabuiag,Kaurareg,Mualgal,Saibai Island,Boigu,Dauan Island,Kulkalgal,Maluigal (Torres Strait Islanders)
Native speakers	888 (2021 census)[1]
Language family	Pama–Nyungan Kalau Lagau Ya
Dialects	Kalau Lagau Ya, alt. Kalaw Lagaw Ya Kalau Kawau Ya, alt. Kalaw Kawaw Ya Kulkalgau Ya Kaiwaligau Ya
Signed forms	Western Torres Strait Islander Sign Language
Language codes
ISO 639-3	mwp
Glottolog	kala1377
AIATSIS[2]	Y1
ELP	Kalaw Kawaw Ya
Linguasphere	29-RG(A-a)
Range of Kalau Lagau Ya (orange) in the Torres Strait
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Kalau Lagau Ya,Kalaw Lagaw Ya,Kala Lagaw Ya ([kala(u)laɡauja]), or theWestern Torres Strait language (also several other names,see below) is the language indigenous to the central and westernTorres Strait Islands,Queensland,Australia. On some islands, it has now largely been replaced byTorres Strait Creole.

Beforecolonization in the 1870s–1880s, the language was the majorlingua franca of the Torres Strait cultural area of Northern Cape YorkAustralia, Torres Strait and along the coast of the Western Province/Papua New Guinea. It is still fairly widely spoken by neighbouringPapuans and by someAboriginal Australians. How many non-first language speakers it has is unknown. It also has a 'light' (simplified/foreigner) form, as well as apidginised form. The simplified form is fairly prevalent onBadu and neighbouringMoa.

The language is known by several names besidesKalaw Lagaw Ya, most of which (includingKalaw Lagaw Ya) are names of dialects, spelling variants, dialect variants and the like — and include translations of the English terms,Western Island Language andCentral Island Language:

One term used by Eastern Islanders and neighbouring Papuans for Kala Lagaw Ya isYagar Yagar, from the wordyagar (yá 'speech, etc.' +gár 'sympathy clitic' ('dear', 'please', etc.), often used by Western and Central Islanders in speech to show a sympathetic or nostalgic frame of mind.

In literature on the language the abbreviations KLY (Kalaw Lagaw Ya), KKY (Kalau Kawau Ya), KulY (Kulkalgau Ya), MY (Muwalgau Ya) and KY (Kaiwaligau Ya) are often used as abbreviations. The nameMabuiag/mabujaɡ/, in English pronounced/ˈmoʊbiæɡ/, is fairly widespread as a name for the language, this having been established by the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Strait, whose main research on the language was with Mabuiag material. Though the preferred term in English in Academia for some time wasKala Lagaw Ya,^[4] according to Ober, the form was always regarded as "colloquial" by native speakers.^{[citation needed]} In a High Court decision on 7 August 2013, the decision was taken to officially term the languageKalau Lagau Ya, using the formal form.^{[citation needed]}

When speaking to each other, speakers generally refer to the language asLanggus 'language' or use phrases such as KLY/KulYngalpudh muli, MY-KYngalpudh/ngalpadh muli, KKYngalpadh muliz "speak(s) our language", e.g. KLY/KulYngalpudh muuli, thanamunungu tidailai!, MY-KYngalpudh/ngalpadh muuli, thanamuningu tidailai!, KKYngalpadh muli, thanamulngu tidaile! 'Speak in our language so they don't understand!'.Ngalpudh/ngalpadh literally means 'like us'. The constructionX-dh mula+i- 'speak X-like' is used to refer to speaking in a language, e.g. KKYmarkaidh muliz 'speak [in] English', zapanisadh muliz 'speak [in] Japanese',dhaudhalgadh muliz 'speak [in] Papuan',mœyamadh muliz 'speak [in] Meriam Mìr',thanamudh muliz 'speak like them, speak [in] their language'. It is otherwise common for speakers to use nominal phrases like KLY/KulYngalpun ya, MY-KYngalpun/ngalpan ya, KKYngalpan ya 'our language' to refer to the language when speaking to each other.

Kalau Lagau Ya is spoken on the western and centralislands of Torres Strait, betweenPapua New Guinea (Naigay Dœgam Dhaudhai "North-side Mainland/Continent", also calledMœgi Dhaudhai "Small Mainland/Continent", KKYMœgina Dhaudhai) and the Australian mainland (Zey Dœgam Dhaudhai "South-side Mainland/Continent", also known asKœi Dhaudhai "Big Mainland/Continent"), though on some islands it has now been largely replaced by Brokan (Torres Strait Creole).

There is some folk history evidence that the language was spoken as a first language in a few villages neighbouring Torres Strait in Papua. It was also formerly spoken by the Hiámo (Hiámu, Hiáma) of Daru (Dhaaru) to the north-east of Torres Strait, who were originally settlers from Yama [Yam Island] in Torres Strait, Hiámu/Hiámo/Hiáma being a Kiwai pronunciation of Yama. The main body of the Hiámo moved to the Thursday Island group to escape the Kiwai colonisation of Daru some centuries ago.

The language is classified as being part of thePama–Nyungan languages. Mitchell regard it as a mixed language with an Australian core (Pama–Nyungan) andPapuan andAustronesian overlays,^[6] while Capell and Dixon classify it among thePapuan languages. The personal pronouns are typically Australian, most kin terms are Papuan, and significant sea/canoe and agricultural vocabulary is Austronesian.^[7]

Kalaw Lagaw Ya has only 6% cognation with its closest Australian neighbour,Urradhi, with a further 5% 'common' vocabulary (loans of various origins) — and about 40% common vocabulary with its Papuan neighbour,Meriam Mìr.^[8] Of 279 Proto-Paman forms only 18.9% have definite realisations in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, with a further 2.5% which may be present.^[9] One word that illustrates the problems of 'may-be' relationship iskùlbai (KKYkùlba) 'old', which may be a metathetic realisation of CA*bulgan 'big; old'. Potentially 80% of the vocabulary of the language is non-Australian, and includes Papuan and Austronesian items.^{[citation needed]} Bouckaert, Bowern and Atkinson (2018) found that Kalaw Lagaw Ya had the highest number of 'unique' (that is, non-Pama-Nyungan) forms of any Australian language in their sample.^[10]

Oral tradition and cultural evidence recorded by Haddon and Laade,^[11] backed by archaeological evidence^{[citation needed]} and linguistic evidence, shows that Austronesian trade and settlement in South-West Papua, Torres Strait andCape York occurred; the languages have significant Austronesian vocabulary content,^{[citation needed]} including items such as the following:

Some of the Austronesian content is clearly South-East Papuan Austronesian:

The linguistic history of the Torres Strait area is complex, and interaction of well over 2500 years has led to many layers of relationship between the local languages, including many words that are obviously common, such as the following 'trade' words in Torres Strait area languages.

However, the question of external relationships of Kalaw Lagaw Ya is also complicated by resemblances between both the Paman (Pama-Nyungan,Australian languages) and theTrans-Fly (Papuan) languages. Though few, these may be significant, and include forms such as those noted below, not all of which appear in Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Such resemblances could point to a deep-level relationship dating back to before the flooding of Torres Strait at the end of the last age, as claimed by Mitchell^[8] or they could point to genetic inheritance and subsequent language contact, as discussed by Alpher, Bowern, and O'Grady 2009.^[12]

A comparison of the Kalaw Lagaw Ya, Meriam Mìr, Kiwai and Uradhi personal pronouns show similarities and differences intypology. In comparison to Uradhi, Kalaw Lagaw Ya has an archaic typology — or, rather, Uradhi has innovated, having lost the Common Australian 1, 2 and 3 plurals. Kiwai does not have 1–2 pronouns, while Meriam Mìr does not have a dual and trial/paucal set of pronouns which correspond to its verb system. The Kalaw Lagaw Ya system, like that of Uradhi, is Australian:

Note that except for Meriam Mìr, the Trans Fly languages also have two-gender masculine-feminine systems, though not marked on the pronouns themselves.^[13]

However, even though the system has no real surprises for Australian linguistics, it is clear that Kalaw Lagaw Ya has innovated in the 1st and 2nd pronouns, which have the following CA origins:

• CA *ngali 'we, inclusive' >ngœy [stem:ngœlmu- (old style singingngalimu-, ngalemu-),ngœimu-] 'we, exclusive'; and with stem extensionsngalpa 'you and I/we' (old-style singingngalipa/ngalepa),ngalbai/ngalbe 'wedual (exclusive)', (old style singingngalebai/ngalibai)
• CA *ngana+pulV 'we, exclusive dual' >ngœba 'you and I'.

The 2nd person dual and plural pronouns are based on forms that literally mean 'youdual' (ngipel) and 'you-they' (ngitha[na]), in much the same way as the demonstratives mark the dual and plural (see further below in Nominal Morphology).

An examination of the various sub-systems (vocabulary, syntax, morphology) suggests the following:

Australian (Paman)

Some basic and abstract vocabulary, all personal pronouns (inc.who andwhat/which), some verbs. Some grammar, such as nominal and verb morphology (subject, agent, object, genitive,-l locative,-ka dative, perfective attainative, imperfective,-i/-iz(i) perfective active. These typological categories also exist in the Trans-Fly languages; the forms in Kalaw Lagaw Ya are clearly Australian.

Papuan (Trans-Fly)

Some basic and abstract vocabulary, some verbs. Some grammar, such as verb number and different stems for different number forms of some verbs. Use of state/movement verbs as existential and stative 'be' verbs. Two non-personal pronominals:naag/naga 'how',namuith 'when' (both in KKY, the dialect of the islands off the Papuan coast).

Austronesian

Some basic vocabulary, terminology dealing with agriculture, canoes, the weather, the sky and the sea, some abstract nouns, some verbs. Possibly some grammar in the form of function words, such aswaadh (KKYwaaza) 'existential emphasis' (i.e. 'it is true that ... '), Proto Oceanic Austronesian *waDa 'existential'.

The Australian word forms and structure found in Kalaw Lagaw Ya appear to be retentions, i.e. inherited; the original Australian forms appear to be unchanged at the core level. This suggests that the language is not apidgin/creole in origin, but an Australian language which has undergone strong external lexical and grammatical influence. The language appears to be a classic case of shift,^[14] whereby speakers of one language retained multilingualism over a long period of time, absorbing aspects of another language. The Austronesian and Papuan overlays modified the Australian phonology and syntax profoundly. The contrast of Australian laminalnh/ny andlh/ly and apicaln andl has been lost, voicing has become phonemic ands,z,t,d,o andòò have developed. This also affected the phonology of Australian vocabulary, where these 'foreign' sounds also occur.

The non-Australian content appears to be mainly lexicon (including verbs), particularly dealing with the sea, farming, canoe and sky/weather/astrology, with possible some syntactic words. This presents a picture^[14] of a typically extensive borrowing situation with much lexical borrowing and some structural borrowing with a large amount of passive bilingualism and little active bilingualism.

Laade's picture (1968) of Australian and Papuan settlement inTorres Strait supports the above scenario of Papuan and Austronesian speakers who shifted to an Australian language over a long period of time, the Austronesians being culturally asuperstratum, however not in a position to impose their language. He presented folk history evidence that a few Austronesian traders (men) settled at Parema (north-east of Daru) and married local [Proto–Trans Fly speaking] women. To avoid further miscegenation, they soon moved and settled in Torres Strait, first to the Eastern Islands, then to the Central Islands, then toMoa,Badu andMabuiag. At Mabuiag, Badu and Moa they found Aboriginal people, killed the men and kept the women (and presumably the children). Some moved on up to Saibai, Dœwan and Bœigu to avoid this new miscegenation, hence the lighter colour of many Saibai, Dœwan and Bœigu people. Bœigu folk history collected by Laade also shows direct East Austronesian genetic influence on Bœigu.^[15]

The social context was that of a few Austronesian men who settled on the outskirts of an East Trans-Fly group, intermarried, and whose children were either bilingual, or speakers of their mothers' language, with some knowledge of their fathers' language. The local people did not need to speak the traders' language, who in turn had to speak the local language. The children in turn would then speak the local language, with varying ability in the fathers' language, particularly in areas that were culturally important for the fathers.

These people then shifted to Torres Strait — maintaining established ties with Papua as well as with Austronesian speakers further east (this latter being suggested by various characteristics of the Austronesian content in Kalau Lagaw Ya) — and overlaid an Australian population in such a way that the majority of women spoke an Australian language, with a significant number, mainly men, who spoke a South-East Papuan Austronesian language, accompanied by their Papuan wives and their perhaps bilingual children. Over time, the core structure of the local mothers' language dominated, with retention of the newcomers' Papuo-Austronesian content in the appropriate cultural subsystems. In essence this would have been a 'replay' of the original settlement by Austronesian traders at Parema, with the women understanding the language of the men, but not really needing to speak it while retaining parts of their language for significant areas. The children then created a new language shift to an Australian language with a Papuan-Austronesian admixture.

Kalaw Lagaw Ya is thus a mixed language in that a significant part of its lexicon, phonology and grammar is not Australian in origin. The core nominal, pronominal and verb morphology is Australian in both form and grammar — though a certain amount of the grammar is common toTrans-Fly andPaman languages in the first place. Some semantic categories, verb number morphology, and some other morphology are non-Australian in origin. Potentially 80% of its vocabulary is non-Australian. The interplay of the above within the subsystems of Kalaw Lagaw Ya lexicon, phonology and grammar points more to mixing through shift and borrowing rather than pidginisation and creolisation.

The language also has some vocabulary from languages outside the Torres Strait area, from theIndonesian,Malay,Philippine,English and other 'outsiders'. Where loan words from the Western Austronesian (Indonesian, etc.) loans are concerned, it is possible that some such came into the language in pre-European contact days, with the Makassans and similar fishermen/traders who visited northern Australia and Torres Strait.

Examples of post-European contact Western Austronesian loan words:

Some words in the language, assuming that they are Western Austronesian loans, appear to be pre-contact words. This is suggested by form and use in the language and in neighbouring languages (some of these words may ultimately be fromArabic andSanskrit).^[16]

Loans from modern Eastern Austronesian (Polynesian and Melanesian) into the language are mainly of religious or 'academic' use. In general, such words are terms for objects that are strictly speaking European goods. One exception is the last in the following table, which is commonly used instead of the traditional wordsimi 'spouse's opposite-sex sibling', 'opposite sex sibling's spouse' andngaubath 'spouse's same-sex sibling', 'same-sex sibling's spouse'. These have also similarly been replaced in common usage by the English loanwoman (pronounced[woman]) in the meaning of 'sister/daughter-in-law'.

Other biblical loans are fromAncient Greek,Latin andBiblical Hebrew:

Two early English loans of interest show back formation from what in the language appeared to be a plural. Most nouns (a) form the plural with an-l suffix, and (b) in the nominative-accusative singular elide the stem final vowel, thustukuyapa- 'same-sex sibling', pluraltukuyapal, nominative-accusativetukuyap. Under this model 'custard-apple' becamekatitap, pluralkatitapal, and 'mammy-apple' (pawpaw/papaya) becamemamiyap, pluralmamiyapal.

There are four main dialects, two of which are on probably the verge of extinction, one (Kaiwaligau Ya) through convergence to the neighbouring Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Within the dialects there are two or more subdialects. The average mutual intelligibility rate, based on aSwadesh count, is around 97%.

The Southern dialect has certain characteristics that link it closely to the northern dialect, and folk history dealing with the Muralag group and Mua reflects this, in that the ancestors of the Kowrareg (the Hiámo) originally came from Dharu (Daru, to the north east of Torres Strait) — and who had previously settled on Dharu from Yama in Central Torres Strait.^[18]

They cut down a big tree earlier today to make a canoe.

Kalau Kawau Ya: Thana kayb kœi puy pathanu gulpa aymœipa.

Kalaw Lagaw Ya: Thana kayib kœi puuyi pathanu gulka ayimka.

Kulkalgau Ya: Thana kayb kœi puy pathanu[l] gulka aymœika.

Kaiwaligau Ya/Muwalgau Ya: Thana kayib kœi puy pathanu[l] gulpa aymaipa.

Old Kaiwaligau Ya (Kowrareg): Thana kayiba kœi puuři pathanulai gulpa[ri] ayimařipa[ri].

Simplified Kalaw Lagaw Ya: Thana kaib kœi puy pathai gulka aymaik.

Underlying form:

Some isolect markers of the four dialects of Kalaw Lagaw Ya:

Phonological differences between the dialects are rare, and in general sporadic. The only regular differences are the following:

Found in Kulkalgau Ya and Kaiwalgau Ya:

• maalu 'sea' >maal’
• waapi 'fish' >waap’
• thathi 'father' >thath’
• waaru 'turtle' >waar’
• ngadha 'appearance, looks' >ngadh’
• mœràpi 'bamboo' (à shows the stressed syllable) >mœràp’
• bera 'rib' >ber’
• kaaba 'dance performance, knot in bamboo (etc.)' >kaab’
• kaba 'oar, paddle' > 'kab’

Such elision is rare or sporadic in Kalau Kawau Ya.

In Kalaw Lagaw Ya, such final vowels in correct language are devoiced, and deleted in colloquial language, except in a small class of words which includebera 'rib', where there is a short vowel in the stem and in which the final vowel is permanently deleted, with compensatory lengthening of the final consonant (thusberr).

Strictly speaking, the process is not final vowel devoicing, but rather stressed vowel lengthening accompanied by final vowel devoicing — except in the case of words such asbera 'rib' >berr, where the process is final consonant lengthening by the final vowel being 'incorporated' into the consonant. Note that in the following the word-final capital letter represents a devoiced vowel:

• maalu 'sea' >maalU >maal’
• waapi 'fish' >waapI >waap’
• thaathi 'father' >thaathI >thaath’ (Badhu variantthath’)
• waaru 'turtle' >waarU >waar’
• ngadha 'appearance, looks' >ngaadhA >ngaadh’
• mœràpi 'bamboo' >mœrààpI >mœrààp’
• bera 'rib' >berr
• kaba 'dance performance, knot in bamboo (etc.)' >kaabA >kaab
• kaba 'oar, paddle' >kabb

In declined forms of such words, the long vowel is shortened, and the final vowel voiced, and in words likeber 'rib' the final vowel often reappears:

• maalU 'sea' +-ka 'dative' >maluka
• waapI 'fish' >wapika
• thaathI 'father' >thathika
• waarU 'turtle' >waruka
• ngaadhA 'appearance, looks' >ngadhaka
• mœrààpI 'bamboo' >mœràpika
• ber 'rib' >beraka, berka
• kaabA 'dance performance, knot in bamboo (etc.)' >kabaka
• kab 'oar, paddle' >kabaka, kabka

This vowel shortening in affixed/modified forms exists in all dialects, however the other dialects have retained contrastive length to some extent, whereas Kalaw Lagaw Ya has largely lost it for 'morphophonological' length, where the stressed vowel in non-emotive words (see below) of one or two syllables is automatically lengthened in the nominative-accusative; this also applies to words of three syllables with second syllable stress (as inmœrààpI 'bamboo').

One of the very few length contrasts in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect iskaaba 'dance performance, knot in bamboo etc.' vskaba, kab 'paddle, oar' (Old Kaiwaligaw Ya [Kauraraigau Ya]kœRaba;œRa has regularly given shorta in Kalaw Lagaw Ya inkaba, kab). Such length contrasts are more widespread in the other dialects.

The exceptions are (1) the small class or words that includeber 'rib' andkab 'oar, paddle', and (2) emotive words. Emotive words are those that equate to a certain extent to diminutives in languages such as Irish, Dutch and German, where specific suffixes are added to show 'diminutive' status (-ín,-je and-chen/-el/-lein respectively). Emotive words include familiar kinship terms [the equivalent of EnglishMum,Dad and the like] and words used in emotive contexts such as singing/poetry.

A small class of words in Kalau Kawau Ya do not have the final i-glide found in the other dialects, including the following:

• banana plant: KLY/KulY/KYdawai, KKYdawa
• spot, stain: KLY/KulY/KYburkui (bœrkui), KKYbœrku (burku)
• blank skink: KLY/KulY/KYmogai, KKY Saibai/Dœwanmogo, Bœigumoga
• old: KLY/KulY/KYkulbai, KKYkulba
• a short while, first before doing something else: KLY/KulY/KYmamui, KKYmamu
• birth cord: KLY/KulY/KYkùpai, KKYkùpa

Word forms in neighbouring languages as well in the Kauraraigau Ya (Kowrareg) of the mid-to-late 19th century, such as the Meriam Mìrkopor and Kauraraigau Yakupar/kopar 'birth cord' show that in such words the final-i/Ø are the modern forms of older*ɾ.

The main syntactic differences are:

In all dialects except Kalau Kawau Ya, the verb negative is the nominalised privative form of the verbal noun. As this form in itself a noun, its subject and direct object are cast in the genitive:

• Ngath waapi purthanu 'I ate a fish'
• Ngai stuwaka uzarima 'I went to the store'
• Ngau wapiu purthaiginga 'I didn't eat a fish'
• Ngau stuwaka uzaraiginga 'I didn't go to the store'

The Kalau Kawau Ya dialect uses the verbal noun privative form as an invariable verb negative:

• Ngath waapi purthanu 'I ate a fish'
• Ngai stuwapa uzarima 'I went to the store'
• Ngath waapi purthaiginga 'I didn't eat a fish'
• Ngai stuwapa uzaraiginga 'I didn't go to the store'

The Kalau Kawau Ya dialect has the tenses and aspects listed in the section on verb morphology. The other dialects have largely lost the remote future tense, using the habitual instead; the remote future in the other dialects is retained most commonly as a 'future imperative', where the imperative refers to a vague period in the future. The Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect also has a 'last night' tense, where the adverbbungil/bungel (reduced formbel) 'last night' has become a verb postclitic, following the model of the adverbngùl 'yesterday', which had previously become grammaticalised as a 'recent past' tense marker in all dialects, with reduction to-ngu in Kalau Kawau Ya. In the other dialectsbongel 'last night' is a fully functioning temporal adverb used in conjunction with either the today past or the recent past.

The dialects differ in the forms of the following affixes:

1. present imperfective/near future perfective/verbal noun dative:

   KKY/KY-pa, KLY/KulY-ka

2. Recent past

   KKY-ngu, KLY/KY/KulY-ngul

3. Today past

   KKY/KLY/KulY-nu, KY-nul (older-nulai)

4. Habitual

   KKY-paruig/paruidh/-parui/-paru/-pu (-pu most commonly on stems of two or more syllables, and the bi-syllabic forms on stems of one syllable [the consonant final forms are emphatic forms])

   KLY/KulY-kuruig

   KY-kurui

The main nominal affix difference is the dative ending, which has the following forms in the various dialects:

• KLY/KulY-ka;-pa withkipa 'to here',sipa 'to there',paipa 'to ahead',pawupa 'to behind, off to one side';-pa (sometimes in poetry/singing)
• KY-pa;-ka inngaikika 'to/for/towards me';-ka (often in poetry/singing)
• KKY-pa in all cases;-ka (often in poetry/singing)

The plural/HAVE suffix-LAI (underlying form) also shows a small amount of dialect variation with stems of two syllables, where Kulkalgau Ya differs from the other dialects in retaining the full form of the suffix-lai, reduced to-l in the other dialects. In stems of three or more syllables, the suffix is reduced to-l in all dialects, while retained as-lai (variants according to noun sub-class-thai,-ai,-dai) with stems of one syllable.

Three+ syllable stem

burum 'pig', stem:buruma-, pluralburumal

Bisyllabic stem

lag, KLYlaaga 'place, home, home island', stem:laga-, plurallagal, KulYlagalai

Monosyllabic stems

1. Regular vowel final:ma 'spider', pluralmalai
2. Regular -i glide final:mui 'fire', pluralmuithai, KLYmuithail
3. Regular -l final:pel 'fish tail', pluralpelai
4. Regular -r final:wœr/wur/uur 'water', pluralwœlai/wulai/ulai, KKYwœrai
5. Irregular vowel final stem:ya 'speech, word(s), message, language, etc.', pluralyadai, KLYyadail

The main differences between the dialects are to do with vocabulary, as can be seen in the following examples:

• house/building: KLYmùùdha (laaga), KulYmùdh (laag), KYlaag (mùdh), KKYlaag
• mud: KLY/KulY/KYberdhar (sœœya 'sandy mud/silt'), KKYsœœi (berdhar 'softness of food, mud, etc.')
• grandad: KLY/KulY/KYathe, KKYpòpu
• frog: KLY/KulYkœtube,kœtak,kaata, KYkat, KLY (Saibai-Dœwan)kat, (Bœigu)kœtuke,kat
• axe: KLY/KulY/KYaga, KKYagathurik (thurik 'cutting tool')
• namesake: KLY/KulYnatham, KKY/KYnasem
• small, little: KLY/KulY/KYmœgi, Saibai/Dœwanmœgina, Bœigumœgina, kœthuka
• woman, female: KKYyipkaz/yœpkaz [stemyipkazi-/yœpkazi-], KLY/KulYipikaz (KLY variantiipka) [stemipkazi-], KYipkai/ipikai [stemipkazi-/ipikazi-]
• man, male: KKYgarkaz [stemgarkazi-], KLY/KulYgarka [stemgarkazi-], KYgarkai [stemgarkazi-]
• unmarried young/teenage woman: KKYngawakaz [stemngawakazi-], KLY/KulYngawka/ngoka [stemngawkazi-/ngokazi-], KYngawakaz [stemngawakazi-]
• song: KLYnaawu (pluralnawul), KulYnawu (pluralnawulai), KYnawu (pluralnawul), KKYna (pluralnathai)
• moon, month: KLYkisaayi, poetrymœlpal, KulY/KYkiisay, poetrymœlpal, KKYmœlpal, poetrykiisay

Kala Lagaw Ya is the only Australian language to have thealveolarfricatives/s/ and/z/. However, these haveallophonic variants/tʃ/ and/dʒ/, which are the norm in Australian languages (usually/c/ and/ɟ/ but non-contrasting). These latter two are allophones in that in all environments/s/ and/z/ can appear, while/tʃ/ and/dʒ/ can not appear at the end of a word; note that this allophony is very similar to that of the neighbouring Papuan languageBine. All the stops, except for the alveolars⟨t⟩ and⟨d⟩, have fricative allophones, thus⟨p⟩ can be[p] or[ɸ],⟨k⟩ can be[k] or[x],⟨b⟩[b] or[β], and so on. Furthermore, it is one of the few Australian languages with fully functioning voiced-voiceless distinctions (⟨p/b⟩,⟨t/d⟩,⟨s/z⟩,⟨k/g⟩,⟨th/dh⟩) — and one of the few withoutretroflex stops.

The language is also one of the few Australian languages with only one rhotic, one⟨l⟩ and one⟨n⟩. The earliest recorded dialect, Kaiwalgau Ya (Kauraraigau Ya [Kowrareg]), however, did have two rhotics, the tap and the glide; the rhotic glide has in general become/j/,/w/ or zero in the other dialects (and Modern Kaiwaligau Ya), rarely/r/. Neighbouring languages retain an/r/ in related words, such as:

• sayima,sayim,sayma 'outrigger' - Kauraraigau Yasařima, Kiwai (Papua)harima, Gudang (Australia)charima
• babath 'opposite-sex sibling' - Kauraraigau Yabœřabatha 'opposite-sex sibling', Meriam Mìrberbet 'sibling'
• kupai, KKYkupa 'birth cord' - Kauraraigau Yakupař, MMkopor

However, in singing,/s/,/z/ and/r/ are pronounced[s],[z], and[ɹ], are virtually never as[tʃ],[dʒ] and[r].

Note:

1. The consonant/d/ varies to some extent with/r/, particularly in KKY/KYkadai-/karai-, KLY/KulYkad[a]/kad[a]/kadai/karai 'upwards'.

Notes:

1. The long vowel⟨ùù⟩ is only found in Kala Lagaw Ya.
2. Length is to a certain extent contrastive, and partly allophonic.
3. The +/-round contrast is reminiscent of Papuan phonology.
4. The mid long vowels are allophonic variants of the mid short vowels that are in the process of developing phonemic status, while the short vowel⟨ò⟩ is similarly in origin an allophone of⟨òò⟩.

Internal reconstruction and comparison with neighbouring languages suggests an underlying four vowel structure with contrasting vowel length, where underlying*i typically gives surface⟨i⟩ and⟨e⟩, underlying*a typically gives surfacea andœ, underlying*ò typically gives surface⟨o⟩ and⟨ù⟩, and underlying*u typically gives surface⟨ù⟩ and⟨u⟩ (there are other realisations as well, depending on rules of assimilation etc.):

The language undergoes low-level vowel shifts, caused by stress domination within words and phrases. Long vowels are shortened, and short vowels raise when the word is preceded by morphemes such as adjectives, demonstrative articles, prefixes and the like; the changes also occur within words when these are suffixed:

• laag 'place' —senabi lag 'that place'
• lagal 'places' —sethabi lœgal 'those places' (alsosethabi lagal)
• mœrap 'bamboo' —mœrœpil 'bamboo plants/poles/sticks' (alsomœrapil)
• guul 'sailing canoe' —senaubi gul 'that canoe'
• thonaral 'times' —sethabi thunaral 'those times' (alsosethabi thonaral)
• zageth 'work' —zagithapa 'to/for work [dative]' (alsozagethapa) (compound ofza 'thing' +geth 'hand')

The processes are low-level in that they are not 'automatic' — the changes do not have to occur and can be consciously 'blocked'. In normal speech, vowel shortening and the change ofa toœ normally occur, while the changes ofe toi ando tou are sporadic, and most common in unstressed syllables.

Assimilation of vowels to other vowels in the vicinity and consonants is also widespread, particularly of the vowelœ:

• wœrab 'coconut' —wurab —urab
• yœlpai 'lead' [verbal noun] —yilpai —ilpai
• ngœnu 'whose' —ngunu
• kœu 'belonging to here' —kou
• ngœba 'you and I' —ngaba

The following summary of the phonology of Old Kauraregau Ya is compiled from MacGillivray (1852), Brierly (in Moore 1978), Ray and Haddon (1897) and Ray (1907). In general, there does not to appear to have been any great phonological difference between OKY and the modern dialects of Kalau Lagau Ya (apart from the retention ofř).

Stress appears to have been similar to that of the modern dialects, with stress patterns being most similar to that of modern Bœigu and Ngœrupai speech, the most conservative dialects in this respect. In the following the standardised forms are inbold.

Stress is initial:

• baba, baba, bapa:baba 'dad'
• kawp:kaapu 'seed'
• buai, bua, bue, booi, boy, boi, booee, boye:buwai 'clan; prow'

A few forms (such asgru:gœrú 'sugar cane') show that contrastive stress existed in bisyllabic words.

Stress is either on the initial or second syllable:

(1) initial:

• gugure:gagaři 'bow'
• myrabada:ngœiřabatha 'father's sister'
• tukiapalli:tukuyapalai 'same sex siblingpl'

(2) second:

• bobata:bœbàtha 'grandparent'
• murrag:mœřààga 'sweat'

Shifted stress also appears to have occurred as in the modern dialects:

• purteipa:pùrthàipa 'eat' (attainative imperfective present singular / perfective today future)
• pratipa:pùràthipa 'eat' (active imperfective present singular / perfective today future)

These appear to have been the same as in the modern language. Vowel length in general appeared in the same environments as in KKY, though some amount ofvowel lengthening under the KLY model is evident, as inkawp:kaapu 'seed', Kalau Kawau Ya / Kulkalgau Yakapu, Kalau Lagau Yakaapu.

The exact extent of retention of underlying vowel length and the development of variant forms is difficult to measure, as the spelling systems used by Brierly and MacGillivray did not always mark vowel length. Further, as they obtained words through elicitation (which has a common 'lengthening effect' on vowels when words are 'slowed down'), there are a few cases where they marked vowel length wrongly. Ray marked vowel shortness in stressed syllables.

The various sound changes that the vowels and diphthongs undergo in the modern language also occurred in OKY. One change that occurred much more than in the modern dialects was that ofaimonophthongisation toe. The resultinge then often raised toi in open unstressed syllables.

No change:

• alai:alai 'husband',amai:amai 'earth oven'

Change:

• buai, bua, bue, booi, boy, boi, booee,boye:buwai, buwe, buwi 'clan, prow'
• palai, pale:palai,pale 'theydual'
• kowraraiga,kowrarega:kauřařaiga ~kauřařega 'islander'
• kowraraigali,kowraregale,kowrarigali:kauřařaigalai ~kauřařegale ~kauřařegali ~kauřařigali 'islanders'
• wapi,wawpi':waapi 'fish': plural/proprietivewapilai,wapile,wapili

In the modern dialects, these forms are:

• clan, prow:buwai
• theydual: KLY,KulY,S-Dpalai, B,KYpale
• islander:KLY,KulY,KY-MYkaiwalaig, pluralkaiwaligal /kaiwalgal, KKYkawalaig, pluralkawalgal
• fish:waapi, pluralwapil, KulYwapilai

The change ofai toei appears to have been very common elsewhere in the dialect:

• adaipa, adeipa:adhaipa 'go/put out' attainative perfective today future
• amaipa, ameipa:amayipa 'crawl' imperfective present
• angaipa, angeipa:angaipa 'carry' perfective today future
• batainga, bateinga:bathainga 'tomorrow'
• baidama, beidama:baidhama 'shark'

One form shows optionali insertion:

gassumu-, gassima-:gasama- ~ gasœma- ~ gasima- 'catch, get', modern dialectsgasama- ~ gasœma-

OKY^{[clarification needed what does this abbreviation stand for?]} had one more consonant than modern WCL^{[clarification needed what does this abbreviation stand for?]}, transcribedř. Though the actual pronunciation of this sound and its difference fromr was not given by any early writer, it most likely was arhotic glide[ɹ], perhaps with a palatal 'hue'. The loss of this sound in the other dialects (and in modern KY) occurred in the following rules; the changes were beginning to be evident already in OKY:

Ř between like vowels or in[ə]__V deletes.

• OKYburugo (bùřùga) > modern dialectsbùg, KLYbùùga 'marsh fly'
• OKYsřinge, singe > modern dialectssinge 'fish/head carrying loop'
• OKYmurrag (mœřaaga) > modern dialectsmaag, KLYmaaga 'sweat, film'
• OKYdura (dœřàà) > modern dialectsdaa 'chest'

Ř sporadically becomes [+hi] when inə__a and the following syllable is stressed.

• OKYwœřàtha: KYwœyath, KLYwiyeth/wœyeth, KulYuyeth, KKYwath 'year'
• OKYnorat (nœřàtha): KYnœyath/nath, KLYniyath, KulYniyath, KKYnath 'platform'
• OKYwaraaba (wœřaba): KYuwiba, KLYwiiba, KulYwiiba, KKYwaba 'green dove'
• OKYkarrabie (kœřaba): KYkab(a), KLYkab, KulYkœyaba, KKYkab 'paddle, oar'

Ř becomes a [+V] glide when between [-hi] and [+hi] vowels, and between [+bak] and [-bak] vowels.

• OKYmari (maaři): KLYmaayi, KKYmaay 'pearl shell'
• OKYsarima (sařima): KLYsayim(a), KKYsayima/sayma 'outrigger float'
• OKYpuri, prui (puuři,pœřuui): KLYpuuyi, KKYpuuy 'tree, plant, magic'
• OKYmekari (mekaři): KLYmekey, KKYmekay 'almond'
• OKYtituri (thithuři): KLYthithúúyi, KKYthithuy 'star'
• OKYGiralaga (Giřalaga): KLYGiyalaaga, KKYGiyalag 'Friday Island'
• OKYMora (Muřa~Mořa): KLYMuwa, KKYMuwa~Mowa

Vuř becomes/w/ when intervocalic.

• OKYMaurari (Mauřaři): modern dialectsMaway(i) 'Wednesday Island'
• OKYtura (thuřa~thœuřa): modern dialectsthœwa ~thuwa 'shortness'

Ř optionally becomes/i/ when syllable final and following [-hi] vowels; in at least two words metathesis first occurred.

• OKYkopar (kùpařa): KY,KLY,KulYkùpai, KKYkùpa 'umbilical cord'
• OKYkaura (kauřa): KKYkawa, KY > *kařua >kawa~kaiwa, KLY,KulYkaiwa 'island'
• OKYwauri (wauři): KKYwawi, KY,KLY,KulY > *wařua >waiwi 'arm-band shell'

Ř deletes when syllable final following high vowels and non-final.

• OKYburkera (buřkera): KYbùker 'hot coal'

Ř disappears when followed by unstressedi and more than one syllable.

• OKYngörimuni (ngœřimùni): KKY,KYngœimùn, KLY,KulYngœlmùn 'our EXC PL'
• OKYmyrabat (ngœiřabatha): modern dialectsngœibath 'fathers sister'
• OKYgörigar, göriga (gœřigař[i]): modern dialectsgœiga 'sun, day'
• OKYkariki (kařiki): modern dialectskaiki 'here non-specific locative'
• OKYtyariki (seřiki): modern dialectsseiki 'there non-specific locative'

Early spellings (e.g.möaga[məaga] 'sweat' andneet/naat/nöat/niet[nejat],[nat],[nəat],[nijet] 'platform' show thatř disappeared first, leaving a hiatus (except in those cases whereř >y~i), with reduction of[V1-V1] and[ə-V1] to[V1], and[ə-VV] to[VV].

OKY underwent the same allophony and sound changes as the modern dialects, thoughz ~dh ands ~th variation appears to have been more general in OKY, as in the following (perhaps evidence of older allophony in the language which is now levelling out):

• zaazi 'grass skirt': Brierlyjuagee, djaajie, djaajie, dadjee, dadji, dadje, dadjie, MacGillivraydaje, OKYzaazi,dhaazi
• sagul adhamadha ~ azamadha 'be putting put on a dance!': Brierlysagool adzamada, OKYsagul adhamadha ~ azamadha
• wœsul 'dirty water': Brierlyootzoo, oodthool, OKYuusul,uuthul
• ngœzu 'myfem': Brierlyudthu, oldzoo, udzoo, MacGillivrayudzu, udz, OKYngœzu, ngœdhu

An instance of optionalr deletion befores is also attested in the following example, unless the firsti inmyaichipp is a misprint or misreading of*myarchipp:

maayi-arsipa 'wail, keen, weep': Brierlymyaichipp, MacGillivraymaierchipa, OKYmayarsipa, mayasipa

Various forms in OKY showedmetathesis ofř andr in the environment ofu,i andau:

• ngauřakai ~ ngauřakazi >naroka, nerawkaji 'maiden' (unmarried girl), cf. KKYngawakaz
• gœřiga ~ gœřigař >gyrriegi, gurrigi, goraigor 'day, sun', cf. KKYgœiga
• puuři >uperia, oopeere, ooperie, uperi, prui, upiri 'magic gear/charms/produce', cf. KKYpuuy, KLYpuuyi.
• rigaboo, rugabu (rugœbaw) > modern dialectswœrugœbaw, urugœbaw, Bœiguwœrigœbaw, urigœbaw 'sweet potato', lit.wœru-gabaw 'cord/string-cultivated yam'

Syllabification occurred as in the modern dialects, with the addition ofř also attested as a syllable final consonant. One word was recorded by Brierly and MacGillivray with a [+nas][-son] cluster, namelyenti 'spider', however this appears to be a confusion;enti is probably Gudang (Australia)ant[h]i 'sore'.

Syllables were vowel final or end inr,ř,l, glidei or glideu. Otherwise surface syllable final consonants have an underlying following vowel, in which case all consonants could be syllable initial.

There is no strict standard spelling, and three slightly different orthographies (and often mixes of them) are in use.

The Mission Spelling (established at first byLoyalty Islands missionaries in the 1870s, then modified by Polynesian missionaries in the 1880s):a, b, d, e, g, i, j, k, l, m, n, ng, o, ö, p, r, s, t, u, z, sometimes alsoth, dh, dth, tr, dr, oe, ë, w, y, j, and sometimes double vowels to show length. This spelling system was based on that used for theDrehu (Lifu) language, though later with the change to Polynesian mission staff, as well as the growing number of indigenous Torres Strait missionaries, the overtly Drehu formstr,dr andë were lost; these had no phonological basis in Kalaw Lagaw Ya. The mission system is used in theReports of the Cambridge Expedition to the Torres Strait (Haddon et al., 1898 and on, University of Cambridge) and inMyths and Legends of Torres Strait (Lawrie, University of Queensland, 1971). Ray, the linguist of the Cambridge Expedition, also used various diacritics to represent short vowels and vowel quality.

Established in the 1970s:a,aa,b,d (alveolar),dh (dental),e,ee,g,i,ii,k,l,m,n,ng,o,oo,oe (/ə/),ooe (/əː/),p,r,s,t (alveolar),th (dental),u,uu,w,y,z

Established in the late 1970s:a,b,d (alveolar),dh (dental),e,g,i,k,l,m,n,ng,o,oe (/ə/),p,r,s,t (alveolar),th (dental),u,w,y,z (vowel length, though it exists, is rarely represented).

People not only use these three slightly differing spelling systems, but also write words more or less as they pronounce them. Words are therefore often spelt in various ways, for examplesena/sina 'that, there',kothai/kothay/kothei/kothey/kothe 'back of head, occiput'. Such variation depends on age, family, island, village and other factors such as poetic speech. It can be difficult at times to decide which is most correct — different people have different opinions (and sometimes have very strong opinions).

In general the pronunciation of older people has priority; however, some people can actually get quite offended if they think the language is written the 'wrong' way. Some insist that the mission spelling should be used, others the Bani spelling, and still others the KKY (Saibai etc.) spelling, and still again others use mixes of two or three, or adaptations thereof. Some writers of the Mabuiag-Badhu dialect (Kalaw Lagaw Ya), for example, write mainly in the Mission system, sometimes use the digraphsoe,th,dh (variantdth) and sometimes use capital letters at the ends of words to show devoiced vowels, such asngukI 'fresh water/drinking water, fruit juice'/ŋʊːki̥/. In the Bani/Klokheid orthograophynguki is writtennguuki, and in the other dialects the final vowel is either fully voiced,nguki/ŋʊki/), or elided,nguk/ŋʊk/).

The biggest bone of contention between the advocates of the 'modern' orthographies and the 'traditionalist' orthographies is the use ofw andy to show the semi-vowels. In general native speakers in literacy classes seem to findy andw very difficult to learn, and thatu andi are the 'logical' letters to use. Syllabification of words by untrained speakers suggests thatu andi are really the underlying sounds. Thus, a word likedhaudhai/dhawdhay 'mainland, continent' syllabifies asdha-u-dha-i, notdhau-dhai. In songs, the glide-u/i can also be given full syllable status. Historical considerations also point to the semi-vowels often being vocalic rather than consonantal. Thus,lagau, the genitive oflaag[a] 'place' is in underlying form <laaga+ngu>; the full form of the genitive ending-ngu is only retained where the nominal has a monosyllabic stem (see the section on Nominal Morphology). Similarly, verbal nouns end in-i, e.g.lumai, stemluuma- 'search, look for, seek, hunt'. The mid-19th century to early 20th century records of Kauaraigau Ya show that the verbal noun ending was previously-ri (thuslumari), where the-r- was presumably the rhotic glide rather than the rhotic tap/trill.

A dictionary now in preparation (Mitchell/Ober) uses an orthography based on detailed study of the surface and underlying phonology of the language, as well as on observation of how people write in real life situations. It is a mix of the Mission and Kalau Kawau Ya orthographies with the addition of diacritics (the letters in brackets) to aid correct pronunciation, since many of the people who will use this dictionary will not be speakers of the language:

a (á), b, d, dh, e (é), g, i (í), k, l, m, n, ng, o (ó, ò, òò), œ (œ'), r, s, t, th, u (ú, ù), w, y, z

Within this orthography,w andy are treated as consonants — this is their phonological status in the language — whileu andi are used as the glides where phonological considerations show that the 'diphthong' combination has vocalic status.

The typewritten forms ofœ andœœ areoe andooe.

The English pronunciations given in the list below are those of Australian English, and are only meant as a guide. The letters in square brackets ([]) are theIPA.

• a (short)[a]: 'u' as in 'hut' —gath 'shallow, shallows',mathaman 'hit, kill'
• a,á (long) (aa in the Bani orth.)[aː] 'a' as infather —áth 'bottom turtle shell' ('plastron'),ma 'spider',lág, laaga 'place'
• b[b] as in English —Báb 'Dad',bibir 'power, authority'
• d[d] as in English —da 'chest',idi 'oil, grease, fat, dead-calm sea'
• dh[d̪] similar tod, but with the tip of the tongue put against the top teeth-dha 'ladder, stairs',adhal 'outside',Bádhu 'Badu'
• e (short)[e] 'e' as inbed —bero 'rib, side of boat, river bank, etc.',nge 'then',tete 'animal/bird leg'
• e,é (long) (ee in the Bani orth.)[eː] 'are' as inbared —gér 'sea snake',dhe 'slime',sei 'there'
• g[ɡ] as in Englishget, never as ingeneral —gigi 'thunder',gugu 'owl'
• i (short)[i] short 'ee' as infeet —midh 'how',sisi 'gecko',ipi 'wife'
• i,í (long) (ii in the Bani orth.)[iː] 'ee' as infeed —síb 'liver, centre',gi 'knife',ígil 'life'
• k[k] as in English —kikiman 'hurry up',kakayam 'bird-of-paradise
• l[l] similar to English 'l' inlean, but with the tip of the tongue against the top teeth; never as in Englishkneel —lág 'place, home',li 'basket',gúl 'double-outrigger sailing canoe'
• m[m] as in English —mám 'love, affection',Ama 'Mum, Aunty',ma 'spider'
• n[n] similar to English 'n' innun, but with the tip of the tongue against the top teeth —naawu, KKYna 'song',nan 'her, it',nanu 'her(s), its'
• ng[ŋ] as in Englishsing; never as in Englishfinger —ngai 'I, me',ngœrang 'armpit'
• o (short)[o] more or less 'o' as is ingot, though more rounded —sob 'slowness',mogai, Bœigumoga, Saibai-Dœwanmogo 'blank skink'
• o (long) (oo in the Bani orth.)[oː] more or less 'o' as ingod, though more rounded —gor 'tie-hole',so 'show'
• ò (short)[ɔ] short version of 'oa' inbroad —mòdhabil 'costs, prices',gòyal 'bald'
• ò (long) (oo in the Bani orth.)[ɔː] 'oa' inbroad —mòs 'lung, spittle',gòy 'baldness'
• œ (short)[ə] 'a' as inabout —bœtœm 'lean (animals)',bœga 'mallard'
• œ (long) (ooe in the Bani orth.)[əː] more or less like 'er' inherd —wœr 'water',Wœy 'Venus',bœi 'coming'
• p[p] as in English —papi 'noose, trap',áp 'garden', KKYPòpu 'Grandad'
• r[r] similar to 'tt' inbetter when said fast (that is to say, when said asbedder). Before another consonant and at the end of a word, it is often trilled (like in 'stage' Scottish English or 'rr' in Spanish). In singing, however, it is normally pronounced much like the American English 'r' —ári 'rain, louse',rùg 'rag, piece of cloth',ár 'dawn'
• s[s] most commonly like English 's' insister; sometimes like English 'ch' inchew when at the beginning of a word or in the middle of a word; never like 's' in 'as' (which is a 'z' sound) —sas 'style, showing off',sisi 'gecko',sagul 'game, fun, dance'
• t[t] as in English —tádu 'sand-crab',tídan 'return, understand',ít 'rock oyster'
• th[t̪] similar to t, but with the tip of the tongue put against the top teeth —tha 'crocodile tail',thathi 'father',geth 'hand'
• u (short)[u] short 'u' as inlute —buthu 'sand',gulai, KLYgulal 'sailing canoes'
• u,ú (long) (uu in the Bani orth.)[uː] 'oo' inwoo —búzar 'fat, blubber',thu 'smoke'
• ù[ʊ] 'u' as input —mùdh 'shelter, haven, back-yard, camp',kùt 'late afternoon, early evening',kùlai 'first, before'
• w[w] not as strong as English 'w' inwe ; for most speakers of the language the only difference betweenw and shortu is thatw is shorter —wa 'yes',kawa 'island',báw 'wave'
• y[j] not as strong as English 'y' inyes; for most speakers of the language the only difference betweeny and shorti is thaty is much shorter —ya 'speech, talk, language',aye, KKYaya 'come!',máy 'well, spring; tears; pearl-shell, nacre'
• z[z] most commonly like English 'z' inzoo, or English 's' inhas; sometimes like English 'j' injump, or 'dg' inbudge when at the beginning or in the middle of a word —zázi 'grass skirt',za 'thing, object',zizi 'crackle, crack, rustling noise'

Combinations of vowels ('diphthongs', such asai,au,œi,eu etc.) are pronounced as written. Thus, for example,ai isa-i (basically very similar to 'i' in 'mine' with a posh accent). In singing and sometimes in slow speech, such vowel combinations can be said separately. In the Bani and Saibai (etc.) orthographies, the last elements can be written asy andw instead ofi andu. The diphthongs are:

• ei/ey —sei,sey 'there'
• iu/iw —biuni,biwni 'kookoobuura, kingfisher'
• œi/œy —bœi,bœy 'coconut frond'
• eu/ew —seu,sew 'belonging to there'
• ai/ay —Saibai,Saybay 'Saibai'
• œu/œw —kœubu,kœwbu 'battle, war'
• òi/oy —òi,oy 'hoy!, hey!' (reply to a call, vocative particle)
• au/aw —kaub,kawb 'tiredness'
• ui/uy —mui,muy 'fire'
• ou/ow —berou,berow 'of a/the rib'

Where the morphology is concerned, the language is somewhere along the continuum betweenagglutinative andfusional.Nominals have the following cases:nominative,accusative,instrumental (subsumesergative),dative (subsumesallative,purposive),ablative (subsumeselative,avoidative), specificlocative, nonspecificlocative (subsumesperlative andcomitative) and globallocative. Nominals also have the following derived forms:privative,similative,resultative andproprietive, which also forms the nounnominative-accusative plural. All stems end in a vowel or a semi-vowel, except for a few monosyllables ending in-r and-l (which includes the very few reduplicated words, liketharthar 'boiling, seething', as well asngipel 'youdual' [a compound ofngi 'you singular' and-pal 'two']). For many nouns the surface nominative(-accusative) undergoes a final stem-vowel deletion rule; in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect the rule results in final devoiced vowels accompanied by main vowel lengthening. There are three numbers,singular,dual andplural. Singular and dual are the same form in all nominals except the personal pronouns. Furthermore, the plural is only distinguished in the nominative-accusative — except for the personal pronouns, where the difference in number is shown by the stem.

There are two nominal classes, Common Nominals (common nouns,demonstratives, locative/temporal/etc.adverbs) and Proper Nominals (Proper names [personal names, boat names, emotive kinship terms],pronouns). The major difference between the two classes are 1) semantic — Proper nominals havepronominal characteristics, and, 2)declensional, for example Proper Nominals have one locative case rather than the three of Common Nominals.

Note that the following are in the Kalau Kawau Ya dialect.

There are few irregular nouns, the most common being:

1. ai 'food',ya 'speech, language, message, etc.',li 'basket',lu 'mound, bump, hump' (instrumentalaidu,yadu,lidu,ludu; specific locative/proprietive-pluralaidai/aide,yadai,lidai,ludai)
2. KKYna, KLYnaawu, KulY/KYnawu 'song'; KKYyu 'drying rack, cooking rack' (other dialectsnuuwa,nu); specific locative/proprietive-plural KKYnathai, KLY/KYnawul, KulYnawlai; KKYyuthai (other dialectsnuwanu,nuwa;nuwal, KulYnuwalai))
3. za 'thing, object, matter, etc.' This word has a fuller stem form,zapu-, which appears in certain forms: instrumentalzapun; genitivezapu; proprietive-pluralzapul. In the locative forms both stems (za- andzapu-) appear: specific locativezanu,zapunu, etc.
4. gœiga 'sun, day';bireg/bereg 'shelf'. The stems of these words have different forms to the nominative-accusative:gœiga — stem:gœigœyi-,gœigi-;bireg/bereg — stem:bœreigi-,biregi-
5. dœgam, KLKdœgaamu 'side, direction, point of compass, aspect'. This word has two stem forms, in free variation:dœgamu-,daguma-

The language has a closed class of demonstrative morphemes with special morphological characteristics:

Prefixes

• pi-,pe- 'there in the distance in a specific position'
• kai- 'there in the distance in a non-specific position'

Stems

• ka-,kawu-/kawa- (non-specific),í- (specific) 'here, this'
• se-,si-,sewu-/sewa- 'there, that (not too far away)'
• -gu, KKY-gui,-mulu (KKY-ngùl in combined forms) 'down there'
• -ka,-karai/-kadai 'up there' (variant forms of the one underlying stem)
• -ngapa 'there beyond', 'there on the other side'
• -pai,-pa,-paipa 'ahead there, up close there' (variant forms of the one underlying stem-pai), MY-kupai, KY also-kudhai
• -pun[i],-puwa 'off from there, back from there, back over there, back there' (possibly variant forms of the one underlying stem)

The Kauřařaigau Ya forms recorded are the same as in the modern dialects, with the exception ofka-/kařu- 'non-specific here, this',se-/si-/seřu- 'there, that',kařa- 'non-specific yonder', modern dialectskai-, %ka- and-puwai 'ahead there', modern dialects-pai/-pa.

Thesedemonstratives can take masculine, feminine and non-singular morphology (as such are pronominal) as well as case forms.Í- 'here, this' andse/si- 'there, that (not too far away)' take the gender/number morphemes as suffixes, and the other demonstratives take them as prefixes. Note thatka- 'non-specifically here' andkai- 'there in the distance in a non-specific position' cannot appear with the gender/number morphemes, these latter being specific.Í- andse/si- also take anarticle forming affix-bi to become demonstrative articles (e.g. KLYsenuubi kaazi, KKYsenaubi kaz 'that boy', KLYsenaabi kaazi, KKYsenabi kaz 'that girl', KLYsepalab kaazi, KKYsepalbi kaz 'those two children',sethabi kœzil 'those children');kedha 'like this/that, thus' can also take this suffix (e.g.kedhabi puy 'such a tree').

The personal pronouns are three-way nominative-ergative-accusative in declension. Note that the third person pronouns are also used as definite articles, e.g.Nuidh garkœzin nan yipkaz imadhin 'The man saw the woman'.

The dual and plural pronouns are nominative-accusative, the accusative being the same in form as the genitive, except in KKY, where the accusative is unmarked.

Ngawal 'whodual' is constructed fromnga 'who' plus the clitic-wal 'both (dual conjunction)'.

Ngaya 'who many' is constructed fromnga 'who' plus the clitic-ya 'and others (plural conjunction)'.

Familiar kinship terms are the equivalent of English kin terms such as Dad and Mum, while non-familiar terms are the equivalent of Father and Mother; these latter are treated as common nouns in the language.

The earliest grammatical records of the language are those of the mid-1800s Kauřařaigau Ya dialect. This dialect is identical to the modern dialects, apart from having more archaic forms of some endings and suffixes as well as stem forms.

Common Nominals

• Nominative-Accusative: unmarked
• Ergative-Instrumental:-n,-na,-nu,-Cu; demonstratives unmarked
• Genitive: monosyllable stems:-ngu, multisyllables-u
• Dative-Allative:-pa ~ -pari
• Ablative-Causative: nouns, pronouns-nguzi, verbal nouns-lai, adverbs/demonstratives-zi
• Specific Locative: monosyllabic stem nouns-lai~-dai~-thai~-ai~-řai~-rai, multisyllabic stem nouns-nulai~-nule~-nuli~-nul, adverbs-lai~-l(a) , demonstratives-ři
• Non-Specific Locative:-ya, adverbs/demonstratives-ki~-kidha
• Proprietive/Plural: monosyllabic stem nouns-lai~-dai~-thai~-ai~-řai~-rai, multisyllabic stem nouns, adverbs-lai (>-le~-li),-rai (>-re~-ri),-řai (>-ře~-ři)
• Privative:-gi
• Imitative-Similative:-dha
• Resultative:-zi

Proper Nominals

No early writer recorded declined feminine forms, apart from the genitive. Ray (1907:20-21) implies (by default) that the OKY paradigm is basically the same as that of OKLY.

• Nominative-Ergative-Instrumental: unmarked
• Accusative-Genitive: masculine-ni, feminine-na-, dual-plural pronoun-ni~-mùni
• Dative-Allative: masculine-nipa[ri] , feminine ?-napa[ri], dual-plural pronoun-nipa[ri]~-mùnipa(ri)
• Ablative-Causative: masculine-ninguzi ~-nunguzi, feminine ?-nanguzi, dual-plural pronoun-ninguzi~-nunguzi~-mùninguzi~-mùnunguzi
• Locative: masculine-niya, feminine ?-naya, dual-plural pronoun-niya~-mùniya
• Imitative-Similative:-dha, dual-plural pronoun-dha~-mùdha

Brierly (B), MacGillivray (M) and Ray (R) recorded the following forms of the singular pronouns of OKY:

Nominative

• 1st — Brierlygni, ngi; Macgillivrayngai; Rayngai
• 2nd — Macgillivrayngi; Rayngi
• 3rd masculine — Macgillivraynue; Raynui
• 3rd feminine — Macgillivrayna, nga; Rayna
• 'who' — Brierlygua; Macgillivraynga; Raynga
• 'what' — Macgillivray[]mi; Raymi-

Accusative

• 1st — Brierlyana; Macgillivrayana; Rayngana
• 2nd — Brierlygin; MacGillivrayngi; Raynginö, ngin
• 3rd masculine — Brierlynooano; MacGillivraynudu; Raynuinö, nuin
• 3rd feminine — Raynanö, nan
• 'who' — Raynganö, ngan
• 'what' — not recorded

Instrumental-Ergative

• 1st — Brierlynath, nut; Macgillivrayngatu; Rayngata, ngatö, ngat
• 2nd — Brierlyneedtha, needthoo; Macgillivrayngidu; Rayngida, ngidö, ngid
• 3rd masculine — Brierlynooide ; MacGillivraynudu; Raynuida, nuidö, nuid
• 3rd feminine — Macgillivraynadu; Raynada, nadö, nad
• 'who' — Macgillivrayngadu; Rayngada, ngadö, ngad
• 'what' — Brierlymeedan; Macgillivraymida; Raymida, midö, mid

Genitive

• 1st — Brierlyngau, gnau, ngow masculine,udthu, oldzoo, udzoo feminine; Macgillivrayngow masculine,udzu, udz feminine; Rayngau masculine,ngazu, nguzu feminine
• 2nd — Brierlygnee, ye noo, yeenow, niu, yenoo, meeno; MacGillivrayyinu; Raynginu
• 3rd masculine — Brierlynoonoo; Raynungu
• 3rd feminine — Macgillivraynanue; Raynanu
• 'who' — Rayngunu
• 'what' — not recorded

Based on the above forms and the modern dialects, the OKY pronouns are reconstructed as follows:

The accusatives, the ablatives and imitatives underwent optional final vowel deletion, while the ergatives optionally transformed the finalu toa orœ, or deleted it, thusngathu >ngatha >ngathœ >ngath.

The recorded dual-plural forms are:

Nominative-Ergative-Instrumental

• 1st Dual Exclusive — MacGillivrayalbei; Rayngalbai
• 1st Dual Inclusive — MacGillivrayaba; Rayngaba
• 2nd Dual — MacGillivrayngipel; Rayngipel
• 3rd Dual — MacGillivraypale; Raypalai
• 'who' Dual — Raynga wal

• 1st Plural Exclusive — Brierlyari, churri; MacGillivrayarri, uri; Rayngöi
• 1st Plural Inclusive — Brierlyalpa; MacGillivrayalpa; Rayngalpa
• 2nd Plural — MacGillivrayngi-tana; Rayngita
• 3rd Plural — MacGillivraytana; Raytana

Accusative-Genitive

• 1st Dual Exclusive — Brierlyabonnie, abuni, abani, aboni; MacGillivray N/A; Rayngalbaini
• 1st Dual Inclusive — Brierly N/A; MacGillivrayabane, abeine; Rayngabani
• 2nd Dual — Brierly N/A; MacGillivrayngipeine; Rayngipeni
• 3rd Dual — Brierly N/A; MacGillivraypalaman; Raypalamuni

• 1st Plural Exclusive — Brierlyareen; MacGillivrayarrien; Rayngöimunu
• 1st Plural Inclusive — Rayngalpanu
• 2nd Plural — MacGillivrayngitanaman; Rayngitamunu
• 3rd Plural — MacGillivraytanaman; Raytanamunu

Dative

• 1st Dual Exclusive: MacGillivrayalbi nipa; Rayngalbainipa
• 1st Dual Inclusive: MacGillivrayalbynape; Rayngabanipa
• 2nd Dual: Rayngipenipa
• 3rd Dual: MacGillivraypale nipa; Raypalamunipa

• 1st Plural Exclusive: MacGillivrayarri nipa; Rayngöinipa, ngöimunipa
• 1st Plural Inclusive: Rayngalpanipa, ngalpamunipa
• 2nd Plural: Rayngitanipa, ngitamunipa
• 3rd Plural: MacGillivraytane nipa; Raytananipa, tanamunipa

Ablative

• recorded by Ray as-[mu]nunguzi

These can be reconstructed as:

• 'Who' in the dual nominative-accusative (and optionally in the ergative-instrumental) had the formsngawal (dual) andngaya (plural).
• Mi- 'what, which' was used in much the same way as in the modern dialects.

Verbs can have over 100 differentaspect,tense,voice,mood andnumber forms. Verb agreement is with the object (i.e. 'ergative') in transitive clauses, and with the subject in intransitive clauses. Imperatives, on the other hand, agree with both subject and object in transitive clauses.

There are three aspects ('perfective', 'imperfective', 'habitual'), two telicity forms ('active', which focuses on the verb activity and subsumes many intransitives, many antipassives and some transitives, and 'attainative', which subsumes many transitives, some antipassives and some intransitives), two moods ('non-imperative' and 'imperative' [which resembles a subjunctive in some uses]), 6 tenses ('remote future', 'today/near future', 'present', 'today past', 'recent past', 'remote past' — KLY has developed a 7th tense, a 'last night' tense) and four numbers ('singular', 'dual', 'specific plural', 'animate active plural' — in form the animate active plural is the same as the singular, and is only found on certain verbs).

In most descriptions of the language the active and attainative forms have been mistermed transitive and intransitive respectively. Transitive, intransitive, passive, antipassive and 'antipassive passive' in the language are syntactic categories, and are formed by the interplay of nominal and verbal morphology, clause/sentence-level characteristics such as word-order, and semantic considerations.

Verb morphology consists of prefixes (aspect, positioning, etc.), suffixes (telicity, number, and two fossilised multiplicative/causative suffixes) and endings (tense, aspect and mood, and a very limited extent number and telicity). The structural matrix of the verb is as follows. Note that the two fossilised suffixes are mutually exclusive; if a suffix is in the A slot, a suffix cannot appear in the B slot, and vice versa:

(prefix) + (prefix) + stem (+FOSSILISED SUFFIX A) + (TELICITY) (+FOSSILISED SUFFIX B) + (number) + ending (+ending)

Examples:

• pabalkabuthamadhin 'two were laid down across something' [which would be clear in the context]
• pabalkabuthemadhin 'two lay down (laid themselves down) across something' [which would be clear in the context]

prefix:pa- 'telic prefix'

prefix:bal- 'positional — across'

stem:kabutha- 'place, lay'

telicity suffix:-Ø 'attainative',-i 'active'

number suffix:-ma 'dual' (absolutive agreement)

tense-aspect-mood ending:-dhin 'remote past perfective'

• garwœidhamemanu 'two met each other earlier today'

prefix:gar- 'collective'

stem:wœidha- 'place, put'

Fossilised suffix:ma 'intensive'

telicity suffix:i 'active'

number suffix:ma 'dual'

tense-aspect-mood ending:dhin 'remote past perfective'

The verb here isíma- 'see, observe, supervise, examine, try, test'

Prefixes

These were the same as in the modern dialects.

Suffixes

The only suffix differences with the modern dialects were in the form of the plural and verbal noun suffixes. In OKY these weremaři andři respectively. The dual wasngauma onma- 'take, give, move etc.' and otherwiseuma.

Class 1:wœidha- 'put, place, cook'

• wœidhamařinu attainative perfective present plural object
• wœidhaumanu attainative perfective present dual object
• wœidhemařinu active perfective present plural subject
• wœidheumanu active perfective present dual subject
• wœidhàři verbal noun

Class 2:ni-,niya- 'sit, stay'

• niyamařipa[ri] imperfective present plural
• niyaumapa[ri] imperfective present dual
• niyàři,niyài verbal noun

Verb endings

On the whole, the OKY verb seems to have been declined like the Kalau Lagau Ya verb. This includes the loss of the suffixma in the intransitive imperfective present/perfective today future singular. This loss, however, appears to have been optional in the today past equivalent:^[19]

• OKYdaneipa (danaipa) 'rise (sun)' (MacGillivray): KLYdanaika, KKYdanamipa 'rise (sun, etc.), load (self) up' present imperfective
• OKYdadeipa (dhœidhaipa) 'die' (MacGillivray): KLYdhœidhaika (basedhœidhama-) 'be dizzy, dead drunk' present imperfective
• OKYusimema, usima (usimima,usima) 'douse' (MacGillivray): KLYusima, KKYwœsimima 'douse' today past perfective

Vowel/diphthong deletion and reduction in class 1b verbs was optional in OKY where it is now optional or obligatory:

• OKYuzareuma-: KLYuzareuma-, KKYuzarma- 'go dual'
• OKYdelupeipa (dœdupaipa) 'drown, sink': KLYdudupaka, KKYdœdupapa

The irregular verbyœwi- /iya- /yœuna- 'lie/slant/lean over/down' was recorded in the formiipa (eepah), indicating the stemii- (the remote past formiir is found in modern KY, though not recorded in OKY). Otherwise, onlyyœuna- was recorded for OKY.

Three paradigms that have irregular morphology are:

• Si[ ]kai 'perhaps, maybe, possibly' (all dialects except Kalau Kawau Ya). This word modifies for singular gender : masculinesinukai/senukai; femininesinakai/senakai; general (singular, dual, plural)sikai. In KKY, the word is invariablesike,sikedh (sikedh is more emphatic.)
• yawa 'goodbye, farewell, take care' (cf.yawar 'journey, travel';yawaya- 'watch over, watch out for, etc.'). This word is only used when speaking to a single person. For two or more people, the form isyawal.
• masculinekame ~kamedh, femininekake ~kakedh, non-singularkole ~koledh 'hey!' (word used to attract someone's attention; inkamedh,kakedh andkoledh (the-dh final in all these, like insikedh above, is only found in more emphatic use.)

The Torres Strait Islanders, neighbouring Papuans and neighbouring Australians have a common sign language,^[20] though early records did not make a detailed study of this (e.g.Australian Aboriginal sign languages).^[21] Simple conversations and stories can be carried out in the sign language; however, it does not attain the sophistication of a fully developed sign language. It's had some influence onFar North Queensland Indigenous Sign Language.

• Meriam language
• Torres Strait Creole

Kalaw Lagaw Ya test ofWikipedia atWikimedia Incubator

• Kala Lagaw Ya & Miriam Mir (Torres Strait Islands) Community Language Journey Digital Story,State Library of Queensland. Part ofSpoken: Celebrating Queensland Languages Digital Stories Collection

• Agglutinative languages
• Pama–Nyungan languages
• Culture of the Torres Strait Islands

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