Götz Kubitschek (German pronunciation:[gœt͡s'kuːbit͡ʃɛk]; born 17 August 1970) is a German publisher, journalist andfar-right political activist. He espousesethnocentric positions and is one of the most important protagonists of theNeue Rechte (New Right) in Germany. Hailing from the staff of right-wing newspaperJunge Freiheit, Kubitschek is one of the founders of the Neue Rechte think tankInstitut für Staatspolitik (Institute for State Policy; IfS). Since 2002, he is the manager of his self-founded publishing houseAntaios, since 2003 chief editor of the journalSezession, as well as editor of the corresponding blogSezession im Netz.
He initiated several small-scale rightist political campaigns like theKonservativ-Subversive Aktion (KSA) andEin Prozent für unser Land (One Percent For Our Country). According to observers, he was also instrumental in the conceptual consolidation of the German branch of theIdentitarian movement, commonly viewed asfar-right. In 2015, he appeared several times as the main speaker at rallies of the anti-IslamicPEGIDA movement in the German state ofSaxony. Furthermore, he is in contact withEast German members of the right-wing populistAlternative for Germany (AfD) party.
Kubitschek was born inRavensburg (German town in Baden-Württemberg). After leaving school in 1990 withAbitur, he did his military service with areconnaissance unit in nearbyWeingarten.[1] From 1992 to 1999,[1] he studied inHanover andHeidelberg to become a teacher[2] in German, geography and philosophy, recording a CD withGoethe poems and songs during this time.[2] Kubitschek joined theDeutsche Gildenschaft, avölkisch-oriented association ofstudent fraternities, like his later colleaguesDieter Stein (founder of the newspaperJunge Freiheit) andKarlheinz Weißmann.[3] He was theGildenschaft's vice-president and spokesman for its active members.[1] As of 2003, he states to have resigned from his membership.[3]
In 1993, he was speaker at aJunge Freiheit summer school inRavensburg, headed by the far-right publisherHans-Ulrich Kopp and organised clandestinely by aFPÖ university students' association among others.[4] His talk was about theWeimar-era national-revolutionary writer and right-wing activistErnst von Salomon.In early 1995, he was responsible for a special edition ofJunge Freiheit about the writerErnst Jünger, viewed by some as a mental precursor of the New Right.[5] From June 1995 to January 1997, he was the JF's editor for security and military matters.[3] He stayed close to the newspaper afterwards, writing many articles for JF's front page and cooperating with chief editor Stein for a special publication for JF's 20th anniversary in 2006.[6][7]
In 1996, Kubitschek, as part of an organisation founded by himself, participated in protests against theHamburg Institute for Social Research'sexhibition about the war crimes of the German Wehrmacht.[8] In 2010, he took part in a memorial march for the victims of theAllied bombing of Dresden, dominated by neo-Nazis.[9]
From December 1997 to March 1998, Kubitschek, a reserve officer in the Army, served voluntarily with theBundeswehr as part ofSFOR inBosnia. He was stationed inSarajevo as second lieutenant and led a platoon in "Operative Communications". AfterErnst Jünger died in February 1998, he organised a reading of his works.[10] Having returned to Germany, he published a book about his experiences in Bosnia together with a first lieutenant who was classified as a right-wing extremist bymilitary intelligence.[11]
Kubitschek is married to Ellen Kositza,[12] his second wife, who also wrote for the JF. The couple has seven children[13] and lives in Schnellroda Manor in the village ofSteigra (Saxony-Anhalt).[14]
In 2000, Kubitschek and thegymnasium teacher Karlheinz Weißmann, another main protagonist of the Neue Rechte, founded theInstitut für Staatspolitik (IfS; Institute for State Policy) to promote neo-rightist ideas and persons in material and non-material ways. Since 2003, the Institute publishes the bi-monthly journal 'Sezession', with Kubitschek as chief editor.[15] Within theNeue Rechte, the institution competes with the firmly Neo-NaziDeutsches Kolleg (German College)[16] and the more Christian-conservativeStudienzentrum Weikersheim (Weikersheim Centre of Studies).
The IfS's style was linked to the "fascist [rather cold] style" ofArmin Mohler, aSwiss writer and publisher known for his work on theConservative Revolution.[17] Kubitschek and Weißmann made the laudatory speech for Mohler's 80th birthday in 2000, and he was among the signatories for Mohler's obituary by his "friends and students" after his death in 2003, also making one of the speeches at his funeral.[18]He resigned from managing the IfS[15] in September 2008 in favour of Erik Lehnert, a philosopher.[19] Since 2002, he has been managing theAntaios publishing house linked to the IfS.
On 16 August 2001, one day before his 31st birthday, Kubitschek, by then reserve first lieutenant, was dismissed from a training exercise in progress as he was charged with being "involved inright-wing extremist endeavours" according to the Bundeswehr's Office of Personnel and as his "remaining in the Bundeswehr [would] seriously endanger military order and security among the troops."[20] He had frequently written articles forJunge Freiheit which was at that time under observation byfederal security agencies.
As a response, the JF started a campaign in September 2001, appealing to the Bundeswehr to revoke its decision and protesting against categorising their activity as right-wing extremist.[20] The Bundeswehr repealed its decision in the first half of 2002.[21] The communication historianLutz Hachmeister claimed that this was not due to the JF's appeal but due to possible legal problems.[22] Kubitschek received no further promotions. He commented in 2008: "To be a soldier, you don't have to wear epaulettes; to serve the state, you don't have to be a state [i.e. public] servant."[23]
Members of theNational Democratic Party (traditionally the most important of Germany's post-warfar-right parties, usually categorised asneo-Nazi) accused him of indulging in "intellectual self-gratification" and that he was part of the "system". Kubitschek had spoken dismissively about the NPD and its aim to "overcome the system": "What I got to know here in my region [inSaxony-Anhalt state] regarding NPD structures or proto-political structures, like Kameradschaften etc. [i.e. loosely-organised neo-Nazi gangs], this is – with due respect – beneath contempt and does not live up to their self-imposed aspirations of advancing Germany. It starts with manners, continues with their political models and their dangerous semi-knowledge, and ends with their outline of how to organise things after taking power. This competition about who may frame the most radical solution and the most radical view, is alien to me."[30] His and the NPD's overlap are "pretty small", he said.[31] Kubitschek's activities were deemed byEndstation Rechts (aYoung Social Democrat watchdog of the far-right) to be "non-extremist" in 2010, but explicitly without excludinghistorical revisionism.[32]
Nonetheless, Kubitschek gave an interview in the NPD paperDeutsche Stimme (German Voice) in 2008.[33] In a talk at IfS, he stressed: "The way our state is composed now, it can hardly be stabilised. In its foundations, there are many inclusions that are corrupting the Nation. And through its current policies, it is destroying the substance of the German people, which is without ifs or buts the foundation of a German future."[34]Uwe Backes, a researcher ofextremism, called the relationship with the NPD "elitist distance" in 2012.[35] Likewise, Armin Pfahl-Traughber, another German scholar of extremism, said in 2008 that "the differences are less in their animosity towards the norms of the democratic constitutional state but more in regard to methods and target groups."[36]
Kubitschek said he worked for a short time in the early 2000s as an advisor for theBaden-Württemberg section of theRepublicans, a German far-right fringe party. In 2005, he accepted an invitation to the summer convention of their youth chapter atMainz-Kostheim[37] where he gave a talk amongst other members of European rightist parties like the AustrianFPÖ and the BelgianVlaams Belang.[38]
Both Kubitschek and his wife applied for membership in theSaxony-Anhalt section of the newly formedAfD party (variously termednational-conservative orright-wing populist). This was approved on 27 January 2015 and their ID cards were issued on 5 February, but on 17 February, they were told by the party's federal secretary that their applications had been rejected.[39]
Kubitschek responded positively to theErfurt Resolution by party right-wingers and state-level party chairmenBjörn Höcke (Thuringia) andAndré Poggenburg (Saxony-Anhalt) in March 2015, stating his support for this "neo-rightist [...] assembly movement" within the party.[40] Poggenburg approved Kubitschek's joining and criticised its revocation by the federal party board aroundBernd Lucke.[41]
In November 2015, Kubitschek allowed Höcke to give a talk inSchnellroda that was available online for a short time and that was widely seen as racist.[42] According to Pfahl-Traughber, Kubitschek is part of Höcke's "political friends", whose state party chapter facilitated "German-nationalist voices with clear orientations in a far-right direction."[43]
After the AfD's huge success at the Saxony-Anhalt state elections in 2016, Kubitschek was a guest at their election night event and was quoted as saying: "I can assure you that these pragmatists, now represented with 27 members in the Saxony-Anhaltstate parliament and with big groups inRhineland-Palatinate and [Baden-]Württemberg, would very, very much like to adapt and politically realise some of the concepts, some of the topics, some of the expertise from our projects."[44] In June 2016, he and his wife were guests at the so-calledKyffhäuser Meeting of the AfD's right wing around Höcke and Poggenburg.[45]
ResearcherVolker Weiss claimed Kubitschek had been "always more anactivist than an intellectual."[46] According to the sociologistAlexander Häusler, he is "one of the authoritative actors of the action-oriented Right which tries to draw attention to right-wing politics withactions in the streets and provocations of völkisch content."[47] He has been characterised as a "movement entrepreneur"[48][49] and a "demagogue".[50]
Kubitschek is known to adapt traditionallyleftist strategies and terminology.[51] In 2007, he initiated theKonservativ-Subversive Aktion with only a few companions,[52] its name being reminiscent of the 1960s West German far-left groupSubversive Aktion.[53] Their tactics were aimed to spread its positions by offensive and spectacular actions.[54] Well-publicised, provocant actions of KSA have been the disruption of aBerlin convention of asocialist students' association in May 2008;[55] of a speech byEgon Krenz, a formerGDR apparatchik, in June 2008; of a reading byNobel Prize-winning writerGünter Grass in August 2008;[56][57] of a discussion forum with Green politicianDaniel 'Red Danny' Cohn-Bendit and moderate conservativeArmin Laschet in November 2009;[58] and a demonstration inblack shirts against chancellorMerkel's participation in a memorial service for the end ofWorld War I inFrance.[59]
According to political scientistGideon Botsch (2012), Kubitschek's fascination with the "activism and voluntarism ofradical left-wing currents" exerted a strong influence on the KSA.[60]Karin Priester summed up in 2015 that the KSA's activities consisted of an "ineffective thirst for action reminiscent of studenthappenings". They are "far from the subcultural, national-revolutionary activism of the neo-fascistCasa Pound network in Italy."[61]
For the 50th edition of his journalSezession, Kubitschek andFelix Menzel, chief editor of the right-wing youth magazineBlaue Narzisse (Blue Narcissus), organised thezwischentag (roughly: between-day, inter-day) fair that took place on 6 October 2012 inBerlin, attracting more than 700 visitors and many organisations, artists and businesses from the Neue Rechte orbit,[62][63] including right-wing extremists.[64] He continued the event in 2013,[65] although the JF declined to have a stall there because of the inclusion of the Italian neo-fascistGabriele Adinolfi.[66]
In 2012, Kubitschek and Martin Lichtmesz, anotherSezession author, attended theConvent international of theBloc identitaire inOrange, France.[67] In one of the first academic publications on theIdentitarian movement in 2014, many of Kubitschek's projects, like theSezession journal, theAntaios publishing house, theIfS think tank, theKSA activist group and thezwischentag fair, were mentioned as part of the wider Identitarian political and journalistic milieu.[68] Another publication called him, Lichtmesz, and Menzel the central protagonists of the movement's German branch.[69] TheLower Saxon Ministry of the Interior stated that Kubitschek "had campaigned for the Identitarians' goals in writing as well as on public events in the past".[70] Volker Weiß claims that he was instrumental in spreading the concept in Germany.[46]
Kubitschek appeared in 2015 together with his family[71] as the main speaker at three rallies of LEGIDA,PEGIDA'sLeipzig offshoot.[72] The first time together withJürgen Elsässer, responsible for theconspiracist,Third Positionist magazineCompact.[73] Both activists stated that the rallies were also about "criticism of the [political]system".[73] In January, he presented a position paper on "Immigration and Identity", using 'integration' as a combat term after the sociologistAnnette Treibel-Illian had proposed that, for integration in amulti-cultural society, native people should also make an effort.[74]
Kubitschek also spoke as the main orator at PEGIDA rallies inDresden,[75] e.g. next to the Dutch right-wing populistGeert Wilders.[76] He stated to see himself as a kind of "middleman" between the PEGIDA movement's local branches.[40] He also tried to find common ground withElsässer at aCompact event.[77]
The scholar of far-right extremismOlaf Sundermeyer concluded from his call for "civil disobedience" at a Dresden rally in autumn 2015 that he would elevate the "violent protest at Heidenau to an example for others".[78] Although he distanced himself from violence, Pfahl-Traughber states that his "political rigorism" was obvious.[79] Kubitschek, among others, is supposed to have provided PEGIDA supporters "with arguments forislamophobic andxenophobic discourse".[80] Dresden-based political scientistHans Vorländer claimed that he advocated "völkisch positions", making the Identitarians compatible with thepolitical mainstream.[81] Other experts called him a "mentor of PEGIDA" and that he "contributed massively to radicalise the racist PEGIDA movement".[82][83] His appearances with PEGIDA have boosted his prominence significantly.[79][84]
In February 2015,[85] Kubitschek appeared in Italy as a guest ofMatteo Salvini at a mass rally of his party, the right-wing populist,regionalist and xenophobicLega Nord, where he was introduced as a PEGIDA representative.[86]
In 2015, he was among the founders of the associationEin Prozent für unser Land (One Percent For Our Country), together withCompact chief editorJürgen Elsässer and constitutional lawyer and activistKarl Albrecht Schachtschneider.[87] The organisation, proclaimed as a rightistresistance movement, is in close contact with the Identitarians aroundMartin Sellner[88] and is seen as part of the Neue Rechte.[89] Being financed mainly through donations, it deals in publicity campaigns in online media. While the exterior seems respectable and mainstream-compatible, says sociologist Anna-Lena Lerkenhoff, there is often an "idealising and downplaying representation of racist protest".[90] A well-publicised constitutional complaint "against the policy of mass immigration" (Kubitschek) was rejected by theConstitutional Court in 2016.[91]
After theterrorist attack in Berlin shortly before Christmas 2016, Kubitschek was present during a silent vigil withEinProzent in front of theseat of government on 21 December. Identitarians and various AfD heads also attended. Several media commentators accused the participants of abusing post-terror mourning for political purposes.[92][93]
Kubitschek frequently serves as a speaker at various events, e.g. in 2006 at thePreußische Akademie (Prussian Academy) of theJunge Landsmannschaft Ostpreußen[94] (originally the youth branch of the association of Germansexpelled fromEast Prussia, now classified as right-wing extremist[95]), or withBurschenschaften (traditionalist student fraternities), esp. those of the ultra-conservativeBurschenschaftliche Gemeinschaft.[96][97][98] In 2015, he spoke at theBurschentag, a traditional fraternity convention inEisenach, Thuringia, together withWilhelm Brauneder,FPÖ member and former president of theNational Council ofAustria.[99]
Furthermore, in 2011, Kubitschek appeared as a speaker at a readers' meeting of theLesen & Schenken publishing house, owned by far-right extremistDietmar Munier.[100][101]
In November 2016, Kubitschek was invited to a political panel discussion on 19 January 2017 at Municipal TheatreMagdeburg, a decision which drew heavy criticism for legitimising him in the political arena.[102] This would have been Kubitschek's first invitation to a discussion forum outside the far-right milieu and has been called an "accolade for such a muddled far-right ideologue" bySaxony-Anhalt Minister-PresidentHaseloff.[103] After another invited participant, that State's Minister of the Interior Holger Stahlknecht (Conservative), bowed down to political pressure and retreated from the event,[103] the discussion was cancelled due to the political "imbalance" thus created.[104]
Roland Eckert, aTrier-based sociologist, stated in 2011 in a talk given at theStiftung Demokratie Saarland (Foundation DemocracySaarland) that Kubitschek combinesAlain de Benoist'sethnopluralism with ideas of Weimar- and Nazi-era legal philosopherCarl Schmitt and the contemporaneous biologistKonrad Lorenz. Eckert concluded that Kubitschek's publications regarding immigration aim at an "offensive againstMuslim immigrants". It is to be expected, he said, that Kubitschek's strategy would "inflame conflicts".[105]
Most of Kubitschek's books are published byAntaios, e.g.Deutsche Opfer, fremde Täter (German victims, foreign offenders) aboutcrime and ethnicity, a collaboration with Michael Paulwitz, deemed to be close to the Idenititarians.[106] The book's political ideas (among themDeutschfeindlichkeit, i.e. Germanophobia, associated with the far-right[107]) are said to be close to thenationally liberated zone (a concept by theNPD's youth wing) and to the ItalianCasaPound movement.[108] The book project is viewed as an example how "a combination of national-conservative and far-right discourses is attempted".[109]
Kellershohn claimed that Kubitschek's bookProvokation (2007) would develop the "ideological background" for the IfS's envisioned "strategy of seizing [mental] territory"[108] by imagining a 'proto-civil war'[110][111] in a progressingmulticultural society. Kellershohn sees the text as one of the foundational ones for the Identitarians.[112]
In an op-ed forChrist und Welt (Christ and World), aChristian supplement for theZeit newspaper, political scientistChristiane Florin judges Kubitschek's and his wife's publications to be far-right.[115]
TheMunich-based sociologistArmin Nassehi published a correspondence of him and Kubitschek in 2015, in which he called him a "right-wing intellectual" and his publishing house national-conservative.[116] Volker Weiß criticised this categorisation as misconceiving his position as being close toclassical conservativism which is far from what "Kubitschek's set" espouses. Kubitschek just wants so become socially acceptable through "'conservative' interview partners" and Nassehi facilitated this strategy.[117]
with Peter Felser (1999):Raki amIgman. Texte und Reportagen aus demBosnien-Einsatz der Bundeswehr [Raki at the Igman. Texts and reports from the Bundeswehr mission in Bosnia]. Stuttgart: Edition die Lanze. (Reprint (2001): Bad Vilbel: Edition Antaios.)
(2006):20 Jahre Junge Freiheit. Idee und Geschichte einer Zeitung [20 Years ofJunge Freiheit. Idea and history of a newspaper]. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios.
(2016):Die Spurbreite des schmalen Grats.Texte 2000-2016 [The width of the fine line. Texts 2000-2016]. Schnellroda: Verlag Antaios.
Editorship
with Karlheinz Weißmann, Ellen Kositza (eds.) (2000):Lauter dritte Wege.Armin Mohler zum Achtzigsten [Nothing butThird Ways. For Armin Mohler's Eightieth birthday. Bad Vilbel: Edition Antaios.
with Erik Lehnert (2009):Joachim Fernau. Leben und Werk in Texten und Bildern [Joachim Fernau. Life and Work in Texts and Pictures]. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios.
with Ellen Kositza (eds.) (2015):Tristesse Droite. Die Abende von Schnellroda [Tristesse Droite. The Schnellroda Evenings]. Schnellroda: Verlag Antaios.
Conversations
(2004):Und plötzlich ist alles politisch. Im Gespräch mit BrigadegeneralReinhard Günzel [And suddenly everything is political. In conversation with brigadier-general Reinhard Günzel]. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios.
(2006):Unsere Zeit kommt. Im Gespräch mit Karlheinz Weißmann [Our Time Is Coming. In conversation with Karlheinz Weißmann]. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios.
(2007):Deutschland auf Augenhöhe. Im Gespräch mitGerd Schultze-Rhonhof [Germany at eye level. In conversation with Gerd Schultze-Rhonhof]. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios.
Contributions
(1994): "Ernst von Salomon". In: Michael Hageböck (ed.):JF-Sommeruniversität 1993 in Ravensburg [JF summer school, Ravensburg 1993]. Potsdam: Junge Freiheit, pp. 209 ff.
(2008): "Preußen! Und nun?" [Prussia! And now?]. In: Heiko Luge (ed.):Grenzgänge. Liber amicorum für den nationalen Dissidenten Hans-Dietrich Sander zum 80. Geburtstag [Border crossings. Liber amicorum for the 80th birthday of national dissident Hans-Dietrich Sander]. Graz: Ares-Verlag, pp. 242 ff.
^abRingelstetter, Andrea C. "Herr Kubitschek bringt Goethe zum Sprechen".Frankfurter Neue Presse (in German). No. 99/10. p. 12.
^abcKellershohn, Helmut (2009). "Widerstand und Provokation. Strategische Optionen im Umkreis des "Instituts für Staatspolitik"". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 259.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Wetzel, Juliane. "Die Maschen des rechten Netzes. Nationale und internationale Verbindungen im rechtsextremen Spektrum". In Benz, Wolfgang (ed.).Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland: Voraussetzungen, Zusammenhänge, Wirkungen (in German) (revised 1994 ed.). Frankfurt am Main: Fischer-Taschenbuch. p. 174.
^Meuter, Günter; Otten, Henrique Ricardo; Lenk, Kurt (2000).Vordenker der neuen Rechten (in German). Frankfurt am Main i.a.: Campus-Verlag. p. 124ff.ISBN3-593-35862-X.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2007). "Volk, Staat und Nation. Konturen des völkischen Nationalismus in der 'Jungen Freiheit'". In Braun, Stephan; Vogt, Ute (eds.).Die Wochenzeitung "Junge Freiheit". Kritische Analysen zu Programmatik, Inhalten, Autoren und Kunden (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 126.ISBN978-3-531-15421-3.
^Vieregge, Elmar (2008). Backes, Uwe; Jesse, Eckhard (eds.). "Rechtsextreme Sehnsucht nach Akzeptanz [review]".Jahrbuch Extremismus & Demokratie (in German) (19/2007). Baden-Baden: Nomos: 409.
^Virchow, Fabian (2006).Gegen den Zivilismus. Internationale Beziehungen und Militär in den politischen Konzeptionen der extremen Rechten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 426.ISBN3-531-15007-3.
^Weiß, Volker (2015). "Die "Konservative Revolution". Geistiger Erinnerungsort der 'Neuen Rechten'". In Langebach, Martin; Sturm, Michael (eds.).Erinnerungsorte der extremen Rechten (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer VS. p. 114.ISBN978-3-658-00130-8.
^Virchow, Fabian (2007). "Außen- und Militärpolitik für Volk und Nation". In Braun, Stephan; Vogt, Ute (eds.).Die Wochenzeitung "Junge Freiheit". Kritische Analysen zu Programmatik, Inhalten, Autoren und Kunden (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 185.ISBN978-3-531-15421-3.
^Kubon, Stefan (2006).Die bundesdeutsche Zeitung 'Junge Freiheit' und das Erbe der 'konservativen Revolution' der Weimarer Republik. Eine Untersuchung zur Erfassung der Kontinuität 'konservativ-revolutionärer' politischer Ideen (in German). Würzburg: Ergon. p. 140.ISBN3-89913-527-X.
^Priester, Karin (2015). "'Erkenne die Lage!' Über die rechtspopulistische Versuchung des bundesdeutschen Konservatismus".INDES – Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft (in German) (3/2015): 87.doi:10.13109/inde.2015.4.3.84.
^Riha, Katja; Riha, Clemens (15 August 2011). "Auf dem Rittergut. Eine Begegnung mit Deutschlands Neuen Rechten".Kulturzeit (in German). 3sat.
^abSalzborn, Samuel (2015).Rechtsextremismus: Erscheinungsformen und Erklärungsansätze (in German) (2nd ed.). Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB). p. 72.ISBN978-3-8252-4476-7.
^Weiß, Volker (2012).Moderne Antimoderne. Arthur Moeller van den Bruck und der Wandel des Konservatismus (in German). Paderborn and others: Schöningh. p. 370.ISBN978-3-506-77146-9.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2010). "Strategische Optionen des Jungkonservatismus". In Wamper, Regina; Kellershohn, Helmut; Dietzsch, Martin (eds.).Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 24f.ISBN978-3-89771-757-2.
^Maegerle, Anton (2004). "Blätter gegen den Zeitgeist und Dekadenz. Profile und Beziehungen neurechter Periodika an Beispielen". In Gessenharter, Wolfgang; Pfeiffer, Thomas (eds.).Die Neue Rechte – eine Gefahr für die Demokratie? (in German). Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 203.ISBN3-8100-4162-9.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2009). "Widerstand und Provokation. Strategische Optionen im Umkreis des "Instituts für Staatspolitik"". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 287.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^abAdolphi, Gunnar; et al. (28 September 2001). "Appell an die Bundeswehr: Gegen die Entlassung konservativer Soldaten. Der 'Fall Götz Kubitschek'".Junge Freiheit (in German). No. 40/01.
^Hachmeister, Lutz (2014).Heideggers Testament. Der Philosoph, der SPIEGEL und die SS (in German). Berlin: Ullstein eBooks.ISBN978-3-8437-0766-4.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2010). "Provokationselite von rechts: Die Konservativ-subversive Aktion". In Wamper, Regina; Kellershohn, Helmut; Dietzsch, Martin (eds.).Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 228.ISBN978-3-89771-757-2.
^Pfeiffer, Thomas (2004). "Avantgarde und Brücke. Die Neue Rechte aus Sicht des Verfassungsschutzes NRW". In Pfeiffer, Thomas; Gessenharter, Wolfgang (eds.).Die Neue Rechte – eine Gefahr für die Demokratie? (in German). Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 64.ISBN3-8100-4162-9.
^Funke, Hajo (2009). "Rechtsextreme Ideologien, strategische Orientierungen und Gewalt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 27.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Langebach, Martin; Raabe, Jan (2016). "Die ›Neue Rechte‹ in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland". In Virchow, Fabian; Langebach, Martin; Häusler, Alexander (eds.).Handbuch Rechtsextremismus. Band 1: Analysen (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer VS. p. 583, footnote 42.ISBN978-3-531-18502-6.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2010). "Provokationselite von rechts: Die Konservativ-subversive Aktion". In Wamper, Regina; Kellershohn, Helmut; Dietzsch, Martin (eds.).Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 237.ISBN978-3-89771-757-2. He claims the final destination of his "politicalexistentialism" to be a "total-authoritarian state" and that he is fighting the institutions ofliberalism.Kellershohn, Helmut (2010). "Provokationselite von rechts: Die Konservativ-subversive Aktion". In Wamper, Regina; Kellershohn, Helmut; Dietzsch, Martin (eds.).Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 239.ISBN978-3-89771-757-2.
^Hartleb, Florian (2007). "Die "Deutsche Stimme" – Das intellektuelle Sprachrohr der NPD?". In Backes, Uwe; Steglich, Henrik (eds.).Die NPD. Erfolgsbedingungen einer rechtsextremistischen Partei (in German). Baden-Baden: Nomos. p. 379.ISBN978-3-8329-3122-3.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2009). "Widerstand und Provokation. Strategische Optionen im Umkreis des "Instituts für Staatspolitik"". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 285.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Backes, Uwe (2008).Die Entzauberung der Extremisten? Erfolgsbedingungen der NPD im internationalen Vergleich (in German). Sankt Augustin: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. p. 62.ISBN978-3-940955-20-3.
^Pfahl-Traughber, Armin (2008).Der "zweite Frühling" der NPD (in German). Sankt Augustin: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. pp. 59 f.ISBN978-3-940955-22-7.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2009). "Widerstand und Provokation. Strategische Optionen im Umkreis des "Instituts für Staatspolitik"". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 262.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Backes, Uwe (2006). "Polarisierung aus dem Osten? Linke und rechte Flügelparteien bei der Bundestagswahl 2005". In Jesse, Eckhard; Sturm, Roland (eds.).Bilanz der Bundestagswahl 2005. Voraussetzungen, Ergebnisse, Folgen (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 164.ISBN978-3-531-14968-4.
^"Rechte Symbolik und Stauffenberg-Mythos".frontal 21 (in German). ZDF. 17 February 2015.
^abKellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German) (2nd ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 463.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^Heisel, Alexander; Förster, Julika; Pausch, Robert; Geiges, Lars (2016).Die AfD vor den Landtagswahlen 2016. Programme, Profile und Potenziale (in German). Frankfurt am Main: Otto Brenner Stiftung. p. 35.
^Heisel, Alexander; Förster, Julika; Pausch, Robert; Geiges, Lars (2016).Die AfD vor den Landtagswahlen 2016. Programme, Profile und Potenziale (in German). Frankfurt am Main: Otto Brenner Stiftung. p. 35.
^Haselrieder, Michael; Herzlieb, Anne; Krüger, Gunnar; Mikulas, Hagen; Postel, Andreas. "AfD-Chef fordert klare Abgrenzung seiner Partei nach rechts".frontal21. No. 2 June 2015. ZDF.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 464.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^Häusler, Alexander; Roeser, Rainer (2015). "Zwischen Euro-Kritik und rechtem Populismus. Merkmale des Rechtsrucks in der AfD". In Melzer, Ralf; Molthagen, Dietmar; Zick, Andreas; Küpper, Beate (eds.).Wut, Verachtung, Abwertung. Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland (in German). Bonn: Dietz. p. 145.ISBN978-3-8012-0478-5.
^Druxes, Helga (2015). "Manipulating the Media. The German New Right's Virtual and Violent Identities". In Simpson, Patricia Anne; Druxes, Helga (eds.).Digital Media Strategies of the Far Right in Europe and the United States. London: Lexington Books. p. 124.ISBN978-0-7391-9881-0.
^Druxes, Helga (2015). "Manipulating the Media. The German New Right's Virtual and Violent Identities". In Simpson, Patricia Anne; Druxes, Helga (eds.).Digital Media Strategies of the Far Right in Europe and the United States. London: Lexington Books. pp. 131–132.ISBN978-0-7391-9881-0.
^Botsch, Gideon (2012).Die extreme Rechte in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 1949 bis heute. Wiesbaden: WBG. p. 135.ISBN978-3-534-23832-3.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2010). "Provokationselite von rechts: Die Konservativ-subversive Aktion". In Wamper, Regina; Kellershohn, Helmut; Dietzsch, Martin (eds.).Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 224.ISBN978-3-89771-757-2.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2009). "Widerstand und Provokation. Strategische Optionen im Umkreis des "Instituts für Staatspolitik"". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 261.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Weiß, Volker (2015). "Die "Konservative Revolution". Geistiger Erinnerungsort der "Neuen Rechten"". In Langebach, Martin; Sturm, Michael (eds.).Erinnerungsorte der extremen Rechten (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer VS.ISBN978-3-658-00130-8.
^Botsch, Gideon (2012).Die extreme Rechte in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 1949 bis heute. Wiesbaden: WBG. p. 135.ISBN978-3-534-23832-3.
^Priester, Karin (2015). ""Erkenne die Lage!" – Über die rechtspopulistische Versuchung des bundesdeutschen Konservatismus".INDES – Zeitschrift für Politik und Gesellschaft (3/2015): 87.doi:10.13109/inde.2015.4.3.84.
^Bartocha, Adrian; Oelert, Helge (10 October 2012). "Gipfeltreffen in der Hauptstadt – Rechte Eliten spinnen Netzwerk".Klartext (in German). RBB.
^Bruns, Julian; Glösel, Kathrin; Strobl, Natascha (2014).Die Identitären. Handbuch zur Jugendbewegung der Neuen Rechten in Europa (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 151 f.ISBN978-3-89771-549-3.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 441, fn. 8.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^Bruns, Julian; Glösel, Kathrin; Strobl, Natascha (2014).Die Identitären. Handbuch zur Jugendbewegung der Neuen Rechten in Europa (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 122 f. f.ISBN978-3-89771-549-3.
^Antworten auf Mündliche Anfragen gemäß § 47 der Geschäftsordnung des Niedersächsischen Landtages – Drs. 17/4965 (in German). Niedersächsischer Landtag. 2016. p. 7.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German) (2nd ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 462.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^abWolf, Ulrich (2015). "Häkelmütze im Pegida-Land. Tarnung ist nicht alles. Aber zumindest hilft sie den Journalisten, die über die Patriotischen Europäer berichten".Communicatio Socialis (in German).2 (48 (2015)): 169.
^Treibel-Illian, Annette (2015).Integriert Euch! Plädoyer für ein selbstbewusstes Einwanderungsland (in German). Frankfurt am Main: Campus-Verlag. p. 42.ISBN978-3-593-50461-2.
^Springer, Christoph; Steinmann, Nadine (10 February 2010). "Mehrere Tausend Teilnehmer bei Pegida-Kundgebung".Leipziger Volkszeitung (in German). p. 4.
^Wolf, Ulrich (2015). "Häkelmütze im Pegida-Land. Tarnung ist nicht alles. Aber zumindest hilft sie den Journalisten, die über die Patriotischen Europäer berichten".Communicatio Socialis (in German).2 (48 (2015)): 167.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German) (2nd ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 464.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^Sundermeyer, Olaf (11 October 2015)."Bund der Brandstifter".Welt am Sonntag (in German). No. 41. p. 2. Retrieved19 December 2016.
^abPfahl-Traughber, Armin (19 February 2016)."Neurechter Provokateur".Blick nach rechts (in German). Archived fromthe original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved19 December 2016.
^Sundermeyer, Olaf (2015). "PEGIDA und die Radikalisierung von rechts – Beobachtungen einer menschenfeindlichen Bewegung". In Zick, Andreas; Küpper, Beate (eds.).Wut, Verachtung, Abwertung. Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland (in German). Bonn: Dietz. p. 168.ISBN978-3-8012-0478-5.
^Vorländer, Hans; Herold, Maik; Schäller, Steven (2016).PEGIDA – Entwicklung, Zusammensetzung und Deutung einer Empörungsbewegung (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer. p. 33.ISBN978-3-658-10981-3.
^Siri, Jasmin (2015). "Das Beispiel der Bewegungen gegen Gleichstellung in der BRD". In Hark, Sabine; Villa, Paula-Irene (eds.).Anti-Genderismus. Sexualität und Geschlecht als Schauplätze aktueller politischer Auseinandersetzungen (in German). Bielefeld: Transcript. p. 241.ISBN978-3-8376-3144-9.
^Herkenhoff, Anna-Lena (2016). "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative "Ein Prozent für unser Land"". In Häusler, Alexander; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift (in German). Hamburg: VSA. p. 75.ISBN978-3-89965-711-1.
^Herkenhoff, Anna-Lena (2016). "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative "Ein Prozent für unser Land"". In Häusler, Alexander; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift (in German). Hamburg: VSA. p. 76.ISBN978-3-89965-711-1.
^Herkenhoff, Anna-Lena (2016). "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative "Ein Prozent für unser Land"". In Häusler, Alexander; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift (in German). Hamburg: VSA. p. 73.ISBN978-3-89965-711-1.
^Herkenhoff, Anna-Lena (2016). "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative "Ein Prozent für unser Land"". In Häusler, Alexander; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift (in German). Hamburg: VSA. p. 74.ISBN978-3-89965-711-1.
^Herkenhoff, Anna-Lena (2016). "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative "Ein Prozent für unser Land"". In Häusler, Alexander; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift (in German). Hamburg: VSA. p. 80.ISBN978-3-89965-711-1.
^Breitegger, Benjamin (22 December 2016)."Ein Häufchen Wut".ZEIT Online (in German). Retrieved29 December 2016.
^Röpke, Andrea (2009). "Immobilienkäufe durch Rechtsextremisten". In Geisler, Alexander; Braun, Stephan; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten. Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 256.ISBN978-3-531-15911-9.
^Bundesministerium des Innern (2007). "German".Verfassungsschutzbericht 2006. Berlin. p. 129.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^"Erneut Vortrag von CDU-Politiker vor Burschenschaft".Berliner Morgenpost (in German). No. 139. dpa. 26 May 2013. p. 11.
^Weidinger, Bernhard (2015)."Im nationalen Abwehrkampf der Grenzlanddeutschen". Akademische Burschenschaften und Politik in Österreich nach 1945 (in German). Wien: Böhlau. p. 414.ISBN978-3-205-79600-8.
^Haller, Günther (7 June 2015). "Ehre, Freiheit, Vaterland. Die militante Liebe zur deutschen Nation".Die Presse (in German). p. 46 f.
^Maegerle, Anton (3 February 2011). ""Geheimtipp" für Patrioten".Blick nach Rechts.{{cite web}}:Missing or empty|url= (help)
^Bruns, Julian; Glösel, Kathrin; Strobl, Natascha (2014).Die Identitären. Handbuch zur Jugendbewegung der Neuen Rechten in Europa (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 137.ISBN978-3-89771-549-3.
^Bruns, Julian; Glösel, Kathrin; Strobl, Natascha (2014).Die Identitären. Handbuch zur Jugendbewegung der Neuen Rechten in Europa (in German). Münster: Unrast. p. 142f.ISBN978-3-89771-549-3.
^Steinke, Bernhard (2015). "Deutschfeindlichkeit". In Gießelmann, Bente; Heun, Robin; Kerst, Benjamin; Suermann, Lenard; Virchow, Fabian (eds.).Handwörterbuch rechtsextremer Kampfbegriffe (in German). Schwalbach: Wochenschau. pp. 76–89.ISBN978-3-7344-0155-8.
^abKellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Das Institut für Staatspolitik und das jungkonservative Hegemonieprojekt". In Braun, Stephan; Geisler, Alexander; Gerster, Martin (eds.).Strategien der extremen Rechten: Hintergründe – Analysen – Antworten (in German) (2nd ed.). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. p. 454.ISBN978-3-658-01983-9.
^Klare, Heiko; Sturm, Michael (2016). "Aktionsformen und Handlungsangebote der extremen Rechten". In Virchow, Fabian; Langebach, Martin; Häusler, Alexander (eds.).Handbuch Rechtsextremismus. Band 1: Analysen (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer VS. p. 191.ISBN978-3-531-18502-6.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Vorbürgerkrieg". In Gießelmann, Bente; Heun, Robin; Virchow, Fabian; Kerst, Benjamin; Suermann, Lenard (eds.).Handwörterbuch rechtsextremer Kampfbegriffe (in German). Schwalbach: Wochenschau. pp. 326–339.ISBN978-3-7344-0155-8.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2011). "Die jungkonservative Neue Rechte im 'Vorbürgerkrieg'". In Wamper, Regina; Jadschenko, Ekaterina; Jacobsen, Marc (eds.)."Das hat doch nichts mit uns zu tun!". Die Anschläge in Norwegen in deutschsprachigen Medien (in German). Münster: Unrast. pp. 106–118.ISBN978-3-89771-759-6.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2015). "Die jungkonservative Neue Rechte zwischen Realpolitik und politischem Existenzialismus".Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft (in German).3 (63): 731.
^Kellershohn, Helmut (2007). "Volk, Staat und Nation. Konturen des völkischen Nationalismus in der 'Jungen Freiheit'". In Braun, Stephan; Vogt, Ute (eds.).Die Wochenzeitung "Junge Freiheit". Kritische Analysen zu Programmatik, Inhalten, Autoren und Kunden (in German). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 129.ISBN978-3-531-15421-3.
^Peham, Andreas (2013). "Leopold Stocker Verlag (Österreich, seit 1917)".Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Judenfeindschaft in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Band 6: Publikationen (in German). Berlin: De Gruyter Saur. p. 424f.ISBN978-3-11-025872-1.
^Florin, Christiane (2015). "Editorial: Freude am Glauben, naturtrüb".Christ und Welt (in German). No. 32.
^Nassehi, Armin (2015).Die letzte Stunde der Wahrheit. Warum rechts und links keine Alternativen mehr sind und Gesellschaft ganz anders beschrieben werden muss (in German). Hamburg: Murmann.ISBN978-3-86774-377-8.
Anna-Lena Herkenhoff (2016): "Neurechte Netzwerke und die Initiative 'Ein Prozent für unser Land'" [Neo-rightist Networks and the Initiative »One Percent For Our Country«]. In:Alexander Häusler,Fabian Virchow (eds.):Neue soziale Bewegung von rechts? Zukunftsängste. Abstieg der Mitte. Ressentiments – Eine Flugschrift [New Social Movement From the Right? Anxieties about the Future. Social Decline. Resentment – A Pamphlet]. Hamburg: VSA, pp. 73–83.
Helmut Kellershohn: "Provokationselite von rechts: Die Konservativ-subversive Aktion" [Provocatory Elite From the Right: The 'Konservativ-Subversive Aktion'] (2010). In:Regina Wamper, Helmut Kellershohn,Martin Dietzsch (eds.):Rechte Diskurspiraterien. Strategien der Aneignung linker Codes, Symbole und Aktionsformen [Rightist Discourse Piracies. Strategies of Appropriating Leftist Codes, Symbols and Forms of Action]. Münster: Unrast, pp. 224–240.
Marc Felix Serrao: "Der kalte Blick von rechts: Götz Kubitschek will der Anführer einer neuen konservativen Bewegung sein – seine Gegner nennen ihn einen Salonfaschisten und fürchten seine aggressiven Aktionen" [The Cold Look From the Right. Götz Kubitschek Wants to Be the Leader of a New Conservative Movement – His Enemies Call Him a Drawing-Room Fascist and Fear His Aggressive Actions] (2008),ProjektArbeit 7/2, pp. 50–55.
Armin Pfahl-Traughber:Neurechter ProvokateurArchived 3 March 2016 at theWayback Machine (Neo-rightist provocateur).Ideologische und strategische Auffassungen eines "Legida"– und "Pegida"– Redners. Ein erneuter Blick in Götz Kubitscheks Buch "Provokation" (Ideological and strategic conceptions of a LEGIDA and PEGIDA speaker. A renewed view into Götz Kubitschek's book "Provokation").Blick nach Rechts (Eye on the Right, a SPD-affiliated info website on the far-right), 19 February 2016 (fee required).
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