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Jack Lynch | |
|---|---|
.jpg) Lynch in 1972 | |
| Taoiseach | |
| In office 5 July 1977 – 11 December 1979 | |
| President | Patrick Hillery |
| Tánaiste | George Colley |
| Preceded by | Liam Cosgrave |
| Succeeded by | Charles Haughey |
| In office 10 November 1966 – 14 March 1973 | |
| President | Éamon de Valera |
| Tánaiste | |
| Preceded by | Seán Lemass |
| Succeeded by | Liam Cosgrave |
| Leader of the Opposition | |
| In office 14 March 1973 – 5 July 1977 | |
| President |
|
| Taoiseach | Liam Cosgrave |
| Preceded by | Liam Cosgrave |
| Succeeded by | Garret FitzGerald |
| Leader of Fianna Fáil | |
| In office 10 November 1966 – 7 December 1979 | |
| Deputy |
|
| Preceded by | Seán Lemass |
| Succeeded by | Charles Haughey |
| Minister for Finance | |
| In office 21 April 1965 – 10 November 1966 | |
| Taoiseach | Seán Lemass |
| Preceded by | James Ryan |
| Succeeded by | Charles Haughey |
| Minister for Industry and Commerce | |
| In office 23 June 1959 – 21 April 1965 | |
| Taoiseach | Seán Lemass |
| Preceded by | Patrick Hillery |
| Succeeded by | Charles Haughey |
| Minister for Education | |
| In office 20 March 1957 – 23 June 1959 | |
| Taoiseach | Éamon de Valera |
| Preceded by | Richard Mulcahy |
| Succeeded by | Patrick Hillery |
| Minister for the Gaeltacht | |
| In office 20 March 1957 – 26 June 1957 | |
| Taoiseach | Éamon de Valera |
| Preceded by | Patrick Lindsay |
| Succeeded by | Mícheál Ó Móráin |
| Parliamentary Secretary | |
| 1951–1954 | Government |
| 1951–1954 | Lands |
| Teachta Dála | |
| In office June 1977 – June 1981 | |
| Constituency | Cork City |
| In office June 1969 – June 1977 | |
| Constituency | Cork City North-West |
| In office February 1948 – June 1969 | |
| Constituency | Cork Borough |
| Personal details | |
| Born | John Mary Lynch (1917-08-15)15 August 1917 Cork, Ireland |
| Died | 20 October 1999(1999-10-20) (aged 82) Donnybrook, Dublin, Ireland |
| Resting place | St. Finbarr's Cemetery, Cork, Ireland |
| Political party | Fianna Fáil |
| Spouse | |
| Education | |
| Alma mater | |
John Mary Lynch (15 August 1917 – 20 October 1999) was an IrishFianna Fáil politician who served asTaoiseach from 1966 to 1973 and 1977 to 1979.[1] He wasLeader of Fianna Fáil from 1966 to 1979,[2]Leader of the Opposition from 1973 to 1977,Minister for Finance from 1965 to 1966,Minister for Industry and Commerce from 1959 to 1965,Minister for Education 1957 to 1959,Minister for the Gaeltacht from March 1957 to June 1957,Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands andParliamentary Secretary to the Government from 1951 to 1954.[3] He served as aTeachta Dála (TD) from 1948 to 1981.[4]
Lynch was the third leader ofFianna Fáil from 1966 until 1979, succeedingSeán Lemass. He was the last party leader to secure (in 1977) an overall majority in theDáil for his party. Historian and journalist T. Ryle Dwyer called him "the most popular Irish politician sinceDaniel O'Connell".[5]
Before his political career Lynch had a successful sporting career as adual player ofGaelic games. He playedhurling with his local clubGlen Rovers and with theCork senior inter-county team from 1936 until 1950.[6] Lynch also playedGaelic football with his local clubSt Nicholas' and with the Cork senior inter-county team from 1936 until 1946.
In a senior inter-county hurling career that lasted for fourteen years, he won fiveAll-Ireland titles, sevenMunster titles, threeNational Hurling League titles and sevenRailway Cup titles. In a senior inter-county football career that lasted for ten years, Lynch won oneAll-Ireland title, twoMunster titles and one Railway Cup title. Lynch was later named at midfield on theHurling Team of the Century and theHurling Team of the Millennium.
John Mary Lynch was born on 15 August 1917, inShandon, on the north side ofCork, and grew up in the nearby area ofBlackpool.[7] His father Daniel Lynch was a tailor, and his mother Nora (née O'Donoghue) was a seamstress.[7] He was the youngest of five boys and fifth of seven children, with four elder brothers and two younger sisters, Jack, as he was known, was generally regarded as the "wild boy" of the family. He was educated at St. Vincent's Convent on Peacock Lane, and later at the famous"North Mon", the North MonasteryChristian Brothers School. When Lynch was just thirteen years old his mother died suddenly. His aunt, who herself had a family of six, stepped in to look after the family. Lynch sat hisLeaving Certificate in 1936, after which he moved toDublin and worked with the Dublin District Milk Board, before returning to Cork to take up a position in the Circuit Court Office.
Lynch began working at the Cork Circuit Court as a clerk at the age of nineteen. His work in the court ignited his interest in law and in 1941 he began a night course atUniversity College Cork studying law, where he was a member of the Law Society. After two years in UCC, he moved once again toDublin to complete his studies atKing's Inns. While continuing his studies he started work with theDepartment of Justice. In 1945, Lynch was called to theBar and had to decide whether to remain in his civil service job or practice as a barrister. Lynch made the decision (literally on the toss of a coin) to move back to Cork and began a private practice on the Cork Circuit.
It was in 1943, while on holidays inGlengariff,County Cork, that Lynch met his future wife,Máirín O'Connor, the daughter of a naval doctor killed inWorld War I. The couple were married three years later on 10 August 1946 and had no children. Although she was apprehensive about her husband's decision to become active in politics, to become a minister and even to becomeTaoiseach, she stood by him through it all and helped him make the tough decisions that would affect Lynch's life and her own.
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| Personal information | |||
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| Football Position: | Midfield | ||
| Hurling Position: | Half-back | ||
| Clubs | |||
| Years | Club | ||
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| Club titles | |||
| Football | Hurling | ||
| Cork titles | 2 | 11 | |
| Inter-county | |||
| Years | County | Apps (scores) | |
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| Inter-county titles | |||
| Football | Hurling | ||
| Munster Titles | 2 | 6 | |
| All-Ireland Titles | 1 | 5 | |
From an early age, Lynch showed an enormous interest and great accomplishment as a sportsman.Rugby union, soccer, swimming andhandball were all favourite pastimes for Lynch, but it was the sports ofGaelic football andhurling where Lynch showed particular flair.
Lynch played his clubhurling with the famousGlen Rovers club in Blackpool. He enjoyed much success at underage levels, winning back-to-back minor county championship titles in 1933 and in 1934 as captain. That same year Lynch won his first seniorcounty hurling championship with "the Glen". It was the first of a record-breaking eight county titles in a row for Glen Rovers and for Lynch, who served as captain of the side on a number of occasions. He finished off his club hurling career by winning a further three county medals in succession in 1948, 1949 and 1950.
Lynch also played clubfootball with "the Glen's" sister clubSt. Nicholas. Once again he enjoyed a successful underage career, winning back-to-back county minor titles in 1932 and 1933. Lynch won an intermediate county title in 1937, before adding a seniorcounty football championship medal to his collection in 1938. Lynch won his second county football medal with "St. Nick's" in 1941. While working in Dublin in the mid-1940s, Lynch played club football with the Civil Service GAA team. In 1944 he won aDublin Senior Football Championship title, alongside fellow Munster nativeMick Falvey.[8]
By the late 1930s, Lynch was adual player with theCork senior hurling and senior football teams. In 1939, he became the only player in history tocaptain both the inter-county football and hurling teams in the same year. That year he won his firstMunster Senior Hurling Championship (SHC) title. However,Kilkenny later accounted for Cork in the famous"thunder and lightning"All-Ireland Senior Hurling Championship (SHC) final. In1940 and1941, Lynch played as Cork won back-to-backNational Hurling League titles, with him captaining the first of those. However, the 1941 championship was severely hampered due to an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. Cork only had to play two games to be crowned All-Ireland SHC winner champions. However, the team lost the delayed Munster SHC final toTipperary.
In 1942, Lynch was selected as Cork hurling captain once again. That year he captured his second set of Munster SHC and All-Ireland SHC medals. The year 1943, proved to be a successful year for Lynch as he won a third Munster SHC medal and a firstMunster Senior Football Championship (SFC) medal. While the footballers were later defeated in theAll-Ireland Senior Football Championship (SFC) semi-final, Lynch's hurling team went on to win a third consecutive All-Ireland SHC title. In 1944, Lynch captured his fourth Munster SHC title. Later that year Cork created a piece of sporting history by becoming the first team to win four consecutive All-Ireland SHC titles. Lynch was one of the heroes of the team who played in all four finals.
In 1945, Cork surrendered their provincial hurling crown; however, Lynch, as a member of the Cork senior football team, won his second Munster SFC title. Cork later defeatedCavan in the All-Ireland SFC final, giving Lynch his first, and only, All-Ireland SFC medal. In 1946, the Cork hurlers returned to their winning ways and Lynch claimed a fifth provincial hurling title. A fifth All-Ireland SHC medal was later added to his collection following a defeat of old rivals Kilkenny in the final. On that September day in 1946, Lynch made Irish sporting history by becoming the first player to win six consecutive senior All-Ireland medals (five in hurling and one in football).
Lynch captured a sixth Munster SHC medal in 1947, before going on to play in his seventh All-Ireland SHC final in less than a decade. The game itself against Kilkenny has often been described as the greatest All-Ireland SHC final ever played. However, Lynch ended up on the losing side by a single point. There was some consolation at the start of 1948 as Lynch claimed another National Hurling League medal. However, Tipperary quickly became the dominant force in the Munster SHC. Lynch retired from inter-county hurling in 1950. He had retired from inter-county football several years earlier.
Even at the height of his career, Lynch had come to be regarded as one of the all-time greats ofGaelic games. His contribution to the game of hurling was first recognised when he was named as the "Hurling Captain of the Forties". In the centenary year of theGaelic Athletic Association in 1984, Lynch was named on the "Hurling Team of the Century". At thespecial centenary All-Ireland SHC final inSemple Stadium, he received one of the loudest cheers and rounds of applause when all the former All-Ireland SHC-winning captains were introduced to the crowd. Shortly after his death in 1999, Lynch's reputation as one of the true greats of the game was further cemented when he was named on the "Hurling Team of the Millennium".
In 1981, he won anAll-Time All Star Award since there was no All Star Awards during his playing days.
In 1946, Lynch had his first involvement in politics when he was asked by his localFianna Fáilcumann to stand for theDáil in a by-election . He declined on this occasion, due to his lack of political experience, but indicated that he would be interested in standing in the next general election. In 1947, Lynch refused a similar offer to stand by the new political partyClann na Poblachta. A general election was eventually called forFebruary 1948, Lynch topped the poll for theCork Borough constituency and became a Fianna Fáil TD in the13th Dáil.[9] Although Fianna Fáil lost the election and were out of power for the first time in sixteen years, Lynch became speechwriter and research assistant for the party leader,Éamon de Valera.
In 1951, Fianna Fáil were back in power and Lynch was appointedParliamentary Secretary to the Government, with special responsibility forGaeltacht areas.[10] The party returned to opposition again between 1954 and 1957. During this period Lynch served as Fianna Fáil spokesperson on the Gaeltacht. After the1957 general election Fianna Fáil returned to office and de Valera headed his last government. Lynch was promoted to cabinet asMinister for Education, as well as holding the Gaeltacht portfolio for a short while. At 39, he was the youngest member of the Government. Lynch introduced innovative legislation, such as raising the school leaving age; reducing school class sizes; removing a ban on married women working as teachers and allowing the Jewish skull cap to be worn but only from the age of 12.
In 1959, Éamon de Valera was electedPresident of Ireland andSeán Lemass succeeded him asTaoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader. Lynch was promoted to Lemass' old portfolio asMinister for Industry and Commerce. In this portfolio, he inherited the most dynamic department in the government. However, having replaced such a political giant, Lynch felt that his own scope for change was severely limited. Lynch was described as not being the most innovative of ministers but was particularly attentive when it came to legislation and detail. It was in this department where Lynch worked closely with Lemass andT. K. Whitaker in generating economic growth and implementing the Programme for Economic Expansion. He was also noted for his astuteness in solving several industrial disputes during his tenure at the department.
In 1965, Lemass was once again re-elected Taoiseach. The big change was the retirement of such political heavyweights asJames Ryan andSeán MacEntee, with Lynch taking over from the former asMinister for Finance. This appointment was particularly significant because Lemass was coming to the end of his premiership and wanted to prepare a successor. As a result, Lynch took charge of the second most important position in the government, gaining widespread experience in a number of affairs, and accompanying Lemass toLondon to sign one of the most important trade agreements between Ireland and theUnited Kingdom. One occasion in which Lynch's authority was seen to be undermined as Minister for Finance was when the Minister for Education,Donogh O'Malley, announced that the government would provide free secondary school education for all. This proposal had not been discussed at Cabinet level as would be required to fund such a service. It subsequently transpired that Lemass had previously agreed the decision without cabinet discussion as was required.
Lemass retired in 1966 after 7 years in the position and a leadership race (the first contested race in the history of the party) threatened to tear Fianna Fáil apart. Lynch, and another favourite of Lemass's,Patrick Hillery, ruled themselves out of theleadership election from the very beginning. However, other candidates such asCharles Haughey,George Colley andNeil Blaney threw their hats into the ring immediately. None of the candidates that were being offered to the party seemed particularly appealing and Lemass' made one last attempt to coax either Hillery or Lynch to join the race as a compromise candidate. Hillery remained adamant that he did not want the leadership and eventually Lynch allowed his name to go forward. Upon hearing this Haughey and Blaney, the latter having never really entered the race in the first place, withdrew and announced their support for Lynch. Colley refused to withdraw and when it was put to a ballot Lynch comfortably defeated him by 52 votes to 19. Lynch was thus electedTaoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil on 10 November 1966.
The Lynch succession, however, was not a smooth one. Three men had openly expressed ambitions to be Taoiseach, Haughey, Blaney and Colley. Three other cabinet ministers had also contemplated running, these wereBrian Lenihan,Kevin Boland andDonogh O'Malley.
Because Lynch was elected as somewhat of a "compromise candidate" it appeared to many that he would only remain as an interim Taoiseach. This thought could not be further from his mind, and he outlined his intentions shortly after coming to power. Lynch took particular exception to the title "Interim Taoiseach" or "Reluctant Taoiseach". He had no intention of stepping aside after a few years in favour of one of the other candidates who had been unsuccessful against him in 1966. He was, however, reluctant to name his first cabinet. He believed that the existing members of the government owed their positions to Lemass, and so he retained the entire cabinet, albeit with some members moving to different departments. Lynch adopted a chairman-like approach to government allowing his ministers a free run in their respective departments. He continued the modernising and liberal approach that Lemass had begun, albeit at a slower pace. Lynch was lucky in the timing of Lemass's resignation. The new Taoiseach now had almost a full Dáil term before the next general election.
WithFianna Fáil having been in power for eleven years by 1968, Lynch was persuaded once again to make an attempt to abolish theproportional representation method of voting in general elections in favour of a first-past-the-post system that was used in the United Kingdom. However, the campaign generated little enthusiasm, even within Fianna Fáil. The main opposition partyFine Gael, along with theLabour Party opposed the referendum when it transpired that Fianna Fáil could win up to 80 or 90 seats in a 144-seatDáil if the motion was passed. Much like in 1959, when the party tried to make the same referendum, the electorate believed this to be an attempt to institutionalise Fianna Fáil in power, and thus they rejected the motion put to them. This cast doubts on Lynch and his ability to win a general election, however, he proved his critics wrong in the1969 general election when Fianna Fáil won its first overall majority since Éamon de Valera in 1957, and Lynch proved himself to be a huge electoral asset for the party.
Gluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta was a pressure group campaigning for social, economic and cultural rights for native-speakers of Irish living in Gaeltacht areas. It was founded in Connemara in 1969 to highlight the decline of the Irish language and to campaign for greater rights for Irish speaking areas in the area of access to services, broadcasting and ultimately an elected assembly of their own.
The campaign was often of a militant nature, including placing nails under the wheels of the car carrying the Taoiseach Jack Lynch in Galway West during the 1969 general election campaign. Campaigners insisted the Taoiseach answer all of their questions before permitting him to continue on his journey. In that election a member of the campaign, Peadar Mac An Iomaire polled more than 6% of the vote in that constituency.
Northern Ireland, and Lynch's attitude to the situation which was about to develop there would come to define his first tenure as Taoiseach. Lynch continued Lemass's approach in regard to relations with Northern Ireland. Better relations had been forged between the two parts of Ireland with cooperation between Ministers on several practical issues such as trade, agriculture and tourism. In December 1967, Lynch travelled toBelfast where he met withPrime MinisterTerence O'Neill, for the first time atStormont. The meeting was arranged in the hope of forming even more links. On 8 January 1968, they met again in Dublin.[11] However, the situation was already beginning to deteriorate in Northern Ireland with civil unrest and the resignation of O'Neill to come. O'Neill continued to hold Lynch in high regard stating in the House of Lords in 1972:
I do not believe one could have a better Taoiseach than Mr. Lynch. It is not for nothing that he is known in the South as "Honest Jack". I do not know many other politicians who have that little prefix put in front of their names.[12]
Shortly after Lynch's election victory in 1969, tensions in Northern Ireland finally spilled over and "The Troubles" began. The sight of refugees from the North teeming across the border turned public opinion in the Republic. TheBattle of the Bogside inDerry between theRoyal Ulster Constabulary and residents in August 1969, prompted Lynch on 13 August to make what some people considerone of the most important broadcasts to the nation onRTÉ,[13] commenting on the ever-increasingly violent situation he said:
It is clear now that the present situation cannot be allowed to continue. It is evident also that the Stormont government is no longer in control of the situation. Indeed, the present situation is the inevitable outcome of the policies pursued for decades by successive Stormont governments. It is clear also that the Irish Government can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse. It is obvious that the RUC is no longer accepted as an impartial police force. Neither would the employment ofBritish troops be acceptable nor would they be likely to restore peaceful conditions, certainly not in the long term. TheIrish government have, therefore, requested theBritish government to apply immediately to the United Nations for the urgent dispatch of a Peace-Keeping Force to the Six Counties of Northern Ireland and have instructed the Permanent Representative to the United Nations to inform the Secretary General of this request. We have also asked the British Government to see to it that police attacks on the people of Derry should cease immediately.
Very many people have been injured and some of them seriously. We know that many of these do not wish to be treated in Six County hospitals. We have, therefore, directed theIrish Army authorities to have field hospitals established inCounty Donegal adjacent to Derry and at other points along the Border where they may be necessary.
Recognising, however, that there-unification of the national territory can provide the only permanent solution for the problem, it is our intention to request the British Government to enter into early negotiations with the Irish Government to review the present constitutional position of the Six Counties of Northern Ireland.[14]
Lynch's statement that the Irish Government could "no longer stand by" was interpreted by someUnionists in Northern Ireland as hinting at military intervention (and was misquoted as a promise not to "standidly by"). A minority of ministers – two, according toDesmond O'Malley – would have favoured such a course, but the Irish Army was completely unprepared for an operation of this kind. The majority of the cabinet opposed military intervention, and Lynch took no such action, though he commissioned a study namedExercise Armageddon. As the violence continued, the Minister for External Affairs,Patrick Hillery, met the BritishForeign Secretary and also went to theUnited Nations in a plea to send apeacekeeping force to the North and to highlight the Irish government's case. However, little else was achieved from these meetings other than media coverage of the activities in the north. The situation in Northern Ireland continued to deteriorate during Lynch's first term.Bloody Sunday (30 January 1972), saw the killing of 14 unarmed civilians byBritish paratroopers and a backlash of anti-British feeling in all parts of Ireland, including the burning of theBritish Embassy in Dublin.
Despite the strains inrelations between theUnited Kingdom andIreland in the wake of those events, the British Ambassador,Sir John Peck, praised Lynch, of whom he said "all those concerned with, and committed to, peace with justice in the North owe a very great deal to his courage and tenacity", adding that "I do not think that I ever succeeded in convincing British politicians of how much we owed him at that stage, or what the consequences would have been if he had lost his head".[15]
Lynch's attitude towards the Northern Ireland question and the application of Fianna Fáil party policy to it would eventually come to define his first period as Taoiseach, and would once again show his critics that far from being "reluctant" he was in fact a strong and decisive leader. His strong leadership skills and determination were clearly evident in 1970, when allegations (later disproved in court, though questions since have emerged challenging that verdict in one case), that the hardline republican Minister for Agriculture,Neil Blaney, and the Minister for Finance,Charles Haughey, were involved in an attempt to use £100,000 in aid money to import arms for theProvisional IRA. Both ministers were sacked after some initial procrastination on Lynch's part, his innocent Minister for Justice,Mícheál Ó Móráin, retired the day before and a fourth minister,Kevin Boland and his Parliamentary Secretary, resigned in sympathy with Haughey and Blaney. The whole affair, which became known as theArms Crisis, allowed Lynch to stamp his control on his government, but would eventually lead to deep division in Fianna Fáil for many decades to come. It is now believed by some that Lynch was aware of these activities and acted only when his hand was forced when theGarda Special Branch informed the leader of the opposition and threatened to go to the media.[16]
One of the high points of Lynch's first term as Taoiseach, and possibly one of the most important events in modern Irish history, was Ireland's entry into theEuropean Economic Community. Lynch personally steered the application for membership. Membership was accepted by a five-to-one majority in a referendum. Ireland officially joined, along with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom andDenmark, on 1 January 1973.Patrick Hillery became Ireland's firstEuropean Commissioner. In appointing Hillery Europe was gaining one of Ireland's most experienced politicians, while on the other hand, Lynch was losing one of his staunchest allies. The admittance of Ireland was the culmination of a decade of preparation which was begun by Lynch and his predecessor,Seán Lemass, who unfortunately did not live to see what would have been his greatest achievement.
A number of social initiatives were carried out during Lynch's two periods as Taoiseach, including the introduction of Occupational Injuries Benefit, Retirement Pension, and Deserted Wife's Allowance, and an increase in the single earner's unemployment replacement rate.[17] In 1967, a redundancy payments scheme was introduced, and in 1970, various improvements in welfare provision for women were introduced. Maternity insurance was extended to all female employees, a social insurance benefit for deserted wives was introduced, a means-tested allowance for unmarried mothers was established, and an earnings-related component was added to the basic flat-rate maternity benefit.[18] In 1967, free secondary education was introduced, together with free transport to school "for those living more than three miles from the nearest school". In 1972, entitlement to free travel on public transport was introduced for all persons of pensionable age, while people eligible for free hospital care became entitled to prescription drug reimbursement over a certain amount each month.[19]
Lynch's government was expected to collapse following the Arms Crisis; however, it survived until 1973. Lynch had wanted to call the general election for the end of 1972, however, events had conspired against him and the date was set for February 1973. Lynch's government was defeated by theNational Coalition ofFine Gael and theLabour Party at the1973 general election.Liam Cosgrave was elected Taoiseach and Lynch found himself on the opposition benches for the first time in sixteen years. However, Lynch's popularity remained steadfast, so much so that during his tenure asLeader of the Opposition he was frequently referred to as "the Real Taoiseach."
Lynch had some success while out of power. He had finally gained complete control of the party, having neutralised his rivals for leadership during the Arms Crisis, and initiated Fianna Fáil's electoral comeback by securing the election of its candidate,Erskine H. Childers, asPresident of Ireland in 1973, defeating the odds-on favourite, the National Coalition'sTom O'Higgins of Fine Gael.[20][21] In 1974, Lynch appointedRuairí Brugha as spokesman of Northern Ireland, now seen as not a surprise with that of Fianna Fâil's attitude on cross-border issues.[22]
In 1975, Lynch allowedCharles Haughey to return to his Front Bench as Spokesperson on Health. There was much media criticism of Lynch for this move. In the same year the Foreign Affairs Spokesperson,Michael O'Kennedy, published a Fianna Fáil policy document calling for a withdrawal of British forces fromNorthern Ireland. The document was an echo of Fianna Fáil's republican origins, and although Lynch was not happy with it, he did not stop it.
Controversy continued to dog the National Coalition when thePresident of Ireland,Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh, resigned in 1976, after being called a "thundering disgrace" by theMinister for Defence,Paddy Donegan. TaoiseachLiam Cosgrave refused to sack his Minister and the government's popularity took a downturn. A former Fianna Fáil cabinet Minister and a political ally of Lynch, Patrick Hillery, was eventually nominated (without election) as Ó Dálaigh's successor and sixthPresident of Ireland.
In 1977, the government, although reasonably unpopular, felt sure of an election victory and a June date for the poll was fixed. The National Coalition's spirits had been buoyed up by the actions of theMinister for Local Government,James Tully. In what became known as theTullymander (a pun on the wordgerrymander) he re-drew every constituency in Ireland (as he had authority to do), apparently favouring Fine Gael and Labour Party candidates. However, when the election took place the coalition was swept out of office by Fianna Fáil which won an unprecedented twenty-seat Dáil majority and over 50% of the first preference votes. Lynch himself received the biggest personal vote in the state. Although the large parliamentary majority seemed to restore Lynch as an electoral asset, the fact that the party was returned with an enormous vote allowed Lynch to be undermined by many new TDs who were not loyal to Lynch and wanted him removed.
Early on in his second term asTaoiseach, Lynch decided that he would not lead Fianna Fáil into another general election campaign. The date of January 1980 was in his mind as a possible retirement date, however, nothing had been made definite. It was during this time, due to a combination of a large parliamentary majority and the search for a new leader, when party discipline began to break down.
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In the party's election manifesto in 1977 Fianna Fáil promised a whole range of new economic measures. These measures included the abolition of car tax, rates on houses and a number of other vote-winning "sweeteners". A newDepartment of Economic Planning and Development was established to kick-start Ireland's flagging economy and to implement these new measures. The government abolished domestic rates on houses and unemployment fell from 106,000 to 90,000 between 1977 and 1979, however, other actions that were taken were not so productive. In 1978, the Irish economy recorded the biggest deficit for an advanced country at 17.6% deficit. The national debt increased by £2 billion in the same period, protest marches byPAYE workers, an increase in electricity charges and theoil crisis of 1979 also caused problems for the government and its economic policy.
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The year 1978 saw the first open revolt in party discipline. There was an open mutiny by many backbenchers when the Minister for Finance,George Colley, attempted to impose a 2% levy on farmers. Although the levy was widely popular with the electorate, Colley was forced into a humiliating climbdown at the behest of the backbenchers and the authority of the government was shaken – particularly when the levy withdrawal was met with mass protests.
Charles Haughey, theMinister for Health, proposed theHealth (Family Planning) Bill 1979, which provided for the availability of contraception with a prescription.Jim Gibbons, theMinister for Agriculture, who was a devout Catholic and had a deep hatred of Haughey, failed to attend and vote for this legislation. It was the only time when a TD, let alone a cabinet Minister, was allowed to flout the party whip in Fianna Fáil and damaged Lynch's authority when he failed to dismiss the minister from the government and expel him from the parliamentary party. As well as this, a group of backbench TDs began to lobby other TDs in support of Charles Haughey, should a leadership election arise. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted ofJackie Fahey,Tom McEllistrim,Seán Doherty,Mark Killilea andAlbert Reynolds.
In June, thefirst direct elections to the European Parliament took place, with Fianna Fáil polling under 35%. A five-month postal strike also led to deep anger across the country. On 27 August 1979, theProvisional IRA assassinatedLord Mountbatten inCounty Sligo. On the same day, the IRA killed 18 British soldiers atWarrenpoint inCounty Down. A radical security review and greater cross-border cooperation were discussed with the newBritish Prime Minister,Margaret Thatcher. These discussions ledSíle de Valera, a backbench TD, to directly challenge the leadership in a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration atFermoy,County Cork, on 9 September.[23] Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at 28 September, de Valera pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding the North which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from the north.[23] The result was embarrassing for Lynch.
The visit ofPope John Paul II to Ireland in September proved to be a welcome break for Lynch from the day-to-day running of the country. In November, just before Lynch departed on a visit to theUnited States he decided that he would resign at the end of the year. This would allow him to complete his six-month term asPresident of the European Community. The defining event which made up his mind was the loss of two by-elections on 7 November by Fianna Fáil in his native Cork (Cork City andCork North-East). In addition, during the trip, Lynch claimed in an interview withThe Washington Post that a five-kilometre air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with Thatcher to enhance security cooperation.[24] This was something highly unsavoury to many inFianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was confronted openly bySíle de Valera,Bill Loughnane, a noted hardline Republican backbencher, along withTom McEllistrim, a member of Haughey's gang of five, at a parliamentary party meeting.[25] Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards, Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage, Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey caucusing opinion within the party.
George Colley, the man whom Lynch saw as his successor, went to him and encouraged him to resign sooner. Colley was convinced that he had enough support to defeat the other likely candidate,Charles Haughey, and that Lynch should resign early to catch his opponents off guard. Lynch agreed and resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil on 5 December 1979, assured that Colley had the votes necessary to win. However, Haughey and his supporters had been preparing for months to take over the leadership and Lynch's resignation came as no surprise. He narrowly defeated Colley in theleadership contest and succeeded Lynch asTaoiseach.
Lynch remained in theDáil as a TD until he retired from politics at the1981 general election.
Following Lynch's retirement from politics the offers from various companies flooded in. He became a director on the boards of a number of companies, includingIrish Distillers,Smurfit andHibernian Insurance. He also embarked on a good deal of foreign travel. He was conferred with the freedom of his native city ofCork. He continued to speak on political issues, particularly in favour ofDesmond O'Malley at the time of his expulsion from Fianna Fáil. Lynch also declined to accept nominations to becomePresident of Ireland, a position he had little interest in. In 1992, he suffered a severe health setback, and in 1993 suffered a stroke in which he nearly lost his sight. Following this he withdrew from public life, preferring to remain at his home with his wife Máirín where he continued to be dogged by ill health.
Lynch continued to be honoured by, among others, theGaelic Athletic Association and various other organisations. In 1999, theJack Lynch Tunnel under the river Lee was named byCork Corporation in his honour. A plaque was also erected at his childhood home in the Blackpool area of Cork, where a statue of him on a bench was erected after his death.
On 20 October 1999, Lynch died in theRoyal Hospital,Donnybrook, Dublin at the age of 82. He was honoured with astate funeral which was attended by thePresident of IrelandMary McAleese,TaoiseachBertie Ahern, former TaoisighJohn Bruton,Albert Reynolds andCharles Haughey, and various political persons from all parties. The coffin was then flown from Dublin to Cork where a procession through the streets of the city drew some of the biggest crowds in the city's history. After the Requiem Mass celebrated in his home parish of theCathedral of St Mary and St Anne, Lynch's friend and political ally,Desmond O'Malley, delivered the graveside oration, paying tribute to Lynch's sense of decency. He is buried inSt. Finbarr's Cemetery, Cork.
Jack Lynch has been described as "the most popular Irish politician sinceDaniel O'Connell". This praise did not come from Lynch's allies or even his own party, but from the former leader ofFine Gael,Liam Cosgrave, who had succeeded Lynch after his first tenure as Taoiseach. As a sportsman Lynch earned a reputation for decency and fair play, characteristics he brought to political life.
The following governments were led by Jack Lynch:
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| New office | Parliamentary Secretary to the Government 1951–1954 | Succeeded by |
| Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands 1951–1954 | Office abolished | |
| Preceded by | Minister for the Gaeltacht 1957 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Minister for Education 1957–1959 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Minister for Industry and Commerce 1959–1965 | |
| Preceded by | Minister for Finance 1965–1966 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Taoiseach 1966–1973 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Leader of the Opposition 1973–1977 | Succeeded by |
| Taoiseach 1977–1979 | Succeeded by | |
| Party political offices | ||
| Preceded by | Leader of Fianna Fáil 1966–1979 | Succeeded by |
| Gaelic games | ||
| Preceded by | Cork Senior Hurling Captain 1938–1940 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Cork Senior Football Captain 1940 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Cork Senior Hurling Captain 1942 | Succeeded by |
| Achievements | ||
| Preceded by | All-Ireland SHC winningcaptain 1942 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by Willie O'Donnell (Munster) | Interprovincial Hurling Final winningcaptain 1943 | Succeeded by |
| Awards | ||
| Preceded by | GAA All-Time All Star Award 1981 | Succeeded by |
