Johan Galtung | |
|---|---|
 Galtung in 2012 | |
| Born | Johan Vincent Galtung (1930-10-24)24 October 1930 Oslo, Norway |
| Died | 17 February 2024(2024-02-17) (aged 93) Stabekk Helsehus og Hospice, Baerum, Norway |
| Alma mater | University of Oslo |
| Known for | Principal founder ofpeace and conflict studies |
| Spouses | |
| Children | 4 |
| Awards | Right Livelihood Award (1987) |
| Scientific career | |
| Fields | Sociology,peace and conflict studies |
| Institutions | Columbia University University of Oslo Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) |
| Founder and Director ofPeace Research Institute Oslo | |
| In office 1959–1969 | |
| Succeeded by | Asbjørn Eide |
Johan Vincent Galtung (24 October 1930 – 17 February 2024) was a Norwegiansociologist and the principal founder of the discipline ofpeace and conflict studies.[1] He was the main founder of thePeace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) in 1959 and was its first director until 1970. He also established theJournal of Peace Research in 1964.
In 1969, he was appointed to the world's firstchair in peace and conflict studies, at theUniversity of Oslo. He resigned his Oslo professorship in 1977 and thereafter held professorships at several other universities; from 1993 to 2000 he taught as Distinguished Professor of Peace Studies at theUniversity of Hawaiʻi. He was theTun Mahathir Professor of Global Peace at theInternational Islamic University Malaysia until 2015.[2]
Galtung was born inOslo. He earned thecand. real.[3] degree in mathematics at theUniversity of Oslo in 1956, and a year later completed themag. art. (PhD)[3] degree in sociology at the same university.[4] Galtung received the first of thirteenhonorary doctorates in 1975.[5]
Galtung's father and paternal grandfather were bothphysicians. The Galtung name has its origins inHordaland, where his paternal grandfather was born. Nevertheless, his mother, Helga Holmboe, was born in central Norway, inTrøndelag, while his father was born inØstfold, in the south. Galtung was married twice, and had two children by his first wifeIngrid Eide, Harald Galtung and Andreas Galtung, and two by his second wife Fumiko Nishimura, Irene Galtung and Fredrik Galtung.[6]
Galtung experiencedWorld War II in German-occupied Norway, and as a 12-year-old saw his father arrested by theNazis. By 1951, he was already a committed peace mediator, and elected to do 18 months of social service in place of his obligatory military service. After 12 months, Galtung insisted that the remainder of his social service be spent in activities relevant to peace.[7]When the Norwegian government refused, he willingly accepted to spend six months in prison.[8][9]
Galtung died in Stabekk Helsehus og Hospice, Baerum, Norway, on 17 February 2024, at the age of 93.[10]
Upon receiving his mag. art. degree, Galtung moved toColumbia University, in New York City, where he taught for five semesters as an assistant professor in the department of sociology.[7] In 1959, Galtung returned to Oslo, where he founded thePeace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). He was the institute's director until 1969.[11]
In 1964, Galtung led PRIO to establish the first academic journal devoted to Peace Studies: theJournal of Peace Research.[11] In the same year, he assisted in the founding of theInternational Peace Research Association.[12] In 1969, he left PRIO for a position as professor of peace and conflict research at theUniversity of Oslo, a position he held until 1978.[11]
Galtung was the director general of the International University Centre inDubrovnik and helped to found and lead the World Future Studies Federation.[13][14] He has held visiting positions at other universities, includingSantiago, Chile, theUnited Nations University inGeneva,Witten/Herdecke University[15] in Germany, and atColumbia University,Princeton University and theUniversity of Hawaiʻi in the United States.[16] In 2014, he was appointed the first Tun Mahathir Professor of Global Peace at theInternational Islamic University Malaysia.[17]
Economist and fellow peace researcherKenneth Boulding has said of Galtung that his "output is so large and so varied that it is hard to believe that it comes from a human".[18] He was a member of theNorwegian Academy of Science and Letters.[19]
In 1993, he co-founded TRANSCEND: A Peace Development Environment Network.[20][21] In 1987, he was given theRight Livelihood Award.
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In Galtung's 1969 paper, "Violence, Peace and Peace Research",[22] he presents his theory of the Conflict Triangle, a framework used in thestudy of peace and conflict, with the purpose of defining the three key elements of violence that form this "triangle." The theory is based on the principle that peace must be defined by widely accepted social goals, and that any state of peace is characterized by the absence of violence. When a conflict has features of all three areas of violence, the result is a more consolidated, static state of violence in a social system, which may include a conflict or a nation-state, whereas the absence of these three typologies of violence results in peace.
Galtung's concept ofstructural violence refers to the indirect forms of violence originating from social, economic, and political structures and manifesting primarily as oppression and exploitation.[23]: 16 These indirect forms of violence result in injustices in the distribution of political power and economic benefits.[23]: 16
Rather than conveying a physical image, structural violence is an avoidable impairment offundamental human needs. Structural violence is increased in situations where low income individuals also suffer in the rank dimensions of education, health, and power. This is due to an overall consolidation of factors in the social structure, resulting in a high correlation between social class and disempowerment. Structural violence can be recognized through its relative stability, having been built into the social structure. This can make structural violence difficult to ascertain, despite its often vast consequences. This concept has been applied in a large number of cases, some of the most notable are listed below.
Akhil Gupta argued in 2012[24] that structural violence has been the key influence in the nature and distribution of extreme suffering in India, driven by the Indian state in its alleged corruption, overly bureaucratic standards of governance used to exclude the middle and working classes from the political system through a system of politicized poverty.
Jacklyn Cock's 1989 paper[25] in theReview of African Political Economy applied Galtung's theory of structural violence, analysing the role of militarized society under theapartheid regime of South Africa in the development of patriarchal values that is a form of structural violence against women. Cock found that tacit misdirection of women in society by its leadership focused their energies toward the direct and indirect incorporation of the patriarchal regime in order to maintain the status quo.
Mats Utas claimed[26] that even those youth in Liberia indirectly unaffected by direct violence in thecivil war of 1989-1996 suffered from structural violence in the form of association with different blocs, leading to poverty, joblessness and marginalisation effects.
Galtung defines cultural violence as ideas, consciousness, language, art, or science that can be used to legitimize or enable direct violence or structural violence.[23]: 16–17 The existence of prevailing or prominent social norms make direct and structural violence seem natural or at least acceptable, and serves to explain how prominent beliefs can become so embedded in a given culture that they function as absolute and inevitable and are reproduced uncritically across generations. Galtung expanded on the concept of cultural violence in a 1990 paper[27] also published in the Journal of Peace Research. This concept has been applied in a limited number of cases, with most occurring after Galtung's follow up paper in 1990,[27] some of the most notable of which are listed below.
Johan Galtung has written about Zionism and violence. He has discussed various forms of violence, including structural and cultural violence, in his extensive body of work. Galtung has been critical of Zionism, particularly in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and has linked it to broader themes of structural violence. He has framed Zionism within his broader theories of structural and cultural violence, suggesting that the establishment and actions of the state of Israel have contributed to ongoing conflict and suffering in the region.
Gregory Phillips argues in his 2003 book, Addictions and Healing in Aboriginal Country,[28] that resistance to the Western medical sphere driven byprevious atrocities committed against theAboriginal community has led to a fierce resistance effort against modern medicine, addiction treatment and perhaps fuels a desire to seek out drugs and illicit substances as a starting point of addiction. Wide scale suspicion against medical practitioners and government representatives has become engendered in the Aboriginal community.
In Enduring Violence: Ladina Women's Lives in Guatemala,[29] the 2011 book byCecilia Menjívar, it is argued that the preexisting cultural conditions ofmediania, or half and half, agriculture led to women facing large scale cultural violence due to high rents, low returns and high required investment with additionally harsh conditions due to the conflict in Guatemala. Given the patriarchal culture of Guatemala, any earnings would go to the partner of the working woman, leaving a large poverty gap enshrined in the demographic diversity of the country.
The Austrian peace researcher Franz Jedlicka has tried to measure the level of cultural violence in a "Culture of Violence Scale" in 2023.[30]
Direct Violence is characterised as having an actor that commits the violence, and is thus able to be traced back to persons as actors. Direct violence shows less stability, given it is subject to the preference sets of individuals, and thus is more easily recognised. Direct violence is the most visible, occurringphysically orverbally, and the victim and the offender can be clearly identified. Direct violence is highly interdependent with structural and cultural violence: cultural and structural violence causes direct violence which on the other hand reinforces the former ones. This concept has been applied in a large number of cases, some of which are listed below.
A 2011 paper[31] by theInternational Center for Research on Women (ICRW) demonstrated the widespread nature ofchild marriage inSouth Asia. The ICRW highlighted marriage before the age of 18 as a fundamental human rights violation, one that leads to early childbearing, with significantly higher maternal mortality and morbidity rates as well as higher infant mortality rates amongst women. The paper most directly presented evidence to show that child brides are at heightened risk of violence in the home.
In Matthew Chandler's 2009 paper[32] on so-called "non-violent" techniques utilised byHezbollah still include forms of Direct Violence, most notably the threat of violence towardFouad Siniora's allies after his 2008 order to dismantle the Hezbollah telecommunications network in 2008, which led to the freezing of the order. Further, Hezbollah are argued to have used their operation ofsocial services, in lieu of government operations, as a ransom for support as well as rewarding their fighters with guaranteed healthcare and support for their families. Chandler argues this is due to opposition within the group to harming Lebanese civilians, who they view as "their own", or exacerbating conflict through civil war.
In 2005, Steven Wright made the case[33] for Peacekeeping efforts to be regarded as violence due to increasing use of techniques such as pre-interrogation treatment, and the use of non-lethal weapons such as tear gas for crowd dispersal and plastic bullets, which he terms "torture-lite", being increasingly common in peacekeeping manuals across a number of nation-states and supranational organisations.
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Galtung focuses a section of the paper on the means of direct and structural violence, in particular, developing groups of factors that may be included as types of such forms and methods of maintaining and reinforcing the mechanisms of such violence. In terms of reinforcing factors, Galtung identifies six key areas:
Beyond Galtung's initial paper and thesis, scholars have applied the Conflict Triangle to a broad array of conflicts, struggles and occupations since 1969, and retroactively.
Galtung's Conflict Triangle and Peace Research paper are widely cited as the foundational pieces of theory[34] within peace and conflict studies. However, they are not without criticism. Galtung uses very broad definitions ofviolence,conflict andpeace, and applies the terms of mean both direct and indirect, negative and positive, and violence in which one cannot distinguish actors or victims, which serves to limit the direct application of the model itself.
Galtung uses apositivist approach,[35] in that he assumes that every rational tenet of the theory can be verified, serving to reject social processes beyond relationships and actions. This approach enforces a paradigm of clear-cut, currently testable propositions as the ‘whole’ of the system, and thus is often deemedreductionist. Galtung also wields an explicitnormative orientation in the paper, in which there is a weighting toward evaluative statements that may show bias or simply opinion, or indeed a trend toward theinstitutions and concepts of peace in the West, which may serve to limit the applicability of the model more widely.
Galtung proposes resolving conflicts through peacekeeping, peacemaking, andpeacebuilding.[23]: 17 Peacekeeping and peacemaking primarily involve eliminating violence and bringing about immediate peace.[23]: 17 In Galtung's view, addressing the root causes of violence requires peacebuilding which goes beyond ending direct violence to end structural violence and cultural violence.[23]: 17
The peacebuilding structures needed to address the root causes of conflict and support local capacity for peace management and conflict resolution.[36] Galtung has held several significant positions in internationalresearch councils and has been an advisor to severalinternational organisations. Since 2004, he has been a member of the Advisory Council of theCommittee for a Democratic UN.
Galtung is strongly associated with the following concepts:
In 1973, Galtung criticised the "structural fascism" of the US and other Western countries that make war to secure materials and markets, stating: "Such an economic system is calledcapitalism, and when it's spread in this way to other countries it's called imperialism", and praisedFidel Castro's Cuba in 1972 for "break[ing] free of imperialism's iron grip". Galtung stated that the US is a "killer country" guilty of "neo-fasciststate terrorism" and compared the US toNazi Germany for bombing Kosovo during the1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.[37][38][unreliable source?]
In an article published in 2004, Galtung predicted that the US empire will "decline and fall" by 2020. He expanded on this hypothesis in his 2009 book titledThe Fall of the US Empire - and Then What? Successors, Regionalization or Globalization? US Fascism or US Blossoming?.[39][40]
Following the election ofDonald Trump in 2016, Galtung revised forward his theory of American global power decline, citing Trump's deportation policy and critical views ofNATO would accelerate it.[41][42]
During his career, Galtung statements and views have drawn criticism including his criticism of Western countries during and after theCold War and what his critics perceived as a positive attitude to theSoviet Union,Cuba andCommunist China. A 2007 article byBruce Bawer published by theCity Journal magazine[37] and a subsequent article in February 2009 byBarbara Kay in theNational Post[38] criticised Galtung's opinion of China during the rule ofMao Zedong. China, according to Galtung, was "repressive in a certain liberal sense", but he insisted "the whole theory about what an 'open society' is must be rewritten, probably also the theory of 'democracy'—and it will take a long time before the West will be willing to view China as a master teacher in such subjects."[37] Calling Galtung a "lifelong enemy of freedom", Bawer said Galtung discouraged Hungarian resistance against theSoviet invasion in 1956, and criticized his description in 1974 ofAleksandr Solzhenitsyn andAndrei Sakharov as "persecuted elite personages".[37]
Galtung views on Yugoslavia of the period 1991-2014 are contained on the blogYugoslavia – What Should Have Been Done? A co-operation with Jan Oberg (1951-) andHåkan Wiberg.[43]
Galtung recommended that people should readThe Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a fabricated antisemitic text purporting to describe a Jewish plan for global domination.[44] In defending his claims that Jews control American media companies, Galtung cited an article published byNational Vanguard, a neo-Nazi organization.[44] Galtung's rhetoric has been criticized by Terje Emberland, a historian at theCenter for Studies of the Holocaust and Religious Minorities in Oslo, and Øystein Sørensen, a University of Oslo historian known for his scholarship on conspiracy theories.[44] Asked byNRK about his controversial remarks, Galtung reiterated his recommendation that people should read The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[44] Galtung rejected that he was anti-Semitic.[44]
The Israeli newspaperHaaretz accused Galtung in May 2012 ofantisemitism for (1) suggesting the possibility of a link between the2011 Norway attacks and Israel's intelligence agencyMossad; (2) maintaining that "six Jewish companies" control 96% of world media; (3) identifying what he contends are ironic similarities between the banking firmGoldman Sachs and the conspiratorial antisemitic forgeryThe Protocols of the Elders of Zion; and (4) theorizing, although not justified, antisemitism in post–World War IGermany was a predictable consequence ofGerman Jews holding influential positions.[45] As a result of such statements, TRANSCEND International, an organisation co-founded by Galtung, released a statement in May 2012 attempting to clarify his opinions.[46] On 8 August 2012, the World Peace Academy inBasel, Switzerland announced it was suspending Galtung from its organization, citing what it posited were his "reckless and offensive statements to questions that are specifically sensitive for Jews."[47]Galtung said the claims were "smearing and libel".[48][49]
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Galtung has published more than a thousand articles and over a hundred books.[52]
