260 Longfellow Road, Worcester Park, where John Major was raised from birth to the age of twelve
John Major was born on 29 March 1943 atSt Helier Hospital and Queen Mary's Hospital for Children inSt Helier, Surrey, to Gwen Major (née Coates, 1905–1970) and formermusic hall performerTom Major-Ball (1879–1962), who was 63 years old when Major was born.[6] He was christened "John Roy Major" but only "John Major" was recorded on hisbirth certificate;[7][2] he used his middle name until the early 1980s.[3] His birth had been a difficult one, with his mother suffering frompleurisy andpneumonia and John requiring several blood transfusions due to an infection, causing permanent scarring to his ankles.[8][9]
The Major family—including John, his parents, and his two older siblingsTerry and Pat)[nb 2]—lived at 260 Longfellow Road,Worcester Park, Surrey, a middle-class area where Major's father ran a garden ornaments business and his mother worked in a local library and as a part-time dance teacher.[8] John Major later described the family's circumstances at this time as being "comfortable but not well off".[11] Following a GermanV-1 flying bomb attack in the area in 1944 which killed several people, the Majors moved to the village ofSaham Toney, Norfolk, for the remainder of thewar.[8][9]
John began attending primary school at Cheam Common School from 1948.[12][13] His childhood was generally happy, and he enjoyed reading, sports (especiallycricket andfootball) and keeping pets, such as his rabbits.[14][15] In 1954 John passed the11+ exam, enabling him to go toRutlish School, a grammar school inMerton Park, though to John's chagrin his father insisted that he register as 'John Major-Ball'.[16][17]
The family's fortunes took a turn for the worse, with his father's health deteriorating,[nb 3] and the business in severe financial difficulties.[18] A recalled business loan which the family were unable to repay forced Tom Major to sell the house in Worcester Park in May 1955, with the family moving to a cramped, rented top-floor flat at 144Coldharbour Lane, Brixton.[19][20][nb 4] With his parents distracted by their reduced circumstances, John's difficulties at Rutlish went unnoticed.
Acutely conscious of his straitened circumstances in relation to the other pupils, Major was something of a loner and consistently under-performed except in sports, especiallycricket, coming to see the school as "a penance to be endured".[22][23] Major left school just before his 16th birthday in 1959 with just threeO-level passes in History, English Language and English Literature, to his parents' disappointment.[24][25][26][nb 5]
Major's interest in politics stems from this period, and he avidly kept up with current affairs by reading papers on his commutes from Brixton to Wimbledon.[28] In 1956 Major met local MPMarcus Lipton at a local church fair and was invited to watch his first debate in theHouse of Commons, whereHarold Macmillan presented his only Budget asChancellor of the Exchequer.[29][30] Major has attributed his political ambitions to this event.[3][31]
Major's first job was as a clerk in the London-based insurance brokerage firmPrice Forbes in 1959, but he found the job dull and offering no prospects and eventually quit.[32][33] Major began working with his brother Terry at the garden ornaments business; this had been sold in 1959, enabling the family to move to a larger residence at 80 Burton Road, Brixton.[34][35] Major's father died on 27 March 1962.[36][35] John left the ornaments business the following year to care for his ill mother, though when she got better he was unable to find a new job and was unemployed for much of the latter half of 1962, a situation he says was "degrading".[35]
After Major became prime minister, it was misreported that his failure to get a job as a bus conductor resulted from his failing to pass a maths test; he had in fact passed all of the necessary tests but had been passed over owing to his height.[37][35] In the meantime he studied for a qualification in banking viacorrespondence course.[38][39] Eventually in December 1962 he found a job working at theLondon Electricity Board (LEB) inElephant and Castle.[37][35]
In 1959, Major had joined theYoung Conservatives in Brixton. He soon became a highly active member; this helped increase his confidence following the failure of his school days.[40][41] Encouraged by fellow Conservative Derek Stone, he started giving speeches on asoap-box inBrixton Market.[42][35] According to his biographerAnthony Seldon, Major brought "youthful exuberance" to the Tories in Brixton, but was sometimes in trouble with the professional agent Marion Standing.[41] Major stood as a Councillor in the1964 Lambeth London Borough Council election forLarkhall ward at the age of 21 in 1964, losing to Labour.[43][39] He also assisted local Conservative candidates Kenneth Payne in the1964 general election andPiers Dixon in the1966 general election.[43][44] Another formative influence on Major in this period was Jean Kierans, a divorcée 13 years his elder with two children who lived opposite the family on Burton Road, who became his mentor and lover. Seldon writes "She ... made Major smarten his appearance, groomed him politically, and made him more ambitious and worldly."[39] Major later moved in with Kierans when his family left Burton Road in 1965;[45][44] their relationship lasted from 1963 to sometime after 1968.[46]
St Matthew's Church, Brixton where John and Norma Major married in 1970
Major left the LEB and took up a post atDistrict Bank in May 1965,[47][39] though he soon left this to joinStandard Bank the following year, largely because the latter offered the chance to work abroad.[45] In December 1966 he was sent for a long secondment inJos, Nigeria, which he enjoyed immensely, though he was put off by the casual racism of some of the ex-pat workers there.[48] In May 1967 he was involved in a serious car crash in which he broke a leg and had to be flown home.[49][50] Leaving hospital, he split his time between Jean Kierans' house and a small rented flat inMayfair, working at Standard Bank's London office and resuming his banking diploma and activities with the Young Conservatives in his spare time.[51][52]
Major stood again as Councillor in the1968 Lambeth London Borough Council election, this time forFerndale ward. Though a Labour stronghold, the Conservatives received a huge boost followingEnoch Powell's anti-immigration 'Rivers of Blood speech' in April 1968 and Major won, despite strongly disapproving of Powell's views.[53][54] Major took a major interest in housing matters, with Lambeth notorious for overcrowding and poor-quality rented accommodation. In February 1970 Major became Chairman of the Housing Committee, being responsible for overseeing the building of several largecouncil estates.[55][56][nb 6] He also promoted more openness at the council, initiating a series of public meetings with local residents.[58][59] Major also undertook fact-finding trips to the Netherlands, Finland and theSoviet Union.[60][61] Despite the Lambeth housing team being well-regarded nationally, Major lost his seat in the1971 Lambeth London Borough Council election.[62]
Major metNorma Johnson at a Conservative party event in Brixton in April 1970, and the two became engaged shortly thereafter, marrying atSt Matthew's Church in Brixton on 3 October 1970.[63][64] John's mother died shortly before in September at the age of 65.[65][66][67] John and Norma moved into a flat at Primrose Court,Streatham, which John had bought in 1969,[68] and had their first child, Elizabeth, in November 1971.[69][70] In 1974 the couple moved to a larger residence at West Oak,Beckenham, and had a second child, James, in January 1975.[71] Meanwhile, Major continued to work at Standard Bank (renamedStandard Chartered from 1975), having completed his banking diploma in 1972.[72][73] Major was promoted to head of the PR department in August 1976, and his duties necessitated the occasional foreign trip to East Asia.[74]
Despite his setback at the 1971 Lambeth Council election, Major continued to nurse political ambitions, and with help from friends in the Conservative Party managed to get onto the Conservative Central Office's list of potential MP candidates.[72][75] Major was selected as the Conservative candidate for the Labour-dominatedSt Pancras North constituency, fighting both theFebruary andOctober 1974 general elections, losing heavily both times to Labour'sAlbert Stallard.[76][77] Major then attempted to get selected as a candidate for a more promising seat, and despite numerous attempts was unsuccessful until December 1976.[78][79] Growing increasingly frustrated, Major resolved to make one last attempt, applying for selection to the safe Conservative seat ofHuntingdonshire and finally he succeeded.[80][81] Major was in some ways an odd choice, being a born-and-bred Londoner in a largely rural constituency still home to many landed families; however, he was seen as being the most likely to win-over the increasingly large numbers of upwardly mobile London over-spill families living in the area, and he was helped to familiarise himself with the area by local MPDavid Renton.[82][83]
In 1977 the Major family purchased a house at De Vere Close in the village ofHemingford Grey.[80][84] Major took on a less demanding job at Standard Chartered, and started working part-time in 1978 so that he could devote more time to his constituency duties.[84]
Major won the Huntingdon seat by a large margin in the1979 general election, which brought the Conservatives led byMargaret Thatcher to power.[85] He made hismaiden speech in the House of Commons on 13 June 1979, voicing his support for the government's budget.[86][87][88] Major assiduously courted contacts at all levels of the party in this period, joining the informal 'Guy Fawkes club' of Conservative MPs and attending variousCommittees.[89][90] He became Secretary of the Environment Committee and also assisted with work on theHousing Act 1980, which allowedcouncil house tenants theRight to Buy their homes.[91] At this time Major lived in De Vere Close, Hemingford Grey.
Major later became anassistant whip in January 1983, responsible for East Anglian MPs.[95][96] During this period Major became also involved in the response to protests atRAF Molesworth, which lay in his constituency; various peace groups were opposed to the siting ofcruise missiles at the base and had established a permanent 'peace camp' there. Major addressed public meetings opposed to the protesters, organised by parish councillors, and also metBill Westwood and separatelyMichael Heseltine to discuss the issue. The protesters were evicted in February 1984.[97][98]
Major comfortably won re-election to the now slightly enlarged seat ofHuntingdon at the1983 general election.[99][100] Shortly thereafter he and Norma moved to a larger house (Finings) inGreat Stukeley; Major generally spent his weekends there, and weekdays at a rented flat in Durand Gardens,Stockwell.[101] Major was invited to join the prestigious 'Blue Chip' group of rising stars in the Conservative Party,[102] and he was promoted to Treasury Whip in October 1984.[103][104] It was later revealed (in 2002) that during this period Major had conducted an affair withEdwina Currie, a Conservativebackbencher and laterParliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Health and Social Security; the affair ended in 1988.[105][106] Major narrowly avoided theIRA'sBrighton hotel bombing in October 1984, having left the hotel only a few hours before the bomb went off.[107] Also in this period, Major stood in for a Foreign Office minister on a trip to South America, visitingColombia,Peru andVenezuela.[107]
In September 1985, Major was madeParliamentary under-secretary of state for theDepartment of Health and Social Security (DHSS), before being promoted to becomeMinister of State in the same department in September 1986.[108][109] The large size of the DHSS granted Ministers a greater degree of responsibility than in other departments,[nb 7] with Major assisting with work on the Social Security Act 1986 and improving provision for disabled people.[111][112] Major began to gain a bigger profile, giving his first speech at the Conservative Party Conference in October 1986.[113][114] He first attracted major national media attention in January 1987 overcold weather payments to the elderly, when Britain was in the depths of a severe winter.[115][116] Amidst intense media criticism, Major discussed the issue with Margaret Thatcher and an increase in the payments was approved.[117][118]
Following the1987 general election, in which Major retained his seat with an increased majority,[119][120] he was promoted to theCabinet asChief Secretary to the Treasury, making him the first MP of the 1979 intake to reach the Cabinet.[121][122][nb 8] The then-ChancellorNigel Lawson generally made significant decisions with little input from others, and Major was put in charge of agreeing departmental budgets with theSecretaries of State.[123] These discussions went well, and for the first time in several years budgets were agreed without recourse to the external adjudication of the so-called 'Star Chamber'.[124][125] Major successfully concluded a second round of such spending reviews in July 1988.[126][127]
Whilst Chief Secretary Major took part in discussions over the future funding of theNHS, against the background of an NHS strike in February 1988 over pay, resulting in the 'Working for Patients'white paper and subsequentNational Health Service and Community Care Act 1990.[128][129] Major also insisted, in discussions with Thatcher, that government assistance should be provided to support the sale ofShort Brothers toBombardier, an aerospace company and major employer in Northern Ireland which might otherwise have collapsed.[130][131]
In 1987–1988, it became clear that Major had become a 'favourite' of Thatcher's and he was widely tipped for further promotion.[132] Nevertheless, Major's appointment toForeign Secretary in July 1989 came as a surprise due to his relative lack of experience in the Cabinet and unfamiliarity with international affairs.[133][134] Major found the prospect daunting, and unsuccessfully attempted to convince Thatcher to allow him to stay on at the Treasury.[133] There were also fears within theForeign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) that Major would be Thatcher's 'hatchet-man', as her relations with the department underGeoffrey Howe had been poor and characterised by mutual distrust.[135] Major accepted the job and began to settle into the department, living in an upstairs room at the FCO and devolving decision making where necessary, though he found the increased security burdensome and disliked the extensive ceremonial aspects of the role.[136][137]
Amongst Major's first acts as Foreign Secretary was to cancel the sale ofHawk aircraft toIraq, over concerns they would be used for internal repression.[138][139] He represented Britain at the Paris Peace Conference to determine the future ofCambodia.[140] Major also met with US secretary of stateJames Baker, with whom he primarily discussed the issue ofVietnamese boat people, and withQian Qichen,Foreign Minister of China, becoming the first senior Western politician to meet with a Chinese official since theviolent crackdown of pro-democracy protesters inTiananmen Square the previous month.[141][142] Discussions focused primarily on the future ofHong Kong, which Britain was scheduled to hand over to China in 1997.[139]
Major spent most of a summer holiday that year in Spain conducting extensive background reading on foreign affairs and British foreign policy.[143][144] Upon his return to the UK he and Thatcher met with French presidentFrançois Mitterrand, in which the future direction of theEuropean Community was discussed.[145] In September 1989, Major delivered a speech at theUnited Nations General Assembly, in which he pledged to support Colombia's effort to tackle the drugs trade and reiterated Britain's opposition to theapartheid regime in South Africa.[146][147] Major also met US presidentGeorge H. W. Bush in Washington, D.C.[148] andDomingo Cavallo, the Argentineforeign minister, the first such meeting since the end of theFalklands War seven years earlier.[149][139]
Major's last major summit as Foreign Secretary was theCommonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) inMalaysia. The meeting was dominated by the issue ofsanctions on South Africa, with Britain being the only country to oppose them, on the grounds that they would end up hurting poorer South Africans far more than the apartheid regime at which they were aimed.[150][151] The summit ended acrimoniously, with Thatcher controversially and against established precedent issuing a second final communiqué stating Britain's opposition to sanctions, with the press seizing on the apparent disagreement on the matter between Major and Thatcher.[152][151]
After just three months as Foreign Secretary Major was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer on 26 October 1989 following the sudden resignation ofNigel Lawson, who had fallen out with Thatcher over what he saw as her excessive reliance on the advice of her Economic AdviserAlan Walters.[153][154][155][nb 9] The appointment meant that, despite only being in the Cabinet for a little over two years, Major had gone from the most junior position in the Cabinet to holding two of theGreat Offices of State. Major made tackling inflation a priority, stating that tough measures were needed to bring it down and that "if it isn't hurting, it isn't working."[157][158] He delivered his firstAutumn Statement on 15 November, announcing a boost in spending (mainly for the NHS) and with interest rates to be kept as they were.[159][160]
As Chancellor, Major presented onlyone Budget, the first to be televised live, on 20 March 1990.[161] He publicised it as a 'budget for savers', with the creations of thetax-exempt special savings account (TESSA), arguing that measures were required to address the marked fall in the householdsavings ratio that had been apparent during the previousfinancial year. Major also abolished the composite rate tax andstamp duty on share trades, whilst increasing taxes on alcohol, cigarettes and petrol.[162][163] Tax cuts were also made which benefited football associations, the aim being to increase funding on safety measures following theBradford City stadium fire andHillsborough disaster.[164][161] Extra funding was also made available to Scotland in order to limit the impact of theCommunity Charge (widely dubbed the 'Poll Tax'), which had been introduced there that year.[165][161]
The European Community's push for fullEconomic and Monetary Union (EMU) was another important factor in Major's time as Chancellor; in June 1990 he proposed that instead of a single European currency there could instead be a 'hardECU',[nb 10] which different national currencies could compete against and, if the ECU was successful, could lead to a single currency.[167][168] The move was seen as a wrecking tactic by France and Germany, especially when the increasinglyEuro-sceptic Thatcher announced her outright opposition to EMU, and the idea was abandoned.[169] More successfully, Major managed to get the newEuropean Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) located in London.[170][171]
By early 1990, Major had become convinced that the best way to combat inflation and restore macroeconomic stability would be if the British pound were to join theEuropean Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), and he andDouglas Hurd (Major's successor as Foreign Secretary) set about trying to convince a reluctant Thatcher to join it.[172][173][174] The move was supported by theBank of England, the Treasury, most of the Cabinet, the Labour Party, several major business associations and much of the press.[175][176] With the 'Lawson Boom' showing signs of running out of steam, exacerbated by rising oil prices following Iraq'sinvasion of Kuwait in August 1990, there were fears of a potential recession and pressure to cut interest rates.[177][178] Thatcher finally agreed on 4 October, and Britain's entry into the ERM at a rate ofDM 2.95 to £1.00 (with an agreed 6% floating 'band' either side) was announced the following day.[179][180] An interest rate cut of 1% (from 15%) was also announced on the same day.[181][178]
The rest of Major's Chancellorship prior to the leadership contest was largely uneventful; he considered granting the Bank of England operational independence over monetary policy, with the ability to set interest rates, but decided against it.[182][nb 11] He also agreed a restructuring and write-off of someThird World debt at a Commonwealth Finance Ministers meeting inTrinidad and Tobago in September 1990.[184]
Opposition within the Conservative Party to Margaret Thatcher had been brewing for some time, focusing on what was seen as her brusque, imperious style and thepoll tax, which was facing serious opposition across the country. In December 1989, she had survived aleadership bid byAnthony Meyer; though she won easily, 60 MPs had not voted for her, and it was rumoured that many more had had to be strong-armed into supporting her.[185][186][187] By early 1990, it was clear that bills for many under the new poll tax regime would be higher than anticipated, and opposition to the Tax grew, with a non-payment campaign gaining much support and an anti-poll tax demonstration inTrafalgar Square in March ending inrioting.[188] The Conservatives lost the1990 Mid Staffordshire by-election to Labour and the1990 Eastbourne by-election to theLiberal Democrats, both Conservative seats, causing many Conservative MPs to worry about their prospects at the upcoming general election, due in 1991 or 1992.[189][190][191] Thatcher's staunch anti-European stance also alienated pro-Europe Conservatives.[192][178] On 1 November, the pro-European deputy prime ministerGeoffrey Howe resigned, issuing a fiercely critical broadside against Thatcher in the House of Commons on 13 November.[193][194][195]
The day after Howe's speechMichael Heseltine, Thatcher's formerSecretary of State for Defence who had acrimoniously resigned in 1986 over theWestland affair, challenged Thatcher for the leadership of the Conservative Party.[196][195] Both John Major and Foreign SecretaryDouglas Hurd supported Thatcher in the first round. Major was at home in Huntingdon recovering from a pre-arranged wisdom tooth operation during the first leadership ballot, which Thatcher won but not by the required threshold, necessitating a second round.[197][198] Following discussions with her cabinet, in which many stated that though supporting her they doubted she could win, Thatcher withdrew from the contest and announced that she would resign as prime minister once a new leader had been elected.[199] Major subsequently announced on 22 November that he would stand in the second ballot, with Thatcher's backing.[200][201] Major's platform was one of moderation on Europe, a review of the poll tax, and the desire to build a "classless society".[202][203]
Unlike in the first ballot, a candidate only required a simple majority of Conservative MPs to win, in this case 187 of 372 MPs. The ballot was held on the afternoon of 27 November; although Major obtained 185 votes, 2 votes short of an overall majority, he polled far enough ahead of both Hurd and Heseltine to secure their immediate withdrawal.[204][205] With no remaining challengers, Major was formally named Leader of the Conservative Party that evening and was duly appointed prime minister the following day.[206][207][208] At 47, he was the youngest prime minister sinceLord Rosebery some 95 years earlier.[209]
Prime Minister John Major and PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush participate in a press availability at Camp David
Major becameprime minister on 28 November 1990 when he acceptedthe Queen's invitation to form a government, succeedingMargaret Thatcher. He inherited amajority government from Margaret Thatcher who had been the prime minister for the previous eleven years. The Conservatives' popularity was low, with somepolling showingLabour'sNeil Kinnock with a 23% lead over the Tories in April 1990 following the introduction of the Community Charge (poll tax).[210] By the time of Major's appointment, Labour's lead had shrunk to 14%.[210] However, by 1991, the Conservatives had narrowly retaken Labour in the polls.[211]
Major's first ministry was dominated by theearly 1990s recession which was believed to be caused by high interest rates, falling house prices and an overvalued exchange rate.[212] The high interest rates led to more saving, less spending and less investment in the UK's sectors.[212] Falling house prices stalled construction in the housing sector. Economic growth was not re-established until early 1993.[213] By December 1991, unemployment was at 2.5 million (compared to 1.6 million 18 months earlier).[214] Additionally, inflation was in double digits and interest rates reached 15%.[215][216] However, opinion polling for Major's government remained stable during this period.
Prime Minister John Major and PresidentBill Clinton deliver press statements at the White House in 1993
On 10 March 1992, Chancellor of the ExchequerNorman Lamont delivered his budget speech to the House of Commons, which included tax cuts widely perceived to achieve votes at the forthcoming general election. The next day, as universally expected, Major calledan election for 9 April. To the surprise of many pollsters, the Conservatives won a majority at the 9 April election, with 336 seats, and earning 41.9% of the vote.[217][218] With a high turnout, the Conservatives earned over 14 million votes which remains a record in any UK general election.[219] This was the Conservatives' fourth consecutive election victory.Neil Kinnock was replaced byJohn Smith as Labour leader andLeader of the Opposition in 1992.[220]
On 16 September 1992, thepound sterling crashed out of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism after the Chancellor of the ExchequerNorman Lamont had invested heavily in trying to keep it there, adjusting interest rates four times in one day.[221] This event would later be calledBlack Wednesday. Despite the recession finally ending in 1993, the Conservatives' popularity did not improve. Major's second ministry was also defined by conflicts within the Conservative Party regardingEurope following the government's defeat on theMaastricht Treaty.[222][223]
Major and Clinton at the White House in 1994
On 12 May 1994, John Smith died from a heart attack and was replaced byTony Blair who continued Labour's modernisation under the slogan of "New Labour".[224] Some polling at the end of 1994 and the start of 1995 had Labour with a vote share of over 60%. The Tories remained divided over this era and in an attempt to silence his critics, Major resigned as Party leader. In theleadership election, Major comfortably beatJohn Redwood in June 1995.[225] Following a string of by-election defeats, the Conservatives' majority of 21 had been eroded by 13 December 1996.[226]
In the1997 election on 1 May 1997, Labour won a 179-seat majority, ending their eighteen years in opposition.[227] This was the worst general election result since the First World War at the time for the Conservatives (the Conservatives would suffer a much larger defeat 27 years later in2024), seeing the loss of all the party's seats in Wales and Scotland. On the morning of 2 May 1997, on his final departure from Downing Street to offer his resignation toQueen Elizabeth II, Major announced his intention to step down as leader of the Conservative Party, stating in his exit speech that "when the curtain falls, it's time to get off the stage". He was succeeded as prime minister byTony Blair.
Major talks with Lieutenant General Michael Walker in 1996
Speculation over Major's leadership had continued since his re-election in 1995, and intensified as it became increasingly likely that the Conservatives would suffer a landslide defeat in the upcoming general election. During this period,Michael Portillo had frequently been touted as the favourite to replace Major, butlost his seat in the election, thus eliminating him from the running. Although many Conservative MPs wanted Major to resign as leader immediately because of the 1997 election loss, there was a movement among the grassroots of the party, encouraged by his political allies, to have him stay on as leader until the autumn.Lord Cranborne, his chief of staff during the election, and the chief whip,Alastair Goodlad, both pleaded with him to stay on: they argued that remaining as leader for a few months would give the party time to come to terms with the scale of defeat before electing a successor.[228] Major refused, saying: "It would be terrible, because I would be presiding with no authority over a number of candidates fighting for the crown. It would merely prolong the agony."[229]
Major'sResignation Honours were announced on 1 August 1997.[234] He remained active in Parliament, regularly attending and contributing in debates.[235] He stood down from the House of Commons at the2001 general election, having announced his retirement from Parliament on 10 March 2000.[236]Jonathan Djanogly took over as MP for Huntingdon, retaining the seat for the Conservatives at the 2001 election.[237]
Like some post-war former prime ministers (such asEdward Heath), Major turned down apeerage when he retired from the House of Commons in 2001. He said that he wanted a "firebreak from politics" and to focus on writing and his business, sporting and charity work.[238]
Major has further explored his love of cricket as President ofSurrey County Cricket Club from 2000 to 2001[244] (and Honorary Life Vice-president since 2002).[245] In March 2001 he gave the tribute to cricketerColin Cowdrey at his memorial service inWestminster Abbey.[246] In 2005 he was elected to the Committee of theMarylebone Cricket Club, historically the governing body of the sport, and still guardian of the laws of the game. Major left the committee in 2011, citing concerns with the planned redevelopment ofLord's Cricket Ground.[247][248]
John Major has also been actively engaged in charity work, being President ofAsthma UK,[249] and a Patron of the Prostate Cancer Charity,Sightsavers UK,Mercy Ships, Support for Africa 2000,[249] Afghan Heroes,[250] and Consortium for Street Children.[251] In February 2012, Major became chairman of the Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Trust,[252] which was formed as part of theDiamond Jubilee of Elizabeth II and is intended to support charitable organisations and projects across theCommonwealth, focusing on areas such as cures for diseases and the promotion of culture and education.[252] Major was a Patron of the sight loss and learning disability charitySeeAbility from 2006 to 2012 and has been a vice-president since 2013.[253]
Major has also pursued a variety of business interests, taking up appointments as senior adviser toCredit Suisse,[254][255] chairman of the board of senior advisers atGlobal Infrastructure Partners,[249][255] Global Adviser toAECOM,[255] Chairman of the International Advisory Board of theNational Bank of Kuwait,[249] and Chairman of the European Advisory Council of theEmerson Electric Company.[249][256] He was a member ofthe Carlyle Group's European Advisory Board from 1998 and was appointed Chairman of Carlyle Europe in May 2001.[257][258][259] He stood down from the Group circa 2004–05.[256][260] Major was also a director at the bus manufacturers the Mayflower Corporation from 2000 to 2003, which was liquidated in 2004 due to funding issues.[261][262]
In 1993 Major sued two magazines,New Statesman and Society andScallywag, as well as their distributors, for reporting rumours of an affair with Clare Latimer, a Downing Street caterer, even though at least one of the magazines had said that the rumours were false. The allegations of an affair with Latimer were indeed proven false. However, an affair with Edwina Currie came out a decade later and both of these publications considered legal action to recover their costs when that happened.[268][269]
In September 2002, it was revealed that, prior to his elevation to the Cabinet, Major had had a four-year-longextramarital affair withEdwina Currie, from 1984 to 1988.[270][271] Commentators were quick to refer to Major's previous 'Back to Basics' platform to throw charges of hypocrisy at him. An obituary ofTony Newton inThe Daily Telegraph claimed that if Newton had not kept the affair a closely guarded secret, "it is highly unlikely that Major would have become prime minister".[272] In a press statement, Major said that he was "ashamed" by the affair and that his wife had forgiven him. In response, Currie said "he wasn't ashamed of it at the time and he wanted it to continue."[273] The affair was the subject of a 2004 theatre play[274] and a 2022 TV documentary byChannel 5.[275][276]
Major has become an active after-dinner speaker, earning over £25,000 per engagement for his "insights and his own opinions" on politics and other matters according to his agency.[277] Major is also actively involved in variousthink tanks: he is the chair of the Panel of senior advisers atChatham House (having previously served as a president of Chatham House),[249] a member of the International Advisory Boards of thePeres Center for Peace in Israel,[249] theInterAction Council,[249] theBaker Institute in Houston,[278] and a Patron of the Atlantic Partnership.[249][278] Major was also a director with theDitchley Foundation from 2000 to 2009,[261][279] and a president of the influential centre-right think tank theBow Group from 2012 to 2014.[280]
In February 2005, it was reported that Major and Norman Lamont delayed the release of papers on Black Wednesday under theFreedom of Information Act.[281] Major denied doing so, saying that he had not heard of the request until the scheduled release date and had merely asked to look at the papers himself.[282] He toldBBC News that he and Lamont had been the victims of "whispering voices" to the press.[283] He later publicly approved the release of the papers.[284]
In December 2006, Major led calls for an independent inquiry into Blair's decision toinvade Iraq, following revelations made byCarne Ross, a former British senior diplomat, that contradicted Blair's case for the invasion.[285]
He was touted as a possible Conservative candidate for theMayor of London elections in 2008, but turned down an offer from the Leader of the Conservatives at the time,David Cameron. A spokesperson for Major said "his political career is behind him".[286]
Major delivering a speech at The Role of the Nation State in Addressing Global Challenges in 2014
Following the 2010 general election, Major announced his support for theCameron–Clegg coalition, and stated that he hoped for a "liberal conservative" alliance beyond 2015, criticising Labour underEd Miliband for playing "party games" rather than serving the national interest.[287][288] Nevertheless, in 2013 Major expressed his concern at the seeming decline insocial mobility in Britain: "In every single sphere of British influence, the upper echelons of power in 2013 are held overwhelmingly by the privately educated or the affluent middle class. To me, from my background, I find that truly shocking."[289][290]
During the2014 Scottish independence referendum Major strongly encouraged a "No" vote, stating that a vote for independence would be damaging both for Scotland and the rest of the UK. This was similar to his stance on devolution in Scotland before referendums were held on the subject both there and in Wales in 1997.[291][292]
Major was a vocal supporter for the Remain campaign in the2016 referendum on British membership of the European Union. Major supported asecond referendum overBrexit, stating that the leave campaign put out a "fantasy case" during the referendum campaign, adding that to describe a second vote as undemocratic was "a rather curious proposition" and that he could see no "intellectual argument" against redoing the ballot.[293] Major feared Brexit would make the UK poorer and could endanger the peace settlement in Northern Ireland.[294]
On 30 August 2019, it was announced that Major intended to joina court case by Gina Miller against theproroguing of Parliament by the prime minister at the time,Boris Johnson.[295] In the2019 general election Major urged voters to vote tactically against candidates supportingBoris Johnson when those candidates wanted a hard Brexit. Major said Brexit is, "the worst foreign policy decision in my lifetime. It will affect nearly every single aspect of our lives for many decades to come. It will make our country poorer and weaker. It will hurt most those who have least. Never have the stakes been higher, especially for the young. Brexit may even break up our historic United Kingdom."[296] In early 2020, after the UK formally left the EU withan initial deal, Major expressed his concerns about a future trading deal with the EU being "flimsy".[297]
In February 2022, Major made a speech at theInstitute for Government think-tank in London, in which he criticised Johnson over thePartygate scandal, suggesting that he ought to resign, and also the proposed policy for those seeking asylum which he called "un-British".[298] In July 2022, immediately following Johnson's announcement he intended to resign as prime minister but would stay until a successor was chosen, Major called for Johnson's immediate replacement and removal "for the overall wellbeing of the country".[299]
In February 2023, Major made a speech at theNorthern Ireland Affairs Select Committee, where he said that Brexit was "a colossal mistake" and that Johnson agreed to the Brexit protocol knowing it was "a mess".[300][301]
Bust of Major byShenda Amery in Huntingdon Library
Major's mild-mannered style and moderate political stance contrasted with that of Thatcher and made him theoretically well placed to act as a conciliatory and relatively uncontroversial leader of his party. In spite of that, conflict raged within the parliamentary Conservative Party, particularly over the extent of Britain's integration with the European Union. Major never succeeded in reconciling the ‘Euro-rebels’ among his MPs to his European policy, who, although relatively few in number, wielded great influence because of his small majority and their wider following among Conservative activists and voters.[302] Episodes such as the Maastricht Rebellion, led byBill Cash and Margaret Thatcher, inflicted serious political damage on him and his government. The additional bitterness on theright wing of the Conservative Party at the manner in which Margaret Thatcher had been deposed did not make Major's task any easier, with many viewing him as a weak and vacillating leader.[302] Ongoing sleaze-related scandals among leading Conservative MPs did Major and his government no favours either, decreasing support for the party amongst the public.
His task became even more difficult after the election in 1994 of the modernist and highly media-savvy Tony Blair asLabour leader, who mercilessly exploited Conservative divisions whilst shifting Labour to the centre, thus being perceived by some as making it much more electable.[303] Whilst few observers doubted that Major was an honest and decent man, or that he made sincere and sometimes successful attempts to improve life in Britain and to unite his deeply divided party, he was also perceived as a weak and ineffectual figure, and his approval ratings for most of his time in office were low, particularly after ‘Black Wednesday’ in September 1992, which destroyed the Conservatives' reputation for effective economic management.[304]
Major defended his government in his memoirs, focusing particularly on how under him the British economy had recovered from the recession of 1990–1993. He wrote that "during my premiership interest rates fell from 14% to 6%; unemployment was at 1.75 million when I took office, and at 1.6 million and falling upon my departure; and the government's annual borrowing rose from £0.5 billion to nearly £46 billion at its peak before falling to £1 billion".[305] Major's ChancellorKen Clarke stated in 2016 that Major's reputation looked better as time went by, in contrast to that of Tony Blair's which appeared to be in decline.[306]Paddy Ashdown, theLeader of the Liberal Democrats during Major's term of office, was more sympathetic, writing in 2017 that Major was "one of the most honest, brave and sincere men to ever be Prime Minister" and that his time in office compares favourably with that of his successor Tony Blair.[307]
Writing shortly after he left office, the historian and journalistPaul Johnson wrote that Major was "a hopeless leader" who "should never have been Prime Minister".[308] The sentiments echoed that of much of the press at the time, which was generally hostile to Major, especially after Black Wednesday. The journalistPeter Oborne was one such figure, though writing in 2017 he stated that he now regrets his negative reporting, stating that he himself and the press in general were "grossly unfair to Major" and that this was motivated at least in part by snobbery at Major's humble upbringing.[309] In 2012 Oborne had written that Major's government looks ever more successful as time goes by.[310] Oborne singled out Major's achievements in the Northern Irish peace process, boosting the economy, keeping Britain out of the Eurozone, and his reforms of public services as being worthy of praise.[311] Others remain unconvinced, however, and, writing in 2011, the BBC's Home editorMark Easton judged that "Majorism" had made little lasting impact.[312]
In academic circles Major's legacy has generally been better received. Mark Stuart, writing in 2017, stated that Major is "the best ex-Prime Minister we have ever had", praising him for initiating the Northern Ireland peace process, peacefully handing Hong Kong back to China, creating theNational Lottery and leaving a sound economy to Labour in 1997.[313]Dennis Kavanagh likewise states that Major did relatively well considering the unbridgeable divides that existed in the Conservative Party in the 1990s, chiefly over Europe, whilst also delivering economic growth, a more user-focused public sector and the basis of peace settlement in Northern Ireland.[314] He also notes that Major's unexpected 1992 election victory effectively sealed in the Thatcher-era reforms and forced the Labour Party to ditch most of its more socialist-tinged policies, thereby permanently shifting the British political landscape to the centre ground.[314] Anthony Seldon largely agrees with this assessment, adding that Major's deep dislike of discrimination contributed to the continuing decline in racism andhomophobia in British society, and that his proactive foreign policy stance maintained Britain's influence in the world at a time of profound global change.[315] He also notes that Major faced a deeply unfavourable set of circumstances: most of the obvious and pressing Conservative reforms (e.g. reining in the power of trade unions and privatising failing industries) had already been completed under Thatcher, the swift nature of his rise to power left him little time to formulate policy positions and upon becoming prime minister he was immediately thrust into having to deal with theGulf War and a major recession. Furthermore, the narrow majority achieved after the 1992 election left him exposed to internal Conservative rebellions, which only worsened as time went by, abetted by a hostile press, as it became clear the Conservatives would lose the next election.[316] Seldon concludes that "Major was neither non-entity nor failure. His will be judged an important if unruly premiership at the end of the Conservative century, completing some parts of an earlier agenda while in some key respects helping to define a Conservatism for the 21st century."[317] Seldon reiterated these views in his contribution to the 2017 volumeJohn Major: An Unsuccessful Prime Minister?[318]
Political historian Robert Taylor, in his 2006biography of Major, concurs with many of these points, summing up that "In the perspective provided by the years of New Labour government since May 1997, John Major's record as Prime Minister looked much better than his many critics liked to suggest... Britain's most extraordinary Conservative Prime Minister bequeathed an important legacy to this party and his country to build on. One day both yet may come to recognise and appreciate it."[319] Noted political historianDick Leonard, however, writing in 2004, was more harsh in his assessment, concluding that Major was "A man of evident decent instincts, but limited abilities: as Prime Minister he pushed these abilities to the limit. It was not enough."[320]
During his leadership of the Conservative Party, Major was portrayed as honest ("Honest John")[321][322] but unable to exert effective control over his fractious party. However, his polite, easy-going manner was initially well received by both his supporters and his critics.[323] Major's appearance was noted for its greyness, his prodigiousphiltrum, and large glasses, all of which were exaggerated in caricatures. For example, inSpitting Image, Major's puppet was changed from a circus performer to that of a literally grey man who ate dinner with his wife in silence, occasionally saying "nice peas, dear", while at the same time nursing an unrequited crush on his colleagueVirginia Bottomley – an invention, but an ironic one in view of his affair with Edwina Currie, which was not then a matter of public knowledge. By the end of his premiership his puppet would often be shown observing the latest fiasco and ineffectually murmuring "oh dear".[324][325] Long-standing Conservative MP Enoch Powell, when asked about Major, stated "I simply find myself asking – does he really exist?",[326] whereas Labour'sAlastair Campbell dismissed him as a "piece of lettuce that passes for prime minister"[327] and Labour MPTony Banks said of Major in 1994 that, "He was a fairly competent Chairman of Housing on Lambeth Council. Every time he gets up now I keep thinking, 'What on earth is Councillor Major doing?' I can't believe he's here and sometimes I think he can't either."[328]
The media (particularlyThe Guardian cartoonistSteve Bell) used the allegation by Alastair Campbell that he had observed Major tucking his shirt into his underpants tocaricature him wearing his pants outside his trousers,[329] as a pale grey echo of bothSuperman andSupermac, a parody of Harold Macmillan.[330][331] Bell also used the humorous possibilities of theCones Hotline, a means for the public to inform the authorities of potentially unnecessarytraffic cones, which was part of theCitizen's Charter project established by John Major. Major was also satirised by Patrick Wright with his book101 Uses for a John Major (based on a comic book of some 10 years earlier called101 Uses for a Dead Cat), in which Major was illustrated serving a number of bizarre purposes, such as a train-spotter's anorak or as a flag-pole.[332][333][334]
Private Eye parodiedSue Townsend'sThe Secret Diary ofAdrian Mole, age 13¾ to run a regular columnThe Secret Diary of John Major, age 47¾, in which Major was portrayed as naïve and childish, keeping lists of his enemies in a Rymans Notebook called his "Bastards Book", and featuring "my wife Norman" and "Mr Dr Mawhinney" asrecurring characters.[335][331] The magazine still runs one-off specials of this diary (with the age updated) on occasions when Major is in the news, such as on the breaking of the Edwina Currie story or the publication of his autobiography.
The impressionist comedianRory Bremner often mocked John Major, for example depicting him as 'John 90', a play on 1960s puppet showJoe 90;[336][337] his impersonation was so accurate that he managed to fool the MPRichard Body that he was really speaking to Major in aprank phone call.[338] The incident promptedCabinet SecretaryRobin Butler to warn Channel 4 headMichael Grade against any further calls for fear that state secrets could be inadvertently leaked.[339]
Major was often mocked for his nostalgic evocation of what sounded like the lost Britain of the 1950s(seeMerry England);[340] for example, his famous speech stating that "Fifty years from now Britain will still be the country of long shadows on county grounds, warm beer, invincible green suburbs, dog lovers and pools fillers and – as George Orwell said – 'old maids bicycling to Holy Communion through the morning mist'."[341] Major complained in his memoirs that these words (which drew upon a passage inGeorge Orwell's essayThe Lion and the Unicorn)[342] had been misrepresented as being more naive and romantic than he had intended, and indeed his memoirs were dismissive of the common conservative viewpoint that there was once a time of moral rectitude; Major wrote that "life has never been as simple as that". Throughout his time in office Major was often acutely sensitive to criticism of him in the press; his biographer Anthony Seldon posits this to an inner vulnerability stemming from his difficult childhood and adolescence.[324] After leaving office, Major stated that "Perhaps up to a point I was too sensitive about some of the things in the press, I'm happy to concede that. But, the politicians who are said to have hides like rhinos and be utterly impervious to criticism, if they're not extinct, they are very rare and I freely confess I wasn't amongst them."[343]
Major was portrayed byJonny Lee Miller in thefifth season ofThe Crown in 2022. Major called the series a "barrel-load of nonsense" for a fictitious storyline in which the thenPrince Charles lobbies Major in 1991, attempting to oust Queen Elizabeth II from power.Netflix defended the series as a "fictional dramatisation".[349]
In April 1992 John Major, in a nod to his occasional nostalgic descriptions of a relatively lowly background for a Conservative leader, was humorously depicted as a youth running away from a tediously dull life in the circus in order to train as an accountant. The Comic Strip Presents The Red Nose of Courage, a one hour television profile of Major, had the memorable scene of the then Prime Minister trying to explain to his unconvinced fatherAlexi Sayle the Circus boss that he was unable to muck out Jumbo the Elephant and the other circus animals the previous night because of an international summit with the USA and Russia. The show was broadly sympathetic to John Major despite the heavy satire.
Major married Norma Johnson (nowDame Norma Major) on 3 October 1970 at St Matthew's Church, Brixton.[350][63][64] She was a teacher and a member of the Young Conservatives. They met onpolling day for theGreater London Council elections in London, and became engaged after only ten days.[351] They have two children: a daughter, Elizabeth (born November 1971)[69][70] and a son, James (b. January 1975).[71] They continue to live at their constituency home, Finings, inGreat Stukeley, Huntingdonshire.[259] They also own a flat in London and aholiday home on theNorfolk coast atWeybourne, which they have in the past invited ex-soldiers to use for free as part of the Afghan Heroes charity.[259][250][352] As with all former prime ministers, Major is entitled to round-the-clock police protection.[353][354]
Major's daughter, Elizabeth Major, a veterinary nurse, married Luke Salter on 26 March 2000 at All Saints' Church,Somerby, having been in a relationship with him since 1988.[355][356] Salter died on 22 November 2002 from cancer.[357] His son, James Major, a former retail manager and nightclub promoter, married gameshow hostessEmma Noble on 29 March 1999 in the Chapel Crypt at Westminster Abbey.[356][358] They had a son, Harrison, born July 2000, who was later diagnosed withautism.[359] The marriage ended in an acrimonious divorce in 2003, with Noble accusing Major of "unreasonable behaviour".[360] James later married Kate Postlethwaite (née Dorrell), the mother of his second son.
Major's elder brother,Terry, who died in 2007, became a minor media personality during Major's period in Downing Street, writing a 1994 autobiography,Major Major: Memories of an Older Brother, and appearing on TV shows such asHave I Got News for You.[361][362] John's sister, Patricia Dessoy, kept a much lower profile; she died in 2017.[363] After leaving office Major became aware that his father fathered two half-siblings extramaritally: Tom Moss and Kathleen Lemmon.[364][365][366]
Research conducted by Paul Penn-Simkins, a genealogist formerly employed as a researcher at theCollege of Arms and as a heraldic consultant atChristie's, and subsequently corroborated by Lynda Rippin, a genealogist employed by Lincolnshire Council, showed that John Major and Margaret Thatcher were fifth cousins once removed, both descending from the Crust family, who farmed at Leake, nearBoston, Lincolnshire.[367][368][369][370][371]
Major has been keen on sports since his youth, most notably cricket;[372] he is also a supporter ofChelsea F.C.[373][374] and a Patron ofBritish Gymnastics.[375] He also enjoys gardening, listening to music and reading,Anthony Trollope being among his favourite authors.[376][377] Major is aChristian, though his upbringing was never especially religious and he states that he is "a believer at a distance".[378] He shied away from the topic when in office, stating that "I have always been a little wary of politicians who parade their faith, and prefer a little English reserve on the subject."[379]
On 20 June 2008, Major was granted the Freedom of theCity of Cork.[382][383] He was also granted the Outstanding Contribution to Ireland award inDublin on 4 December 2014.[384][385]
On 8 May 2012, Major was personally decorated at theImperial Palace in Tokyo by theEmperor of Japan with the Grand Cordon of theOrder of the Rising Sun in recognition of his invaluable contributions toJapan–UK relations through his work in the political and economic arena, and also in promoting mutual understanding. While prime minister, Major had pursued energetic campaigns aimed at boosting bilateral trade: "Priority Japan" (1991–1994) and "Action Japan" (1994–1997). The 1991 Japan Festival also took place under his premiership.[386] He was awarded theHonorary Degree ofDoctor of Laws (LL.D) byQueen's University Belfast on 10 November 2023.[387]
A large bust of John Major byShenda Amery in Huntingdon Library was unveiled by his wife, Norma, in 1993.[396]
A painting of John Major by Diccon Swan is on display at theCarlton Club, and was unveiled by his wife Norma in 1994.[397][398] TheNational Portrait Gallery holds two paintings of Major – the first official portrait of him as prime minister, painted by Peter Deighan in 1994,[399][400] and one of John and Norma byJohn Wonnacott, painted in 1997.[401]
There is a large John Major Suite atThe Oval, home to Surrey County Cricket Club; the venue also contains a painting of Major.[402]
There is a 'Heritage in Sutton' plaque on St Helier Hospital, where John Major was born in 1943,[403] and a plaque commemorating him inArchbishop's Park next toLambeth Palace, included as part of the Lambeth Millennium Pathway. There are also various plaques commemorating facilities opened by John Major: at Brampton Memorial Centre,Brampton (opened 1988),[404]Hamerton Zoo Park, Hamerton (1990),[405]Cadbury World, Birmingham (1991),[406] a tree commemorating the restoration of the River Mill pub,Eaton Socon,[407] the gardens at Hinchingbrooke Hospital, Huntingdon (2009),[408] the North Terminal extension atGatwick Airport (2011),[409] Huntingdonshire Football Association headquarters, Huntingdon (2015),[410] andAlconbury Weald cricket pitch (2019).[411]
In 2013, the town ofCandeleda in Spain named a street after John Major (Avenida de John Major), since Major has holidayed there for many years.[412][413] Major Close, inLoughborough Junction near where John grew up, is also named after him; the street was to be called 'Sir John Major Close' but this long name breached council guidelines.[414]
Intype theory,heterogeneous equality, that is, a form of equality predicate defined for pairs of elements of arbitrary type, not just from the same type, is sometimes referred to asJohn Major's equality (JMeq), followingConor McBride:[415]
John Major's 'classless society' widened people's aspirations to equality, but also the gap between rich and poor. After all, aspiring to be equal to others than oneself is the politics of envy. In much the same way, forms equations between members of any type, but they cannot be treated as equals (ie substituted) unless they are of the same type. Just as before, each thing is only equal to itself.
A Demi-stag Gules attired and unguled Or langued Azure holding between its forelegs a double-warded Key Or wards 'M' upwards and ribboned Gules Azure and Argent[416]
Escutcheon
Chequy Vert and Azure over all a Portcullis Or in chief three Torteaux Gules[417]
^He was christened "John Roy Major" but only "John Major" was recorded on hisbirth certificate;[1][2] he used his middle name until the early 1980s.[3]
^John also had two other half-siblings from his father's affairs which he was not to learn of until much later.[10]
^Tom Major had planned to move the family toCanada in his retirement, but his immigration application was rejected due to his failing eyesight.[18]
^Major was later to learn that the flat was in fact owned by his half-brother Tom Moss.[21]
^In the 1999 BBC documentaryThe Major Years, Major can be seen getting visibly upset when recalling this episode.[27]
^Major was later to express regret for his support for large-scale tower block estates. In April 1992 Labour-run Lambeth Council rebuffed plans for a plaque commemorating Major in the borough, stating that there was already "sufficient monument to John Major in the form of the Stockwell Park and Moorlands Estates".[57]
^The department was later split into two separate ministries for Health and Social Security in 1988.[110]
^The European Currency Unit was a notional unit of account based on a weighted 'basket' of major European currencies. It was replaced with the physical Euro currency in 1999.[166]
^This was later enacted under Labour ChancellorGordon Brown in 1998.[183]
^Ashdown, Paddy (2017). "19. A View from the Centre". In Hickson, Kevin; Williams, Ben (eds.).John Major – An Unsuccessful Prime Minister? Reappraising John Major. Biteback Publishing. p. 309.ISBN978-1-785-90271-0.
^Oborne, Peter (2017). "Foreword". In Hickson, Kevin; Williams, Ben (eds.).John Major – An Unsuccessful Prime Minister? Reappraising John Major. Biteback Publishing. p. xi.ISBN978-1-785-90271-0.
^Oborne, Peter (2017). "Foreword". In Hickson, Kevin; Williams, Ben (eds.).John Major – An Unsuccessful Prime Minister? Reappraising John Major. Biteback Publishing. pp. xiii–xiv.ISBN978-1-785-90271-0.
^Easton, Mark (11 July 2011)."Introducing Cameronism".BBC News UK. Retrieved11 July 2011.Majorism andBrownism are unconvincing stubs. History appears to have decided they may have re-upholstered the settee and scattered a few cushions but they didn't alter thefeng shui of the room.
^Seldon, Anthony (2017). "22. An Overall Assessment". In Hickson, Kevin; Williams, Ben (eds.).John Major – An Unsuccessful Prime Minister? Reappraising John Major. Biteback Publishing. pp. 325–39.ISBN978-1-785-90271-0.
^Taylor, Robert (2006).20 British Prime Ministers of the 20th century – Major. Haus Publishing. pp. 115, 126.ISBN978-1-904-95072-1.
^Leonard, Dick (2004).A Century of Premiers: Salisbury to Blair. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 341.ISBN978-0-230-51150-7.
^Bryant, Nick (4 March 2010)."Uses for a former PM".BBC. Retrieved11 November 2025.Private Eye, the British satirical magazine, used to run a series called "101 uses for a John Major", a hilarious collection of cartoons which was modelled on "101 uses for a dead cat".
Anderson, Bruce (1991).John Major: The Making of the Prime Minister. Fourth Estate Classic House.ISBN978-1-872180-54-0.
Bale, Tim; Sanders, Karen (2001). "'Playing by the Book': Success and Failure in John Major's Approach to Prime Ministerial Media Management".Contemporary British History.15 (4):93–110.doi:10.1080/713999434.S2CID144521737.
Bell, David S., Erwin C. Hargrove, and Kevin Theakston. "Skill in context: A comparison of politicians."Presidential Studies Quarterly 29.3 (1999): 528–548; comparison of John Major with George H.W. Bush (US), andJacques Chirac (France).
Burnham, June; Jones, G. W.; Elgie, Robert (1995). "The Parliamentary Activity of John Major, 1990–94".British Journal of Political Science.25 (4):551–63.doi:10.1017/S0007123400007341.S2CID154948468.
Cowley, Philip; Garry, John (1998). "The British Conservative Party and Europe: the choosing of John Major".British Journal of Political Science.28 (3):473–99.doi:10.1017/S0007123498000350.
Critchley, Julian; Halcrow, Morrison (1997).Collapse of Stout Party: The Decline and Fall of the Tories. Victor Gollancz.ISBN978-0-5750-6277-1.
Dell, Edmund (1996).The Chancellors: A History of the Chancellors of the Exchequer, 1945–90. HarperCollins. pp. 541–50.ISBN978-0-00-255558-6., covers his term as Chancellor.
Dorey, Peter, ed. (1999).The Major Premiership: Politics and Policies under John Major, 1990–97. Macmillan.ISBN978-0-333-73681-4.
Ellis, Nesta Wyn (1991).John Major: A Personal Biography. Time Warner Books UK.ISBN978-0-356-20304-1.
Foley, Michael (2003).John Major, Tony Blair & a Conflict of Leadership: Collision Course. Manchester University Press.ISBN978-0-7190-6316-9.
Hickson, Kevin; Williams, Ben (2017).John Major: An Unsuccessful Prime Minister?: Reappraising John Major. Biteback Publishing.ISBN978-1-78590-067-9.
Hogg, Sarah; Hill, Jonathan (1995).Too Close to Call: Power and Politics; John Major in No. 10. Little, Brown.ISBN978-0-316-87716-9.
Jones, Philip; Hudson, John (1996). "The Quality of Political Leadership: A case study of John Major".British Journal of Political Science.26 (2):229–44.doi:10.1017/S0007123400000430.S2CID153794499.
Junor, Penny (1996).John Major: From Brixton to Downing Street. Penguin Books Ltd.ISBN978-0-14-023874-7.
Kavanagh, Dennis; Seldon, Anthony, eds. (1994).The Major Effect: An Overview of John Major's Premiership. Pan Books, Ltd.ISBN978-0-333-62273-5.
Pearce, Edward (1991).The Quiet Rise of John Major. Weidenfeld & Nicolson.ISBN978-0-297-81208-1.
Reitan, Earl A. (2002).The Thatcher Revolution: Margaret Thatcher, John Major, Tony Blair, and the Transformation of Modern Britain. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.ISBN978-0-7425-2202-2.
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