| Irish Military Intelligence Service | |
|---|---|
| Seirbhís Faisnéise Míleata na hÉireann (Irish) | |
 | |
| Country |  Ireland |
| Branch | DFHQ |
| Type | Military intelligence |
| Role | Counterintelligence Counter-terrorism Security ofcritical infrastructure |
| Size | Unknown |
| Part of |  Defence Forces |
| Garrison/HQ | McKee Barracks,Dublin[1] |
| Commanders | |
| Director of Military Intelligence | Brigadier General[2] Currently unknown |
| Insignia | |
| Abbreviation | "IMIS", formerly "J2"[3] / "INT"[4] |
TheIrish Military Intelligence Service (IMIS) (Irish:Seirbhís Faisnéise Míleata na hÉireann) is themilitary intelligence branch of theIrish Defence Forces, and the nationalintelligence service ofIreland. Previously known as the Directorate of Military Intelligence (J2), the organisation has responsibility for the safety and security of theIrish Defence Forces, its personnel, and supporting thenational security of Ireland. The service operates domestic and foreign intelligence sections, providing intelligence to theGovernment of Ireland concerning threats to the security of the state and the national interest from internal and external sources.[5]
Military Intelligence is a constituent part of Defence Forces Headquarters (DFHQ) and is the intelligence section of all Defence Forces branches.[6] IMIS is a joint service and draws military staff (both permanent andreservists) from theArmy,Naval Service andAir Corps.[2] The Irish military special operations forces, theArmy Ranger Wing (ARW), carries out physical tasks in support of Military Intelligence in Ireland and overseas, and theCommunications and Information Services Corps (CIS) provides technical and electronic support. IMIS works closely with theGarda SíochánaSpecial Detective Unit (SDU), the national policecounter-terrorism andcounter-espionage unit.[7]
The primary roles of IMIS[8] are;
IMIS members are drawn from the entire Defence Forces (Army, Naval Service and Air Corps), both permanent and reservist military personnel and civilians who then serve with IMIS. Military Intelligence personnel regularly train, liaise and deploy with foreign intelligence, government and non-government agencies to share knowledge and best practices. This ensures they keep abreast of threats and are able to collate essential intelligence to further protect the state, the Defence Forces and its interests.[2]
The service is under the command of aBrigadier General, known as theDirector of Military Intelligence,[2][9] who provides regular intelligence briefings to theChief of Staff of the Defence Forces. The Director provides a monthly intelligence briefing in-person to theMinister for Defence. The Chief of Staff briefs the cabinet on matters ofstate security, as well as the secretiveNational Security Committee (NSC).[10]
The organisation's number of employees and budget are classified, with a further 150-200 operatives in the Army Ranger Wing (ARW), who can conduct missions at the behest of Military Intelligence. Funding comes from the overallDepartment of Defence budget (€1.35 billion in 2025).[11][12] The only publicly known funding is that for the budget to payconfidential informants, through the "Secret Service" budget, which is shared with theGarda Crime & Security Branch (CSB). In 2024, this figure was €2 million.[13][14]
Operatives from Military Intelligence can carry firearms on operations both at home and abroad, and those in the service may not wearuniforms on operations. The GardaSpecial Detective Unit (SDU) works closely with the Intelligence Branch on domestic matters. Military Intelligence operates out of a number of locations inDublin andCounty Kildare, and their headquarters are understood to be based atMcKee Barracks, Dublin and the Department of Defence Headquarters in Newbridge, County Kildare.[1] The latter is rumoured to house sophisticated modern technology forespionage; the building was completed in 2010 after a number of years of construction, at a cost of €30 million.[15] Intelligence and language training takes place at the Military College, Defence Forces Training Centre (DFTC),Curragh Camp.[16]
In Ireland, national security is primarily the responsibility of theGarda Síochána (national police service), while the Defence Forces are responsible for intelligence.[17]
The Defence Forces Intelligence School is based at theDefence Forces Training Centre, Curragh Camp in County Kildare and was formalised in 2025. It is responsible for professionalising standards and training in the development of joint military intelligence capabilities for IMIS and the delivery of specialised capabilities for IMIS, such asHUMINT,SIGINT,GEOINT andOSINT. The development of the standalone school was a result of the recommendations from the Report of the Commission on Defence Forces (published in 2022). It establishes a professional pathway for military intelligence careers within IMIS. The Intelligence School is responsible for ensuring the Defence Forces remain aligned with international best practice and emerging technologies to identify and counter potential hostile threats.[2]
TheDefence Intelligence (DI) Section is staffed by militarycommissioned andnon-commissioned officers. It is tasked with providing intelligence support to the Defence Forces. Staff actively monitor relevant political, economic, social and military situations globally to produce intelligence reports and strategic studies to support operations. Personnel in this section can be found briefing all the way up to theMinister for Defence. IMIS is responsible for conductingbackground checks of all Defence Forces personnel through close cooperation with theGarda National Vetting Bureau (GNVB).[18] The Defence Intelligence Section is tasked with keeping members of the Defence Forces safe, be it in Ireland or abroad during active military engagements. The Army Ranger Wing Intelligence Section deploys in foreign countries alongside Military Intelligence soldiers during Irish military deployments, which are generallypeacekeeping missions on behalf of theUnited Nations,European Union andNATO (Partnership for Peace), due to Ireland's policy ofmilitary neutrality.[19]
TheNational Security Intelligence Section (NSIS) deals with threats to the state and the Defence Forces. This includes identifying, monitoring and assessing possible threats to the state and Irish national interests at home and abroad, be it by hostile intelligence services, terrorist groups and/or criminal organisations.Counter-intelligence forms a large part of the section's remit, in addition to fulfillingcounter-terrorist, counter-subversion,counterinsurgency, counter-sabotage roles, and physical security ofcritical infrastructure. The National Security Intelligence Section works very closely with the Garda SDU andGarda National Surveillance Unit (NSU) to spy on potential terrorism threats, particularly fromIslamic terrorists anddissident republicans.[20] Military Intelligence has a number ofArabic speakers in their ranks as a result of Defence Forces deployments overseas.[21]
Separately, outside of Defence Forces Headquarters, the Naval Service maintains aNaval Intelligence Cell within itsIntelligence and Fishery Section atNaval Operations Command,Haulbowline Naval Base,Cork Harbour, which is responsible for the collection, collation and dissemination of Naval Intelligence.[22] The Air Corps maintains anAir Intelligence Section at its HQ atCasement Aerodrome,Baldonnel, County Dublin responsible for aviation intelligence.[23][24]
During 2025, a number of designated regional IMIS intelligence "hubs" were established at military installations in Ireland, reporting centrally into IMIS.[25]
Founded in the mid-1920s following theAnglo-Irish Treaty, the Office of the Directorate of Intelligence was originally the intelligence arm of theIrish Army, hence itscode-name "G2", which is a designation inNATO's continental staff system used to refer to an army intelligence, security, and information branch. Later, the Directorate became the intelligence service for the entire Irish armed forces; it was then referred to as "J2" (which refers to joint services, i.e. the Army, Naval Service and Air Corps) and took on more national security roles. G2 spent much of its early efforts combating theAnti-Treaty IRA, in the Republic of Ireland, and also operated in Northern Ireland.[26]
G2 first came to public attention duringWorld War II (1939–1945), known in Ireland asThe Emergency. Although Ireland had a policy of military neutrality and was "non-belligerent" during WWII, G2 formed secret agreements with the United Kingdom'sMilitary Intelligence Section 5 (MI5) and the United States'Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the predecessor to theCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA). During this period, G2 intercepted German naval and aerial communications throughlistening stations located across Ireland, sharing the information withAllied forces.[27] Under ColonelDaniel "Dan" Bryan, Director of Intelligence, G2 apprehended all thirteenNazi spies sent to Ireland, notablyHermann Görtz, and broke German codes during the war, under the supervision ofcryptologistRichard J. Hayes.
During this period, G2 also undertook intelligence operations in Europe, including a notable covert mission in April 1943 where G2 officers travelled to neutralPortugal byflying boat, using the cover of theIrish Red Cross delivering supplies to refugees inSpain, in order to gather information on the Irish minister (precursor to ambassador) inMadrid whom the Irish government had become increasingly suspicious about, due to his close links with Germany.Leopold H. Kerney had been visited byEdmund Veesenmayer, a seniorWaffen-SS officer, who was one of the main Nazis involved in plotting secret Nazi operations in Ireland. G2 made contact with British spies inLisbon and Madrid and concluded that Kerney was in fact neutral.[28]
G2 was involved throughoutThe Troubles (late 1960s to 1998), and Army officers were sent across the border intoNorthern Ireland on intelligence-gathering missions from 1969.[29]
In August 1969TaoiseachJack Lynch asked Irish Army Intelligence to draft proposals for a military intervention and guerrilla operations inNorthern Ireland in order to protect Irish nationalists there from sectarian attack from Ulster loyalist mobs, under a plan known asExercise Armageddon. However, it was deemed unworkable and was not adopted by the cabinet. Nationalist areas were later given a form of protection by British forces underOperation Banner.[30][31]
In 1970, theArms Crisis and subsequent trial engulfed the state in a political scandal in which Irish Army intelligence officer CaptainJames Kelly was implicated in an unauthorised covert operation with the knowledge ofMinister for FinanceCharles Haughey andMinister for Agriculture and FisheriesNeil Blaney whereby £50,000 of a secret Irish government humanitarian fund of £100,000 (which had been set-up to help refugees fleeing Northern Ireland) was diverted and used to illegally import and smuggle arms and ammunition for theProvisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). The Garda Special Branch became aware of the unsanctioned operation and informedMinister for JusticeMícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Lynch, who were slow to take action. Sensing this inaction, the Special Branch leaked the information to the press and the leader of the oppositionFine Gael leaderLiam Cosgrave, who put pressure on Lynch to act. This resulted in Ministers Haughey (who later became Taoiseach) and Blaney being sacked from their posts, Captain Kelly was forced to resign, and the subsequent trial of all three in which the case collapsed and they were cleared of charges.[32][33]
During theCold War, G2 monitored known and suspectedcommunists as well as agents of communist governments operating in Ireland, primarily through embassies in Dublin, sharing information with western allies.
Declassified intelligence files marked "Confidential" released at the end of 2019, after 30 years, show Irish government concerns over the possibility of British nuclear weapons in Northern Ireland. Colonel L Buckley, then Director of Intelligence, briefedPeter Barry, then foreign minister, in November 1983 on the possibility of British/NATO nuclear missiles on the island of Ireland. Col Buckley believed nuclear weapons could be situated at underground facilities insideBenbradagh mountain in Derry, which US forces used as a communications hub in order to communicate with itsNorth Atlantic fleet, but which were also designed for the storage of conventional high explosives. Col Buckley complained that he did not have "the monitoring or surveillance systems" to confirm the presence of nuclear weapons in Northern Ireland, but that the British strongly denied land-based systems in the territory and refused to confirm the movements of air and sea-based nuclear weapons.[34]
A separate file marked "Secret" from June 1985 shows that Irish military intelligence carried out reconnaissance on a British Army installation atForkhill, Armagh (Northern Ireland), after it received information of "strong rumours" from locals that it was being converted into a nuclear facility. Their findings "strongly discounted the possibility". Materials had been brought into the base in night convoys, but this was done for security reasons, and it was noted that there were underground facilities at Forkhill, but that these were for accommodation and protection in the event of a mortar attack. Military intelligence did, however, have a reservation that Forkhill was "now on a microwave communications network which would have a Nato function in relation to possible nuclear attack".[35]
IMIS has been deployed numerous times alongside Irish forces onpeacekeeping duties globally, mainly to ensure the safety and security of Irish troops, but also to provide intelligence on hostile forces. It is considered one of the most secretive intelligence agencies in Europe, and the Irish government and Defence Forces rarely allude to its very existence.[36]
Following theSeptember 11 attacks on theUnited States in 2001, the Directorate of Military Intelligence significantly expanded its operations both internally and externally to provide the Irish government with a better intelligence picture in relation to terror threats emanating fromal-Qaeda and affiliated groups, working with western partners.[29] The2004 Madrid train bombings (11-M) inSpain and7 July 2005 London bombings in theUnited Kingdom also saw an increase in the budget and deployments of Irish intelligence officers.[29]
The service came to national and international attention in late 2005, whenArabic-speakingintelligence officers from the Directorate of Military Intelligence were deployed inIraq, alongside heavily armed Irish Army Rangers, following the kidnapping of Irish journalistRory Carroll inBaghdad by militants. Following the intervention of the Irish, British and American governments, Rory Carroll was released unharmed days later and returned safely to Dublin.[37]
From 2006 to 2014, it has been reported that Military Intelligence and ARW Intelligence Section operatives were on the ground in;Afghanistan,Iraq,Syria,Lebanon,Israel,Sudan,Ivory Coast,Liberia,Kosovo andBosnia-Herzegovina as part of various international missions.[38] IMIS receives intelligence reports from civil servants posted atIrish diplomatic missions overseas, via theDepartment of Foreign Affairs (DFA). Irish Military Intelligence works closely with the BritishSecurity Service (MI5) andSecret Intelligence Service (SIS/MI6), AmericanCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) andNational Security Agency (NSA), and is understood to have a relationship with IsraeliMossad.[39][40]
The Defence Forces and Garda Síochána provide security briefings to Department of Foreign Affairs employees and their families regarding potential terrorist attacks in host countries they are posted to.[41]
In May 2019, J2 was reported to have drawn up a plan to extractLisa Smith – a former Irish Army soldier who converted to Islam before fleeing Ireland to joinISIS – and her two-year-old child from Syria by working with US military intelligence, who agreed to the plan. She would have been brought by Kurdish forces who had arrested her south to the Jordanian border by US military intelligence where Irish military intelligence would have escorted her back to Ireland. The plan was presented to the government by MinisterKehoe but was rejected by the government.[42] There was reported to be significant dissatisfaction within J2 and the higher levels of the Defence Forces with the government's decision, as intelligence officers believed their experience put them in the best position to extract Smith and her child safely and quietly, rather than the DFA or Gardaí.[43] Later, in October 2019 it was reported the Army Ranger Wing had been deployed to the Syrian border in order to try and extract Smith and her child in a Non-Combatant Evacuation Operation after the2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria resulted in Kurdish-held ISIS prisoners escaping, including Smith, although the Defence Forces did not confirm this.[44]
It has been alleged that Ireland facilitated the CIA'sextraordinary rendition program of terrorism suspects in the aftermath of 9/11, including the secret detention and interrogation of suspects. It is claimed that Irish airportsCasement Aerodrome (military) andShannon International Airport (civilian) – used by the US military as stopover hubs – have been used by the CIA for rendition operations, with support from the Irish government.[45]
Military Intelligence and the Garda Special Detective Unit's Middle Eastern Desk are tasked with monitoring potentialjihadists in Ireland andIrish citizens who fight abroad in warzones – specificallySyria andIraq – forMuslim extremist organisations such as the self-proclaimed "Islamic State".[46][47][48]
Ireland has been reported to be a member of theECHELONSIGINT (signals intelligence) network, sharing and receiving information with its members (Australia,Canada,New Zealand,United Kingdom andUnited States).[49] The Defence ForcesCIS Corps is jointly responsible with IMIS for SIGINT andcyber operations within the Defence Forces.[50]
According to the Department of Defence:"The Defence Forces adheres to the provisions of all legislation regulating the conduct of intelligence gathering. The Interception of Postal Packets and Telecommunications Messages (Regulation) Act 1993 does provide the Defence Forces with the authority to conduct intelligence-led operations involving surveillance, electronic communications and stored electronic information in order to safeguard and maintain the security of the State. The Criminal Justice (Surveillance) Act 2009 also provides for surveillance to be conducted by the Defence Forces in order to safeguard the security of the State."[51]
The Directorate of Military Intelligence ceased the practice of providing transcripts of intercepts on mobile phone calls, landlines, texts, emails and other raw intelligence to the CIA in 2011/2012. It now provides information on Irish residents to foreign intelligence services through a mutual assistance programme instead.[52][53] A warrant signed by the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration is required to intercept a telephone call or email of an Irish citizen.[1]
IMIS maintains a secure information technology network and a registry of classified documentation. All intelligence electronically transmitted to IMIS from abroad comes via secured data links to the Army's Intelligence Comcen (Communications Centre), where messages are encrypted and electronically logged before being passed on for analysis. IMIS computer systems are linked with theGarda CSB for the purpose of information sharing and cross-analysis.[29]
A report in late 2018 found that the Defence Forces had received 1,380 disclosures of communication data (mobile, landline and internet) based on requests to phone and internet firms over the five years 2013 to 2017 under the powers of the Communications (Retention of Data) Act 2011. The Defence Forces can only seek data for state security – and averaging more than 5 requests per week – they were the next biggest user of such data after theGarda Síochána, ahead of theRevenue Commissioners andGarda Síochána Ombudsman Commission.[54]
Individuals can apply to be selected for IMIS, and they must be Officers or NCOs to be considered for appointment. Unlike a number of similar military forces, the Irish Defence Forces actively include intelligence as part of Officer and NCO education,[55] but those selected to join IMIS receive further specialist training. The Defence Forces run their own Defence Intelligence & Security Course (DISC). The course runs for a number of months and covers the main areas of intelligence operations, including the principles of intelligence operations, defence intelligence, intelligence analysis, and combat intelligence. The course is supported by additional "on-the-job" training. This includes additional weapons, surveillance and communications training to support ongoing operations. Further training in languages is available, and specialist training on sensitive subjects such as religion, culture, ethnicity and radicalisation are also provided. Members of the Intelligence Branch may also receive further training with friendly forces overseas, such as inimagery intelligence.[16][56]
IMIS consists of a high proportion of commissioned officers, most of whom will enter IMIS with third-level education, aLevel 7 or Level 8 Bachelor's degree as per modern Defence Forces education standards and may go on to undertake further academic studies (such as a Level 9 Master's or higher) in a relevant field.[57]
J2, the Irish Defence Forces' military-intelligence service [..] used to be known as G2; it was renamed because of its connection, jointly, to the Army, Air Corps and Naval Service.
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