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Japan Socialist Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Japanese political party (1945–1996)
This article is about the Japanese political party that existed from 1945 to 1996. For other uses, seeJapan Socialist Party (disambiguation).

Japan Socialist Party
日本社会党
Nippon shakai-tō orNihon shakai-tō
Leader
Founded2 November 1945; 80 years ago (1945-11-02)
Dissolved19 January 1996; 30 years ago (1996-01-19)
Succeeded bySocial Democratic Party
HeadquartersSocial & Cultural Center 1-8-1Nagata-cho,Chiyoda-ku,Tokyo
NewspaperShakai Shimpō [ja][1]
Ideology
Political positionLeft-wing[5]
Factions:
Centre-left[A] tofar-left[B]
International affiliationSocialist International[6]
Colors  Blue
Party flag

^ A: Right Socialist Party of Japan
^ B: Left Socialist Party of Japan

TheJapan Socialist Party (Japanese:日本社会党,Hepburn:Nihon Shakai-tō;JSP) was a majorsocialist,progressive, andleft-wing political party in Japan.[3] Established in 1945, the party was the primary representative of the Japanese left and main opponent of the right-wingLiberal Democratic Party for most of its existence.[3]

The JSP was founded in 1945 by members of pre-warproletarian parties, including theShakai Taishūtō. In the1947 election, the JSP became the largest party in theNational Diet and formed a government underTetsu Katayama until 1948. From 1951 to 1955, the JSP was split into theLeft Socialist Party and theRight Socialist Party, and in 1960 some of its members broke away to form the rivalDemocratic Socialist Party. In 1955, Japan's two majorconservative parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has held power near-continuously since. The JSP was the largest opposition party for the next 40 years, but was incapable of forming a government. Nonetheless, it managed to hold about one third of the seats in theNational Diet during this period, preventing the LDP from revising theConstitution of Japan.[7][8][9]

Under the leadership ofTakako Doi, the JSP achieved brief resurgence in the 1990 election before losing many of its seats in the 1993 election. In 1994, JSP leaderTomiichi Murayama became prime minister of a coalition government before the coalition collapsed in 1996. The JSP's period in the government alienated many of its traditional supporters, and it was reconstituted in 1996 as theSocial Democratic Party, which became aminor party. TheDemocratic Party of Japan replaced the JSP as the main opposition to the LDP.

History

[edit]

Foundation

[edit]
Suehiro Nishio andTetsu Katayama were among the founders of the Japan Socialist Party and held leadership positions within it. Katayama served asPrime Minister of Japan from 1947 to 1948. Nishio broke away from the party in 1960, and formed theDemocratic Socialist Party.

The two major left-wing political parties in Japan in the 1930s were theLabour-Farmer Masses Party andSocial Democratic Party. They merged into theShakai Taishūtō in 1932, and were the third-largest party in the after the1937 election. It was dissolved in 1940 due to theImperial Rule Assistance Association.[10]

Suehiro Nishio started talking about creating a new socialist party with Chōzaburō Mizutani andKomakichi Matsuoka shortly after EmperorHirohito'ssurrender broadcast. Thirteen former members of theNational Diet announced their intention to form a new party on 5 September 1945. This organization was officially formed on November 2. It was given the Japanese nameNihon Shakai-tō (Socialist Party of Japan), but given the official English name of Social Democratic Party of Japan.[11]

An inaugural committee of 25 members was formed. The founding convention was chaired byTetsu Katayama and Nishio was elected General Secretary. Nishio, Mizutani, and other inaugural committee members were appointed to the party's executive committee.[12]

Katayama government

[edit]

TheJapanese Communist Party (JCP), unbanned and its leaders freed from prison in October 1945, asked the JSP to form a common political front of Japan's democratic parties. The JSP declined stating that neither had formally established their parties or policies yet. The JSP believed that the coalition would aid the party, but did not believe that the JSP was organized enough to maintain control over it.Morito Tatsuo proposed the creation of a Democratic League for National Salvation after the1946 election so that the JSP could establish itself as the leader.[13] The JSP's Central Executive Committee voted to end negotiations with the JCP on 14 July 1946.[14]

The JSP initially selected a limited amount of candidates for the 1946 elections. However, the party drastically increased its candidate amount after the Purge Directive, issued on 4 January 1946, greatly reduced the membership of right-wing parties. Conservatives attempted to form a government with right-wing members of the JSP, but theLiberal Party and JSP were unable to.[15]

The JSP rejected an offer from the JCP to work together in the1947 election. The JSP became the largest party in the election with 143 seats.[16] It formed a coalition government under Katayama with theDemocratic Party and theCitizens' Cooperation Party. Katayama was the first socialist to lead Japan.[17] Katayama's coalition fell in February 1948, in large part due to inexperience and subsequent poor performance in leading the government.[18] A new cabinet was formed under the leadership ofHitoshi Ashida, a member of the Democrats. Ashida's tenure was marked bylabor disputes and he resigned after eight months due to a corruption scandal. A caretaker government was formed under the leadership ofShigeru Yoshida.[19] Nishio, who was involved in the corruption scandal and arrested, was expelled from the JSP, but later readmitted into the right-wing JSP in 1952.[20]

Members ofHisao Kuroda's JSP faction in the Diet were expelled after voting against the budget during Ashida's tenure. Kuroda and his supporters broke away and formed theLabourers and Farmers Party. The JSP attempted to delay the1949 election as it feared massive losses. The JSP's seat total fell from 148 to 48.[21] The JSP rejected efforts by theSanbetsu to form a united opposition of the JSP, JCP, and Labourers and Farmers against Yoshida's government.[22] JSP members who left to form the Labourers and Farmers Party were readmitted in 1957.[23]

In the period immediately following the end of World War II, the JSP had played a key role in the drafting of the new Japanese constitution, adding progressive articles related to issues such as health, welfare and working conditions.[24] Unfortunately for the JSP and the broader Japanese left in the immediate postwar era, their time in power coincided with a change in U.S. policy towards Japan commonly known as theReverse Course.[25] Beginning around 1947, and intensifying with the victory of theCommunists over theNationalists in theChinese Civil War in 1949, the U.S. occupation government headed byDouglas MacArthur felt the need to revise its previously conciliatory stance towards the kinds of policies pursued by Japanese leftists, from the breakup ofZaibatsu, the country's business conglomerates, to land reform, to the ousting of nationalist figures in government.[26] Apart from reversing early steps taken towards implementing these policies, the U.S. occupation government oversaw and assisted in the purging of almost 30,000 workers deemed to be "red" between 1948 and 1950, frustrating leftist attempts to hold on to state power.[27]

Fracture and reunification

[edit]
In 1951, the JSP broke apart into theLeft Socialist Party of Japan andRight Socialist Party of Japan, led byMosaburō Suzuki andJōtarō Kawakami, respectively.

The party's 1949 convention was postponed until after the year's election. The party leadership, including multiple members of the Central Executive Committee, resigned following the party's defeat. The party's right-wing wanted to rename the organization to the Social Democratic Party while the left-wing wanted to retain its name, which was approved. The left-wing wanted the entire right-wing leadership to resign, Katayama retained as chairman, andMosaburō Suzuki appointed as Secretary General.Inejirō Asanuma was the right-wing candidate for Secretary General. Asanuma defeated Suzuki in the nominating committee's vote with 31 to 30, but lost the convention vote 390 to 261. Katayama was reelected as chairman.[28]

By the time of the 1950 convention the party's factions formed two youth leagues. The left-wing controlled the official Youth Department while the right-wing formed the Independent Youth League. The Youth Department, which held its convention before the party's, demanded the expulsion of all members of the Independent Youth League and prepared amotion of no confidence against Katayama. The left-wing held greater control over the convention than in the previous year, holding almost all of the committee chairmanships. Katayama declined to run for reelection and the right-wing walked out of the convention.[29]

Members of the Diet who were not aligned with either faction formed the Unification Discussion Group. The two factions held separate conventions, but worked together in the Diet due to spring labor disputes and threats from theNational Railway Workers' Union to pull its support for the party. The three groups reunited on 3 April, after three months of negation. The position of chairman was left vacant, but Asanuma was made Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee was divided between fifteen left-wingers, nine right-wingers, and six centrists.[30]

In the 1950 elections the JSP won the governorship ofKyoto Prefecture and became the second-largest party in theHouse of Councillors while the JCP declined in strength.[31] The party's factions were heavily divided over theTreaty of San Francisco andTreaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. The party's convention was held on 23 October 1951, and divided into theRight Socialist Party of Japan andLeft Socialist Party of Japan after seventeen hours. In the Diet the left-wing voted against both treaties while the right-wing supported the peace treaty and opposed the security treaty.[32] The party remained united at the prefecture level until the final prefecture division in 1953.[33]

The Left Socialists selected Suzuki as chairman and Masaru Nomizo as Secretary General while the Right Socialists selected Asanuma as Secretary General and initially left the position of chairman vacant.[34]Jōtarō Kawakami was later elected Chairman of the Right Socialists.[35] At the time of the schism the JSP's House of Representatives membership was divided into 30 Right Socialists and 16 Left Socialists. Their seat totals rose to 57 for the Right Socialists and 54 for the Left Socialists after the1952 election.[36] Despite this divided membership the two groups worked together in the Diet withKaishintō and disaffected Liberals to pass motions of no confidence against Minister of FinanceHayato Ikeda.[37]

In 1953, Yoshida lost a vote of no confidence to the socialists and conservatives after disaffected Liberals abstained and new elections were called. The Left Socialists overtook the Right Socialists in seat count in thegeneral election. In theHouse of Councillors election the Left Socialists rose from 30 to 41 seats while the Right Socialists declined from 30 to 26 seats. The Right Socialists attempted to form a coalition with the Left Socialists, Kaishintō, and disaffected Liberals. This failed asMinoru Takano failed to convince the Left Socialists, who wanted Suzuki as prime minister, to acceptMamoru Shigemitsu, the Kaishintō leader, as prime minister. Yoshida became prime minister again after two ballots and Kaishintō announced that it would end its partnership with the socialists.[38]

Factions in the JSP in 1959[39]
LeaderIdeologyHouse of RepresentativesHouse of Councillors
Suehiro NishioRight-wing
27 / 467
17 / 250
Jōtarō KawakamiRight-wing
29 / 467
10 / 250
Mosaburō SuzukiLeft-wing
39 / 467
20 / 250
Hiroo WadaLeft-wing
29 / 467
10 / 250
Jiichirō MatsumotoLeft-wing
12 / 467
0 / 250
Masaru NomizoLeft-wing
5 / 467
15 / 250
Hisao KurodaLeft-wing
6 / 467
0 / 250

Yoshida lost a motion of no confidence supported by theJapan Democratic Party and Socialists on 7 December 1954.Ichirō Hatoyama replaced him andnew elections were called. The Left and Right Socialists, faced with Hatoyama's popularity, adopted the same platform. The two groups held conventions on 18 January 1955, in which they called to reunify after the election. The combined Socialist seat total, 156, was greater than their seat total during Katayama's government. Unification negotiation committees met in April and the platform it created was accepted by a united convention on 13 October. Suzuki was appointed as chairman and Asanuma as Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee and Control Commission was divided equally between the two factions.[40] The left-wing gained a 22 to 18 seat majority on the Central Executive Committee at the 1957 convention.[41]

The JSP made minor gains in the1958 general election and1959 House of Councillors election. It performed poorly in the 1959 gubernatorial election, including the loss of thegovernorship ofHokkaido. The JSP was harmed as the JCP, which had strategically withdrawn its candidates in other elections, declined to do so in the 1958 and 1959 elections.[42]

Divisions and Asanuma's assassination

[edit]

The party split again in 1960 because of internal disagreement over how to conduct the ongoingAnpo protests against revision of the security treaty and whether or not to cooperate with the JCP in doing so.[43] Left-wingers fromSōhyō and the Youth Division, with backing from supporters of Hiroo Wada andJiichirō Matsumoto, had attempted to expel Nishio at the 1959 convention, but it failed in the Steering Committee. Nishio attacked the left-wing for serving Sōhyō. The Association for Party Reconstruction, which called for "democratic socialism" that received support from "the whole nation, not merely the labor unions and farmers' organizations", held a convention attended by 300 right-wing leaders and 28 Diet members. The Socialist Club, under the leadership of Nishio, had 12 members in the House of Councillors and 21 in the House of Representatives. This organization broke away to form theDemocratic Socialist Party (DSP) on 24 January 1960.[44]

Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph byYasushi Nagao. The photo was taken directly after Yamaguchi stabbed Asanuma and is here seen attempting a second stab, although he was restrained before that could happen.

Asanuma was elected chairman of the JSP at the 1960 convention.[45] Asanuma was assassinated by a right-wing youth,Otoya Yamaguchi, during a televised election debate on 12 October 1960.[46] Asanuma had been a charismatic figure who had been able to hold the antagonistic left and right factions of the party together through the force of his personality.[46] Asanuma's untimely death deprived the party of his adroit leadership, and thrustSaburō Eda into the leadership role instead.[46] Eda was hastily named "Acting Chairman" of the JSP and became the party's leader and candidate to become prime minister of Japan should the party triumph in the election. A centrist, Eda rapidly took the party in a more centrist direction, far faster than the left socialists were ready to accept.[46] This led to growing infighting within the party, and drastically damaged its ability to present a cohesive message to the public.[47]

In particular, Eda earned the enmity of the party's left-wing due to his ambitious platform of "structural reform" (構造改革,kōzō kaikaku) and his related "Eda Vision" of socialism.[48] The "structural reform" platform drew inspiration from the recently concludedAnpo protests against theU.S.-Japan Security Treaty, which had achieved massive size and forced the resignation of conservative prime ministerNobusuke Kishi. Eda and his allies viewed these protests as having been an unalloyed success in having allowed the JSP to play a leading role in fomenting a mass movement. Eda's "structural reform" platform called for a combination of parliamentary pressure tactics and Anpo-style extra-parliamentary mass movements that would gradually move Japan toward socialism by forcing the government into a series of piecemeal concessions.[49] Above all, Eda and his fellow structural reformers hoped to broaden the base of the JSP beyond a hard core of labor unionists, leftist student activists, and Marxist intellectuals to encompass people from many walks of life, in order to dramatically increase the party's potential supporters at the polls.[50]

In an effort to build popular support for his reform program, Eda announced his "New Vision of Socialism", better known by its nickname, the "Eda Vision", in July 1962.[51] Eda declared that "[s]ocialism must be defined in sunny and cheerful terms that are easily understandable to the masses. I believe that 'socialism' is that which allows human potential to blossom to its fullest extent. The main four accomplishments that humankind has achieved so far are America's high standard of living, the Soviet Union's thoroughgoing social welfare system, England's parliamentary democracy, and Japan's peace constitution. I believe that if we can integrate these, we can give birth to a broad-based socialism."[51]

The "Eda Vision" of a more moderate form of socialism was received enthusiastically in the mainstream Japanese press, and polled well in public opinion polls.[51] However, it did not lead to any significant expansion of party membership; in 1961, the JSP made a push to increase its membership to over 100,000 within the next three years, but only 363 members were added over the next six months.[52] Moreover, the "Eda Vision" was the final straw for the moreorthodox Marxist left-wing factions in the JSP, who had already chafed against the moderate tone of Eda's "structural reform" platform. In particular, they could not accept praise of what they viewed as the "imperialist" United States and Great Britain, and the "deviationist" and "Stalinist" Soviet Union.[53]

At the 22nd Party Congress in November 1962, the left-wing of the JSP revolted, and succeeded in persuading a majority of party members present to adopt an "Eda Vision Criticism Resolution" that renounced the "Eda Vision" as antithetical to core party principles.[53] Eda was forced to resign his position as Secretary General, and thereafter the party returned to a more dogmatically Marxist platform which emphasized the urban working classes as the party's main political base.[53] This move to the left was the result of the split within the JSP, with the creation of theDemocratic Socialist Party leading to a leftward shift in the balance of power within the party.[54] This culminated in the adoption in 1966 of a radical programme which rejected both a reformist approach and the welfare state, which was described as ‘a device to prolong capitalism,’ and conceived (as noted by one study) “of a socialist parliamentary majority presiding over a transitional government, eventually inaugurating ‘a kind of class rule’ by the proletariat.”[55]

Thereafter, a younger generation of reform-minded activists became disillusioned and began to drift away from the party.[53] At the same time, the emergence of the "Clean Government Party" (Kōmeitō), the political wing of theSokka Gakkai Buddhist religious movement, and the increasing electoral success of theJapan Communist Party, began to eat away at the JSP's urban working class base.[53] The Socialists slipped in the polls in the 1967 election, lost more ground in the 1968 Upper House election, and suffered a crushing repudiation in 1969, when they lost 51 seats in theNational Diet.[56]

1970s

[edit]

In some regions, the party continued to perform well at the local level and by the 1970s many areas were run by JSP (or JSP-backed) mayors and governors, who supported environmental protection initiatives and introduced new social welfare programs.[57][58][59][60][61][62][63] Meanwhile,Saburō Eda continued his efforts to reform the party and expand its base. Eda ran numerous times for the post of party chairman, but was unsuccessful, although he did serve a second stint as Secretary General from 1968 to 1970. Nevertheless, Eda remained popular among the broader Japanese public and in the mid-1970s conservative prime ministerKakuei Tanaka said at a press conference, "If the Japan Socialist Party were ever to make Eda its Chairman again, a general election would be terrifying. They would drastically expand their seats in the Diet."[64] Eda could never overcome the undying animosity his "Eda Vision" had won him from his party's left-wing.[citation needed]

In 1976, Eda lost his reelection bid and was booted from the Diet. Blaming his loss on his party's dogmatic, doctrinaire Marxism and desperate for reform, he attempted to resign from the JSP but the party refused to accept his resignation and voted to expel him instead. The following year, Eda andHideo Den (田英夫) led a small group of JSP Dietmembers to split from the JSP and form a new party called theSocialist Democratic Federation (社会民主連合).[65][66]

1980s

[edit]
Former JSP Head Office inNagatacho, the Social & Cultural Center (社会文化会館)

In January 1986, the JSP adopted what became known as the ‘New Declaration,’ which advocated a gradual reformist approach for achieving socialism, and whose basic policy objective (according to one study) “was to realize a West European-style social democracy.”[67] Despite this move towards moderation, however, under party chairmanMasashi Ishibashi the JSP suffered a disastrous double defeat in both houses of theNational Diet in the simultaneously held1986 Japanese general election and1986 Japanese House of Councillors election. Losing in a rout to theLiberal Democratic Party (LDP) under popular prime ministerYasuhiro Nakasone, the JSP's seats in the lower house fell from 112 to a new all-time low of 85 and its share of the popular vote dropped from 19.5 percent to 17.2 percent. This defeat led the party to electTakako Doi as party chair, making her the first woman to ever lead a Japanese political party. Doi was popular with the Japanese public led the JSP to an electoral comeback with an impressive showing in the1990 Japanese general election, winning 136 seats and 24.4 percent of the vote. Some electoral districts had more than one successful socialist candidate. Doi's decision to put up more than one candidate for each of the 130 districts represented a controversial break with the past because unlike their LDP counterparts many party candidates did not want to run against each other; however, the great majority of the 149 socialist candidates who ran were successful, including seven of eight women.[citation needed]

Doi, a university professor of constitutional law before entering politics, had a tough, straight-talking manner that appealed to voters tired of the evasiveness of other politicians. Many women found her a refreshing alternative to submissive female stereotypes and in the late 1980s the public at large in opinion polls voted her their favorite politician (the runner-up in these surveys was equally tough-talking conservative LDP memberShintarō Ishihara); however, Doi's popularity was of limited aid to the party, as the powerful Shakaishugi Kyokai (Japan Socialist Association), which was supported by a contingent of the party's 76,000-strong membership, remained committed to orthodox Marxism, impeding Doi's efforts to promote what she calledperestroika and a more moderate program with greater voter appeal.[citation needed]

In 1983, Doi's predecessor as chairmanMasashi Ishibashi had begun the delicate process of moving the party away from its strong opposition to theSelf-Defense Forces. While maintaining that these forces were unconstitutional in light ofArticle 9, he claimed that because they had been established through legal procedures, they had a legitimate status (this phrasing was changed a year later to say that the Self-Defense Forces exist legally). Ishibashi also broke past precedent by visiting Washington to talk with United States political leaders. By the end of the decade, the party had accepted the Self-Defense Forces and the 1960U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. It advocated strict limitations on military spending (no more than 1 percent of GNP annually), a suspension of joint military exercises with United States forces, and a reaffirmation of the three non-nuclear principles (no production, possession, or introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory).[citation needed]

Doi expressed support for balanced ties with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). In the past, the party had favored theKim Il Sung regime inPyongyang and in the early 1990s it still refused to recognize the normalization of relations between Tokyo and Seoul withTreaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (1965).[citation needed] In domestic policy, the party demanded the continued protection of agriculture and small business in the face of foreign pressure, abolition of theconsumption tax and an end to the construction and use of nuclear power reactors. As a symbolic gesture to reflect its new moderation, the party dropped its commitment tosocialist revolution at its April 1990 convention and described its goal as social democracy,[68] the creation of a society in which "all people fairly enjoy the fruits of technological advancement and modern civilization and receive the benefits ofsocial welfare." Delegates also elected Doi to a third term as party chairwoman.[citation needed]

Because of the party's self-definition as a class-based party and its symbiotic relationship with theGeneral Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sōhyō), the public-sector workers' confederation, few efforts were made to attract non-union constituencies. Although someSōhyō unions supported theJapanese Communist Party, the party remained the representative of Sohyo's political interests until the merger with private-sector unions and theJapanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengō) in 1989. Because of declining union financial support during the 1980s, some party Diet members turned to dubious fund-raising methods. One was involved in theRecruit affair. Like other parties, it sold large blocks of fund-raising party tickets and the LDP even gave individual party Diet members funds from time to time to persuade them to cooperate in passing difficult legislation.[citation needed]

1990s

[edit]
Main article:Social Democratic Party (Japan)

As part of the fallout of theRecruit Scandal, the party secured a mere 70 seats (down from 137) in the1993 Japanese general election while the LDP lost its majority in the lower house for the first time since the1983 Japanese general election and was out of government for the first time in 38 years. The anti-LDPcoalition government ofMorihiro Hosokawa was formed by reformists who had triggered the 1993 election by leaving the LDP (Japan Renewal Party andNew Party Sakigake), a liberal party formed only a year before (Japan New Party), the traditional centre-left opposition (Kōmeitō,Democratic Socialist Party andSocialist Democratic Federation) and the Democratic Reform Party, the political arm of theRengō trade union federation, together with the JSP. In 1994, the JSP and the New Sakigake Party decided to leave the non-LDP coalition. The minority Hata cabinet lasted only a few weeks.[citation needed]

The JSP then formed agrand coalition (dai-renritsu) government with the LDP and the New Party Sakigake under JSP Prime MinisterTomiichi Murayama, who was leader of the party from 1993 to 1996. Most of the other parties from the anti-LDP coalition, now forced back into opposition, united to form theNew Frontier Party (NFP), which overtook the JSP as second largest political party in Japan. The JSP suffered a defeat in the1995 Japanese House of Councillors election. In January 1996, theNew Socialist Party of Japan split off from the JSP, Murayama resigned as Prime Minister, and the JSP changed its name from the JSP to theSocial Democratic Party (SDP) as an interim party for forming a new party.[citation needed]

An illustration of the history of JSP

Factions and membership

[edit]

Nomizo and his faction were affiliated with agricultural workers and unions. Their power in the JSP waned after land reforms in the 1950s. Matsumoto and his faction found support among theBurakumin, whose rights Matsumoto advocated for.[69] The JSP consistently received around 10-20% of the female vote. In 1957, women were estimated to account for 10% of the JSP's membership and the party had eleven female members in the Diet.[70]

Agriculture

[edit]

The Japan Farmers' Union was officially not aligned with any party, but its leadership were members of the JSP.[71] Five the union's seven executive members were elected to the Diet, including Kuroda and Nomizo.[72] Rikizō Hirano, the Minister of Agriculture and aligned with the JSP's right-wing, led 15% of the union to break away into League for Revivifying the Japan Farmers' Union (later renamed to the All-Japan Farmers' Union) after continued disputes with the left-wing and communists at the union's 1947 convention. 31 of the 143 seats won by the JSP in the 1947 election were held by officers of the Japan Farmers' Union and an additional 8 were held by members of Hirano's union.[73] Nomizo attempted to become Minister of Agriculture after Hirano's dismissal, but the right-wing successfully opposed him.[74]

In the face of rising communist influence in the union JSP members formed the League for the Establishment of Independence in 1948, while Kuroda and the communists formed the Unity Discussion Group. The union broke apart into the Independence Group and Unity Group as these two groups held separate conventions on 22 April 1949.[75] New agrarian groups were formed after the JSP broke apart into the Left and Right parties. The Independence Group was aligned with the Left JSP. The Right JSP had the New Village Construction Group of the Japan Farmers' Union, but it never held a convention during its existence and was poorly organized. The All-Japan Famers' Union federated with this organization and formed the General Federation of Farmers' Union after Hirano joined the Right JSP.[76] A sample of 48 Left JSP and 33 Right JSP candidates in 1955 showed that 31 Left JSP candidates had farmer union support compared to 7 Right JSP candidates.[77] The All-Japan Farmers' Union, New Village Construction Group, a rump faction of the Independence Group unified into the National Japan Farmers' Union in 1958.[78] Another schism occurred as supporters of Nishio left to form the All-Japan Farmers' Federation aligned with the DSP.[79]

Labor

[edit]

Sōhyō, the largest labor federation in Japan, was aligned with the JSP's left-wing while the National Railway Workers' Union was aligned with the right-wing.[80] TheRed Purge resulted in the amount of unions falling by 5,500 and union membership falling by 880,000 in 1949 alone. Sōhyō's membership fell to below 47,000 in this period, but grew to 3.7 million by 1962.[81] Sōhyō had three major factions during the JSP's split in the 1950s. The left-wing Worker Comrades Society had ties to the Suzuki and Wada factions, a communist faction underMinoru Takano's leadership, and right-wing Democratic Labor Movement Study Group. The Democratic Labor Movement Study Group broke away to form theAll-Japan Trade Union Congress in April 1954.[82] 26 representatives and 38 councilors were affiliated with Sōhyō after the 1956 election.[83] Polling byThe Asahi Shimbun in October 1948 showed that 40% of unionized workers supported the JSP and that 18% of non-unionized workers supported them. These figures was 39% and 28% respectively in 1949, and 37% and 26% in 1950.[84]

Ideology

[edit]

Domestic

[edit]

The JSP is generally regarded as having been a progressive left-wing party that opposed the conservative right-wingLiberal Democratic Party (LDP).[3] The JSP is also considered acentre-left party,[85] but there was a far-left faction within the party.[86][87] The "leftists" in the JSP wereMarxists in favour ofscientific socialism. By contrast, the "rightists" were in favour ofsocial democracy and aimed at establishing awelfare state.[88] The party was generally the mainstay of the "Kakushin" (radical-liberal forces) camp.[89]

The JSP's foundation program in 1945 was three sentences long and stated that the party was "the national rally of the laboring strata". This program was maintained until 1955.[90] Bothnationalization, supported by the left-wing, andsocialization, supported by the right-wing, were in the 1955 platform.[91] In the 1950s the party supported a five-year plan to socialize the electricity, coal, iron and steel, chemical fertilizer, transportation, and cement industries.[92] The party supported a minimum wage of ¥15000 (equivalent to ¥88,195 in 2024) in 1961.[93]

AfterTakako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-styledemocratic socialism line.[94] Apart from the party's socialist identity, theMurayama Cabinet, which came to power between 1994 and 1996, supportedsocial-liberal reform.[95] The JSP opposedShintoistsocial conservatism, and was politically friendly withChristianity in the United States. There were quite a few Christians in the JSP. Former Japanese Prime MinisterTetsu Katayama was also a Christian.[96]

Foreign

[edit]

The JSP supported a neutralistforeign policy,[97] and opposed amending theConstitution of Japan, especially theArticle 9 of the Constitution of Japan.[7][8] Japan'sleft-wing liberalism emerged as a "peace movement" and was largely led by the JSP.[98] Suzuki stated that he wanted Japan to follow Yugoslavia's brand of neutrality rather than Austria's.[99] The left-wing participated in anti-American military base protests in 1953, while the right-wing did not.[100] The party was critical of nuclear testing done by the United States and Soviet Union.[101]

The party interacted with theNorth Korea'sKorean Social Democratic Party.[102] The party was also strongly opposed to thefar-rightSouth Korea'santi-communist dictatorship, includingPark Chung Hee andChun Doo-hwan, and allied withSouth Korean liberals, includingKim Dae-jung.[103] The JSP ended its support for theTwo Chinas policy in 1957, and recognized the People's Republic of China rather than the Republic of China.[104]

The JSP supportedGamal Abdel Nasser's nationalization of theSuez Canal. The party's factions were heavily divided by theHungarian Revolution of 1956, with the right-wing supported Hungary and the left-wing supporting the Soviet Union, before a compromise was made stating that "the subsequentde-Stalinization and liberalization were somewhat taken advantage of by reactionary forces, the armed intervention of the Soviet Union cannot be condoned".[105]

Leaders

[edit]
No.PhotoName
(Birth–death)
Constituency / titleTerm of officeElection resultsPrime Minister(term)
Took officeLeft office
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan (1946–1950)
1Tetsu Katayama
(1887–1978)
Rep for
Kanagawa 3rd
28 September 194616 January 1950Yoshida1946–47
himself1947–48
Ashida1948
Yoshida1948–54
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan,Right (1951–1955)
Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
19 January 195112 October 1955Yoshida1948–54
Hatoyama I.1954–56
Chair of the Japanese Socialist Party,Left (1951–1955)
Mosaburō Suzuki
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
18 January 195112 October 1955Yoshida1948–54
Hatoyama I.1954–56
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Unified (1955–1996)
2Mosaburō Suzuki
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
12 October 195523 March 1960Hatoyama I.1954–56
Ishibashi1956–57
Kishi1957–60
3Inejiro Asanuma
(1898–1960)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
23 March 196012 October 1960
(assassinated)
1960
Inejirō Asanuma – 228
Jōtarō Kawakami – 206
Ikeda1960–64
Saburō Eda
(1907–1977)
(acting)
Cou for
Okayama at-large
12 October 19606 March 1961
4Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
6 March 19616 May 1965
Satō1964–72
5Kouzou Sasaki
(1900–1985)
Rep for
Miyagi 1st
6 May 196519 August 1967
January 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 295
Saburō Eda – 276
December 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 313
Saburō Eda – 274
6Seiichi Katsumata
(1908–1989)
Rep for
Shizuoka 2nd
19 August 19674 October 1968
7Tomomi Narita
(1912–1979)
Rep for
Kagawa 1st
30 November 196826 September 1977
1970
Tomomi Narita – 207
Saburō Eda – 148
Tanaka K.1972–74
Miki1974–76
Fukuda T.1976–78
8Ichio Asukata
(1915–1990)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
13 December 19777 September 1983
1981
Ichio Asukata – 39379
Sanji Mutō – 14721
Shōichi Shimodaira – 3425
Ōhira1978–80
Ito1980 (Acting)
Suzuki Z.1980–82
Nakasone1982–87
9Masashi Ishibashi
(1924–2019)
Rep for
Nagasaki 2nd
7 September 19838 September 1986
10Takako Doi
(1928–2014)
Rep for
Hyogo 2nd
9 September 198631 July 1991
1986
Takako Doi – 58670
Tetsu Ueda – 11748
Takeshita1987–89
Uno1989
Kaifu1989–91
11Makoto Tanabe
(1922–2015)
Rep for
Gunma 1st
31 July 199119 January 1993
1991
Makoto Tanabe – 46363
Tetsu Ueda – 36358
Miyazawa1991–93
12Sadao Yamahana
(1936–1999)
Rep for
Tokyo 11th
19 January 199325 September 1993
Hosokawa1993–94
(coalition)
13Tomiichi Murayama
(1924–2025)
Rep for
Ōita 1st
25 September 199319 January 1996
1993
Tomiichi Murayama – 65446
Masatoshi Ito – 18075
1996
Tomiichi Murayama – 57591
Tadatoshi Akiba – 10440
Hata1994
himself1994–96
Hashimoto1996–98
(coalition, confidence and supply)
Successor party:Social Democratic Party(centre-left to left-wing)

Election results

[edit]

General election results

[edit]
House of Representatives
ElectionLeaderSeatsPositionConstituency votesStatus
No.±ShareNumber%
1946Tetsu Katayama
92 / 468
19.6%3rd9,924,93017.90%Opposition
1947Tetsu Katayama
143 / 466
Increase 5130.7%Increase 1st7,176,88226.23%JSP-DP-NCP coalition
(until 1948)
Opposition
(since 1948)
1949Tetsu Katayama
48 / 466
Decrease 9510.3%Decrease 3rd4,129,79413.50%Opposition
1952Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
111 / 466
Increase 6323.8%Increase 2nd7,507,84221.24%Opposition
1953Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
138 / 466
Increase 2729.6%Steady 2nd9,194,54726.57%Opposition
1955Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
156 / 467
Increase 1833.4%Steady 2nd10,812,90529.21%Opposition
1958Mosaburō Suzuki
166 / 467
Increase 1035.5%Steady 2nd13,093,99332.94%Opposition
1960Saburō Eda
145 / 467
Decrease 2131.0%Steady 2nd10,887,13427.56%Opposition
1963Jōtarō Kawakami
144 / 467
Decrease 130.8%Steady 2nd11,906,76629.03%Opposition
1967Kōzō Sasaki
140 / 486
Decrease 428.8%Steady 2nd12,826,10427.88%Opposition
1969Tomomi Narita
90 / 486
Decrease 5018.5%Steady 2nd10,074,10121.44%Opposition
1972Tomomi Narita
118 / 491
Increase 2824.0%Steady 2nd11,478,14221.90%Opposition
1976Tomomi Narita
123 / 511
Increase 524.1%Steady 2nd11,713,00920.69%Opposition
1979Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Decrease 1620.9%Steady 2nd10,643,45019.71%Opposition
1980Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Steady 020.9%Steady 2nd11,400,74819.31%Opposition
1983Masashi Ishibashi
112 / 511
Increase 521.9%Steady 2nd11,065,08319.49%Opposition
1986Masashi Ishibashi
85 / 512
Decrease 2716.6%Steady 2nd10,412,58417.23%Opposition
1990Takako Doi
136 / 512
Increase 5126.6%Steady 2nd16,025,47224.39%Opposition
1993Sadao Yamahana
70 / 511
Decrease 6613.7%Steady 2nd9,687,58915.43%JSP-Komeito-JRP-JNP-DSP-NPS-DRP-SDF coalition
(until 1994)
LDP–JSP–NPS coalition
(until 1996)

Councillors election results

[edit]
ElectionLeaderNo. of
seats total
No. of
seats won
No. of
national votes
% of
national vote
No. of
prefectural votes
% of
prefectural vote
Japanese Socialist Party era
1947Tetsu Katayama
47 / 250
3,479,81416.4%4,901,34123.0%
1950Tetsu Katayama
61 / 250
36 / 125
4,854,62917.3%7,316,80825.2%
1953Mosaburō Suzuki
66 / 250
28 / 125
5,559,87520.7%6,870,64024.5%
1956Mosaburō Suzuki
80 / 250
49 / 127
8,549,94029.9%11,156,06037.6%
1959Mosaburō Suzuki
85 / 250
38 / 127
7,794,75426.5%10,265,39434.1%
1962Jōtarō Kawakami
66 / 250
37 / 127
8,666,91024.2%11,917,67532.8%
1965Kōzō Sasaki
73 / 251
36 / 127
8,729,65523.4%12,346,65032.8%
1968Tomomi Narita
65 / 250
28 / 126
8,542,19919.8%12,617,68029.2%
1971Tomomi Narita
66 / 249
39 / 125
8,494,26421.3%12,597,64431.2%
1974Tomomi Narita
62 / 250
28 / 130
7,990,45715.2%13,907,86526.0%
1977Ichio Asukata
56 / 249
27 / 126
8,805,61717.3%13,403,21625.9%
1980Ichio Asukata
47 / 250
22 / 126
7,341,82813.1%12,715,88022.4%
1983Ichio Asukata
44 / 252
22 / 126
7,590,33116.3%11,217,51524.3%
1986Takako Doi
41 / 252
20 / 126
9,869,08817.2%12,464,57921.5%
1989Takako Doi
68 / 252
45 / 126
19,688,25235.1%15,009,45126.4%
1992Takako Doi
71 / 252
22 / 126
7,981,72617.8%7,147,14015.8%
1995Tomiichi Murayama
37 / 252
16 / 126
6,882,91916.9%4,926,00311.9%

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^社会新報とは § ブリタニカ国際大百科事典 小項目事典の解説 [What is Shakai Shimpō? § TheEncyclopædia Britannica: Micropædia's explanation].kotobank.jp (in Japanese).The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved22 November 2020.
  2. ^"Social Democratic Party of Japan | political party, Japan".Encyclopædia Britannica Online.Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved22 November 2020.
  3. ^abcdAkito Okada, ed. (2022).Japan's School Curriculum for The 2020s: Politics, Policy, and Pedagogy. Springer Nature. p. 14.ISBN 9789811920769.Generally speaking, the LDP is a conservative party spanning the right-wing, while the JSP was a left-wing, progressive party.
  4. ^Banks, Arthur S.; Overstreet, William (1983).Political Handbook of the World: 1982-1983: Governments and Intergovernmental Organisation as of January 1st 1983.McGraw-Hill. p. 256, 258. Retrieved4 August 2025.
  5. ^[2][3][4]
  6. ^Docherty, James C.; Lamb, Peter (2006).Historical Dictionary of Socialism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements Series (2nd ed.). The Scarecrow Press. p. 186.ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1. Retrieved22 November 2020.
  7. ^abブリタニカ国際大百科事典 小項目事典の解説 [TheEncyclopædia Britannica: Micropædia's explanation].kotobank.jp (in Japanese).The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved22 November 2020.
  8. ^abTaguchi, Fukuji.日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)の解説 [TheNihon Dai Hyakka Zensho: Nipponica's explanation].kotobank.jp (in Japanese).The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved19 November 2020.
  9. ^Ken Saito (2019).圖說日本大事記:1945–2017,改變與形塑現代日本的百大事件. 麥浩斯. p. 50.ISBN 978-986-408-463-0.
  10. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 7–8.
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  12. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 4.
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  14. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 113.
  15. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 12–13.
  16. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 15.
  17. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 17.
  18. ^Lee, Yong Wook (2004)."The Origin of One Party Domination: America's Reverse Course and the Emergence of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan".The Journal of East Asian Affairs.18 (2): 388.JSTOR 23258199. Retrieved26 January 2021.
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  22. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 114.
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  25. ^"Occupation and Reconstruction of Japan, 1945–52". Retrieved26 January 2021.By late 1947 and early 1948, the emergence of an economic crisis in Japan alongside concerns about the spread of communism sparked a reconsideration of occupation policies. This period is sometimes called the 'reverse course.'
  26. ^Schonberger, Howard B. (1989).Aftermath of War: Americans and the Remaking of Japan, 1945–1952. Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press. pp. 64–72.ISBN 0-87338-382-6.
  27. ^Dower, John W.; Hirata, Tetsuo (12 July 2007)."Japan's Red Purge: Lessons from a Saga of Suppression of Free Speech and Thought".The Asia-Pacific Journal.5 (7): 3. Retrieved26 January 2021.
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  85. ^Ralf Kleinfeld; Carmen Schmidt, eds. (2019).The Crisis of Democracy? Chances, Risks and Challenges in Japan (Asia) and Germany (Europe).Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 200.ISBN 9781527542419.After the merger of the conservative and center-left camp in 1955, and the formation of the conservative LDP and the center-left JSP (Japan Socialist Party), the LDP upheld the position of the ruling party until 1993.
  86. ^Sandra Buckley, ed. (2009).The Encyclopedia of Contemporary Japanese Culture. Taylor & Francis. p. 544.ISBN 9780415481526.Sanbetsu was closely tied to the Japan Communist Party and the far left wing of the Japan Socialist Party.
  87. ^Japan. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 1989. p. 4.... Confederation) and Zenrokyo (the National Labor Union Consultative Council), were also formed, representing unions associated with the Japan Communist Party and a far-left faction of the Japan Socialist Party, respectively.
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  89. ^Tetsuya Kataoka, ed. (1992).Creating Single-party Democracy: Japan's Postwar Political System. Hoover Institution Press. p. 2.ISBN 9780817991111.The constitution was defended by the JSP, the mainstay of kakushin (radical-liberal forces), ...
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  91. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 106.
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  93. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 194.
  94. ^Ardath W. Burks, ed. (2019).Japan: A Postindustrial Power--third Edition, Revised And Updated.Routledge.ISBN 9780429718953.After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line.
  95. ^Arthur Stockwin, ed. (2022).The Failure of Political Opposition in Japan: Implications for Democracy and a Vision of the Future.Taylor & Francis.ISBN 9789811920769.The Murayama government had a number of broadlyleft-liberal reforms to its credit.
  96. ^American Assembly; Willard Long Thorp, eds. (1964).Japan's School Curriculum for The 2020s: Politics, Policy, and Pedagogy. Prentice-Hall. p. 17.It is no accident that Japanese radical liberalism and democratic socialism were both closely connected in their beginnings with the Christian movement in Japan. The first Japanese Socialist Party was born in an Americansponsored Christian church in Tokyo, and the majority of its members were Christians with intimate American connections.
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  98. ^Arthur Stockwin; Kweku Ampiah, eds. (2017).Rethinking Japan: The Politics of Contested Nationalism.Lexington Books. p. 196.ISBN 9781498537933.... of the debate is the left/liberal "peace movement" currently led by Japanese academics, including legal scholars, and more recently by students, but which until the end of the Cold War was spearheaded by the Japan Socialist Party.
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  101. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 212–213.
  102. ^조선사회민주당 중앙위원회, ed. (1992).조선사회민주당. 조선사회민주당출판사.
  103. ^"일본 정치인의 40분 연설 "김대중 정신 일본사회가 배워야"".OhmyNews. 19 August 2021. Retrieved22 April 2023.
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  105. ^Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 224–226.

Bibliography

[edit]

Works cited

[edit]
  • Cole, Allan; Totten, George; Uyehara, Cecil (1966).Socialist Parties In Postwar Japan.Yale University Press.
Leaders
Absorbed parties
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