Julian, Count of Ceuta (Spanish:Don Julián, Conde de Ceuta,[nb 1],Arabic:يليان, (Īlyan[nb 2]) was, according to some sources, arenegade governor, possibly a formercomes in Byzantine service inCeuta andTangiers who subsequently submitted to the king ofVisigothic Spain before secretly allying with the Muslims.[3]: 256 According to Arab chroniclers, Julian had an important role in theUmayyad conquest of Hispania, a key event in the history of Islam, and in the subsequent history of what were to becomeSpain andPortugal.
As a historical figure, little is known about Count Julian. The earliest extant source describing Julian isIbn 'Abd al-Hakam's 9th-centuryKitāb futuḥ misr wa akhbārihā (The History of the Conquests of Egypt, North Africa, and Spain), which claims that Julian first resisted theMuslim conquest of the Maghreb, and then joined theUmayyad conquest of Hispania. Other details, such as the existence of a daughter known asLa Cava, appear in the 11th century.[citation needed] The debate concerning Julian's historicity ranges at least to the 19th century; by the 21st century, the academic consensus seemed to lean toward Julian being ahistorical, with most scholars since the 1980s agreeing with Roger Collins that the portions of the story concerning Florinda la Cava are fantastical and that arguments for even Julian's existence are weak, while not entirely excluding the possibility that he was a real personage.[nb 3]
Byzantine strategy at the time, as articulated byJohn Troglita, a Byzantine general underJustinian I, advocated dispersal and retreat back to artificially or naturally fortified places and ambush tactics against a superior foe.[3]: 107 This left scattered Byzantine garrisons surrounded by territory already conquered by the Arabs. TheautochthonousBerber tribes also resisted either in concert with the Byzantines, or under native leaders likeDihya (Kahina) andKusaila (Caecilius).[3]: 289 In the view ofWalter Kaegi, this strategy was designed to protect the key towns and communication routes, and did so.[3]: 107
Ceuta, a city on the Mediterranean coast of North Africa that is today an exclave of Spain, was the only place on the coast of the former province that could be sealed off with a small number of troops and held without significant reinforcement.[3]: 264 The last securely known commander of Septem is Philagrius, a Byzantine treasurer who was exiled there in 641. Afterwards, the Byzantines may have lost control of the fortress in the chaos ofConstans II's reign. Julian, who held what Kaegi characterizes as the "vague" title of count (quite common in this period, as detailed below), may have, in Kaegi's view, had some Byzantine title or rank for which no documentation exists before falling under the control ofTheodoric. In Kaegi's view, if Julian had a daughter in Spain, it would have been in ahostage situation, used as a check on his loyalty on the part of the Goths.[3]: 256–7
Julian was reportedly a count, the "Commander ofSeptem" (present-day Ceuta), and according to some scholars, possibly the last ByzantineExarch of Africa.[according to whom?]
InByzantine North Africa thecurial titlecomes[nb 4] (Ancient Greek:κόμης) was applied to the leader of aregiment (a successor to the oldlegion), and, according toMaurice'sStrategicon, was analogous to the title and dignity oftribune.[5]: 91, 235 The Exarchate of Africa was divided into ducates led by a duke (Latin:dux[nb 5],Greek:δούξ), also calledstrategos (στρατηγός).[5]: 91, 240 According to theNotitia Dignitatum, each duke would have had achief of staff (princeps) and numerous staff officers in addition to the counts in charge of each legion under his command.[5]: 91
The Army of Africa initially had 15,000 troops: the historianProcopius says thatBelisarius (a general under the emperorJustinian I) took with him to Africa 15,000 soldiers, as well as 2,000karabisianoi (marines), 1,000 mercenaries, and various members of Belisarius' own personal retinue to fight in theVandalic War; they were ferried there by 30,000 oarsmen.[7].Treadgold views these army troops as intended to garrison Africa after its reconquest, while the naval and mercenary elements were there only temporarily to help effect it. This view is supported by the fact that the same levels of army troop numbers for Africa (15,000) are still reported in the time of Maurice, with 5,000 for Byzantine Spain (although after the mutiny against and deposition of Maurice, Africa's troop strength was probably reduced due to Visigothic and Moorish attacks).[5]: 62 TheStrategicon reports that the army troops in Africa under Maurice comprised about 5,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry.[9]
A count/tribune from this time period could command anywhere from 200 to 400 men in a regiment (Latin:bandum,Ancient Greek:τάγμα,tagma) in battle, and up to 520 at fully authorized garrison strength (excluding officers' servants, and, in cavalry regiments,squires):[5]: 94–5 Byzantine strategy at the time dictated varying regimentaltagmata sizes in the field — the better to confuse the enemy. In battle, the counts normally reported to achiliarch who commanded 2,000–3,000 men, and in turn reported to amerarch.[5]: 94 In the case of an exarchate like Africa, ultimate civil and military command were joined in the exarch.[10]: 257
The Arab conquest of North Africa was quite rapid. The Umayyads faced an internally weakened Byzantine state, one of whose emperors,Constans II, was assassinated in his bath in the midst of an army revolt and another,Justinian II, who had been deposed, mutilated and exiled in 695, only a few years before the Arabs broke through into the province of Africa in 697. For a while, a Byzantine expeditionary force underJohn the Patrician was able to re-supply coastal garrisons and in some cases aid in the reconquest of lost territory, especially the important city ofCarthage, but the next year the Arabs sent in their own reinforcements after an appeal to the caliph byHasan ibn al-Nu'man, and forced the Byzantines to yield most of the province. After losing the subsequentBattle of Carthage outside the walls, the expeditionary force retreated to its island naval bases to re-group, whereupon theDroungarios of theCibyrrhaeot Theme, Apsimar, seized control of the fleet's remnants after amutiny by naval officers. The emperorLeontius was himself deposed and mutilated, to be replaced by Apsimar, now calling himselfTiberius III.[10]: 338 The only serious resistance the Arabs encountered after this was the fortress ofSeptem Fratres (Ceuta), which held out until 711, and the localMoorish tribes (Berbers) in the hinterlands.[11]: 140–41
The earliest extant source for Julian is a chapter inIbn 'Abd al-Hakam's workFutuḥ misr headedDhikr Fatḥ Al-Andalus (Chapter on the Conquest of Spain). Its 19th-century translator into English, John Harris Jones, noted that Julian is usually called يليان (Ilyan) by later Arabic authors, while in the manuscripts available to Jones he is called بليان (Bilian).[12]: 47 A better manuscript with vowels was available toTorrey, who in his critical edition of the Arabic text, gave the least corrupt form as بؙلْيان (Bulyan), which he supposed should be corrected to يُلْيان (Yulyan).[2]: 205
Some later scholars would posit that one Julian was the same as oneUrbanus who appears in theMozarabic Chronicle of 754. Disputing this in the 1980s,Roger Collins stated that confusing the two could only be the action of a "fairly drunken scribe".[13]: 36
Jones disputesJuan Francisco Masdeu and "most [contemporary] Spanish critics", who held that Julian was a fictional character, as well asPascual de Gayangos y Arce's assertion that no sources prior to the 11th century mention any quarrel withRoderic on Julian's part; Jones replies that these only seem true if one consults Christian sources, and names both Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam andIbn al-Qūṭiyya as 9th-century historians who mention both Julian and his rift with Roderic.[12]: 205 Jones also cites the 13th-century Arabic annalistAl-Dhahabi and refers readers to an English translation byWilliam McGuckin de Slane: Al-Dhahabi records that "Abu Suleyman-Ayub, Ibn al-Hakim, Ibn Abdallah, Ibn Melka, Ibn Bitro[nb 6], Ibn Ilyan, was originally a Goth"...Ilyan who conducted the Muslims into Spain was his ancestor. He died in 326 [AH ] (937-8 [AD ])."[14] in[12]: 47
The first full passage on Ilyan in Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam'sChapter on the Conquest of Spain reads (in the 19th-century English translation):
The governor of the straits between this district and Andalus was a foreigner called Ilyan, Lord of Septa. He was also the governor of a town calledAlchadra, situated on the same side of the straits of Andalus asTangiers. Ilyan was a subject of Roderic, the Lord of Andalus [i.e. king of Spain], who used to reside in Toledo. Tarik put himself in communication with Ilyan, and treated him kindly, until they made peace with each other. Ilyan had sent one of his daughters to Roderic, the Lord of Andalus, for her improvement and education; but she became pregnant by him. Ilyan having heard of this, said, I see for him no other punishment or recompense, than that I should bring the Arabs against him. He sent to Tarik, saying, I will bring thee to Andalus; Tarik being at that time inTlemsen andMusa Ibn Nossevr inCairwan. But Tarik said I cannot trust thee until thou send me a hostage. So be sent his two daughters, having no other children. Tarik allowed them to remain in Tlemsen, guarding them closely. After that Tarik went to Ilyan who - was in Septa on the straits. The latter rejoicing at his coming, said, I will bring thee to Andalus
— Ibn Abd-el Hakem,[12]: 18–19
Jones thinks that Christian writers do not mention Julian either out of ignorance, or as a deliberate choice to avoid scandalising their readers with a tale of state betrayal for personal revenge.[12]: 48 Jones also finds no reason to doubt the Arab chronicles' assertion that Julian sought revenge for an insult to his daughter, although this is not necessarily the exclusive reason, and admits that the timeline is problematic, as Roderic only became king the same year that Julian is supposed to have betrayed him, and he finds it problematic to interpret the text as implying that the insult occurred before Roderic assumed the kingship. He surmises that Julian sent his daughter to the royal court for her education, where King Roderic forced himself upon her.[2]: 205 [12]: 54–5
Luis García de Valdeavellano writes that, during theUmayyad conquest of North Africa, in "their struggle against theByzantines and theBerbers, theArab chieftains had greatly extended their African dominions, and as early as the year 682Uqba had reached the shores of theAtlantic, but he was unable to occupyTangier, for he was forced to turn back toward theAtlas Mountains by a mysterious person" who became known to history and legend as Count Julian. Muslim historians have referred to him as Ilyan or Ulyan, "though his real name was probably Julian, the Gothic Uldoin or perhaps Urban or Ulbán or Bulian."
Julian is sometimes regarded as having been avassal ofRoderic, king of theVisigoths inHispania. But Valdeavellano notes other possibilities, arguing that he probably was a Berber.[15]
We are not certain whether he was a Berber, a Visigoth, or a Byzantine; as a "count" he may have been the ruler of the fortress of Septem, once part of the Visigoth kingdom; or he may have been anexarch or a governor ruling in the name of the Byzantine Empire: or, as appears more likely, he may have been a Berber who was the lord and master of theCatholic Berber tribe of theGomera.
[16] in[17][page needed]
Indeed, historicallyCeuta (then called "Septem") and the surrounding territories were the last area ofByzantine Africa to be occupied by the Arabs: around 708 AD, as Muslim armies approached the city, its Byzantine governor, Julian (described as "King of the Ghomara"), changed his allegiance and exhorted the Muslims to invade theIberian Peninsula. After Julian's death, the Arabs took direct control of the city, which the indigenousBerber tribes resented. They destroyed Septem during theKharijite rebellion led byMaysara al-Matghari in 740 AD, but Christian Berbers remained there (even if harshly persecuted in the next centuries).[16] in[17][page needed]
According to theEgyptianhistorianIbn 'Abd al-Hakam, writing a century and a half after the events, Julian sent one of his daughters—La Cava in later accounts—to Roderic's court atToledo for education (and as a gauge of Julian's loyalty) and Roderic subsequently made her pregnant.[2]: 205 When Julian learned of the affair he removed his daughter from Roderic's court and, out of vengeance, betrayed Hispania to the Muslim invaders, thus making possible theUmayyad conquest of Hispania. Later ballads and chronicles inflated this tale, Muslims making her out an innocent virgin who was ravished, Christians making her a seductress. In Spanish she came to be known asla CavaRumía.
However, it might well be only a legend. Personal power politics were possibly at play, as historical evidence points to a civil war among the Visigothic aristocracy. Roderic had been appointed to the throne by thebishops of the VisigothicCatholic church, snubbing the sons of the previous king,Wittiza, who died or was killed in 710. Thus, Wittiza's relatives and partisans fledIberia for Julian's protection atCeuta (Septem), the Pillar of Hercules in North Africa on the northern shore of theMaghreb. There, they gathered withArians andJews.
At that time, the surrounding area of the Maghreb had recently been conquered byMusa ibn Nusair, who established his governor,Tariq ibn Ziyad, at Tangier with anArab army of 17,000 men. Julian approached Musa to negotiate the latter's assistance in an effort to topple Roderic.
What is unclear is whether Julian hoped to place a son of Wittiza on the throne and gain power and preference thereby or whether he was intentionally opening up Iberia to foreign conquest. The latter, though unlikely, is possible since Julian may have long been on good terms with the Muslims of North Africa and found them to be more tolerant than the Catholic Visigoths. Moreover, if Julian was the Greek commander of the last Byzantine outpost in Africa, he would have had only amilitary alliance with the Kingdom of the Visigoths and not been part of it.
Perhaps, then, in exchange for lands inal-Andalus (the Arab name for the area the Visigoths still called by itsRoman name, Hispania) or to topple a king and his religious allies, Julian provided military intelligence, troops and ships.
Musa was initially unsure of Julian's project and so, in July 710, directedTarif ibn Malluk to lead a probe of theIberian coast. Legend says that Julian participated as a guide and emissary, arranging for Tarif to be hospitably received by supportive Christians, perhaps Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters, who agreed to become allies in the contemplated battle for the Visigothic throne.
The next summer Julian provided the ships to carry Muslim troops across toEurope. Julian also briefed Tariq, their general. The latter left Julian behind among the merchants and crossed theStrait of Hercules with a force of some 17,000 men. He landed atGibraltar (Jebel Tariq in Arabic) on April 30, 711 and thus began theUmayyad conquest of Hispania.
Later, in theBattle of Guadalete on July 19, Roderic's army of around 25,000 men was defeated by Tariq's force of approximately 7,000, although some credible sources give Tariq 12,000 soldiers. This occurred largely due to a reversal of fortune when the wings commanded by Roderic's relatives Sisbert and Osbert deserted or switched sides. Legend would later attribute that to a deliberate plan developed by Julian.
Afterwards, Julian was apparently granted the lands he was promised by the Muslims
Julian and his putative daughter,Florinda la Cava, are the subject of numerous mediaevalchivalric romances poetry, with extant copies dating to the early modern period, shortly before Cervantes wrote hisDon Quixote. Despite having multiple variants, they tend to begin with the phrase "Amores trata Rodrigo..."[1][nb 7]
In Part I, Chapter 41, ofDon Quixote (1605),Miguel de Cervantes writes:
TheJacobean playwrightWilliam Rowley recounts Julian's story in his playAll's Lost by Lust (c. 1619).
The British writers SirWalter Scott,Walter Savage Landor, andRobert Southey handle the legends associated with these events poetically: Scott in "The Vision of Don Roderick" (1811), Landor in his tragedyCount Julian (1812), and Southey inRoderick, the Last of the Goths (1814).
The American writerWashington Irving retells the legends in his 1835Legends of the Conquest of Spain, mostly written while living in that country. These consist of "Legend of Don Roderick," "Legend of the Subjugation of Spain," and "Legend of Count Julian and His Family."
Expatriate Spanish novelistJuan Goytisolo takes up the legends inCount Julian (1970), a book in which he, in his own words, imagines "the destruction of Spanish mythology, its Catholicism and nationalism, in a literary attack on traditional Spain." He identifies himself "with the great traitor who opened the door to Arab invasion." The narrator in this novel, an exile in Morocco, rages against his beloved Spain, forming an obsessive identification with the fabled Count Julian, dreaming that, in a future invasion, the ethos and myths central to Hispanic identity will be totally destroyed.
In 2000, Julian's story became aWest End musical,La Cava.
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