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India–United States relations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bilateral relations
Indian–American relations
Map indicating locations of India and United States

India

United States
Diplomatic mission
Embassy of India, Washington, D.C.Embassy of the United States, New Delhi
Envoy
AmbassadorVinay Mohan KwatraAmbassadorSergio Gor
Prime MinisterNarendra Modi with PresidentDonald Trump at the White House in 2025

India and theUnited States established diplomatic relations in 1947 following the independence of India from theUnited Kingdom. As of 2025, despite the establishment of a special relationship, relations are complex owing to trade and energy disputes that have escalated under theTrump administration.

Gallup's annual World Affairs survey shows India is perceived byAmericans as their sixth favorite nation in the world, with 71% of Americans viewing India favorably in 2015,[1] and 70% in 2023.[2] Gallup polls found that 74% of Americans viewed India favorably in 2017,[3] 72% in 2019,[4] 75% in 2020[5] and 77% in 2022.[6] According to aMorning Consult poll conducted in August 2021 after thefall of Afghanistan, 79% of Indians viewed the United States favorably, compared to 10% who viewed the United States unfavorably. This was the highest favorability rating out of all 15 major countries surveyed and higher than US citizens' own favorability rating of the US at the time.[7]

Background

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Initial tense relations

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In 1955,Pakistan entered theBaghdad Pact, which was in 1959 renamed theCentral Treaty Organization (CENTO). The US had observer status in CENTO, makingPakistan a loose ally of the US.[8] As a result, India cultivated strategic and military relations with theSoviet Union to counterPakistan–United States relations.[9] In 1961, India became a founding member of theNon-Aligned Movement to abstain from aligning with either the US or the USSR in theCold War.[10] TheNixon administration's support for Pakistan during theIndo-Pakistani War of 1971 affected relations until thedissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. In the 1990s, Indianforeign policy adapted to theunipolar world and India developed closer ties with the United States.[11]

Growing friendship

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In the twenty-first century, Indian foreign policy has sought to leverage India's strategic autonomy to safeguard sovereign rights and promote national interests within a multi-polar world.[12][13]

Under the administrations of PresidentsGeorge W. Bush (2001–09) andBarack Obama (2009–2017), the United States has demonstrated accommodation to India's core national interests and acknowledged outstanding concerns.[14] Increase in bilateraltrade andinvestment, co-operation onglobal security matters, inclusion of India in decision-making on matters of global governance (United Nations Security Council), upgraded representation in trade and investment forums (World Bank,IMF,APEC), admission into multilateral export control regimes (MTCR,Wassenaar Arrangement,Australia Group) and support for admission in theNuclear Suppliers Group and joint-manufacturing through technology sharing arrangements have become key milestones and a measure of speed and advancement on the path to closer US–India relations.[15][16]

Since 2014, strategic cooperation between the two nations has deepened[17] and India was declared a "Major Defense Partner" of the United States.[18] India and the United States have also stepped up their cooperation among multilateral groups such asThe Quad andI2U2 Group.[19]

History

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Main article:History of India–United States relations

Age of Exploration

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The term "Indian", which has been used as an alternative for theIndigenous peoples of the Americas, originated withChristopher Columbus, who, in his search forIndia, thought that he had arrived in theEast Indies. This historical misnomer has persisted over the centuries, shaping cultural perceptions and narratives surrounding Native American identity. In reality, the name India did not exist prior to the British colonizing India and naming it. The Spanish termin Dios, referring to the people of God, created the misnomer of Indigenous American Natives being called Indians.[20][21][22][23][24][25]

American Revolution, the East India Company, and early America context

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Prior to the 1770s, Americans admired the expansion of theBritish Empire, feeling proud to be part of an expansion of British influence around the world.[26] Some Indians (from places such asBombay andBengal) were sent to the latter forslavery or indentured servitude.[27] Today, descendants of such East Indian slaves may have a small percent of DNA from Asian ancestors but it likely falls below the detectable levels for today's DNA tests.[28]The AmericanFounding Fathers maintained awareness and admiration of affairs in Mysore in its resistance to London.[29] The AmericanContinental Congress, unable to send a full expedition to the subcontinent, instead encouraged its pirate navy to attack East India Company ships.[26]

The flag of theEast India Company is said to have inspired theContinental Union Flag of 1775, ultimately inspiring the currentflag of the United States, as both flags were of the same design.[30]Mysorean rockets were also used in theBattle of Baltimore, and are mentioned in "The Star-Spangled Banner", the national anthem of the United States:And the rockets' red glare, the bombs bursting in air.[31]

Under British Raj (1858–1947)

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Bilateral relations
Indian–American relations

India

United States

Religious connections

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Swami Vivekananda at the Parliament of Religions withVirchand Gandhi, Hewivitarne Dharmapala, andA. G. Bonet-Maury in September 1893
Margaret Woodrow Wilson, daughter ofWoodrow Wilson, left to India for her later life

The relationships between India in the days of theBritish Raj and theUnited States were thick.[32]Swami Vivekananda promotedYoga andVedanta in the United States at theWorld's Parliament of Religions inChicago, during theWorld's Fair in 1893.Mark Twain visited India in 1896[33] and described it in his travelogueFollowing the Equator with both revulsion and attraction before concluding that India was the only foreign land he dreamed about or longed to see again.[34] Regarding India, Americans learned more from English writerRudyard Kipling.[35]Mahatma Gandhi had an important influence on the philosophy of non-violence promoted by Americancivil rights movement leaderMartin Luther King Jr. in the 1950s.[36]

President Franklin D. Roosevelt

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In the 1930s and early-1940s, US PresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt voiced strong support to theIndian independence movement despite being allies with Britain.[37][38] The first significant immigration from Indiabefore 1965 involved Sikh farmers going toCalifornia in the early-twentieth century.[39]

Case of Bhagat Singh Thind

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Main article:United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind

United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind was a landmark legal case in the United States that reverberated through issues of immigration, citizenship, and race. In 1920, Bhagat Singh Thind, an Indian Sikh man, applied for naturalization under theNaturalization Act of 1906, which permitted naturalization only for "free white persons" and "persons of African nativity or descent." Thind contended that his high-caste Indian heritage aligned with the scientific definition of "Caucasian," thereby qualifying him for citizenship."[40]

The case reached the Supreme Court of the United States in 1923. However, the Court unanimously ruled against Thind, asserting that while he might indeed meet the scientific classification of "Caucasian," the term "white person" in the naturalization laws was construed to apply exclusively to individuals of European descent. This pivotal decision had far-reaching implications, not only for Thind but for countless other South Asians aspiring for US citizenship. It set a legal precedent that explicitly excluded South Asians from being considered "white" for naturalization purposes, effectively prohibiting their path to citizenship.[41][42]

During World War II

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Main article:China Burma India Theater
See also:Indian Ocean in World War II
AmericanG.I.s at a market in Calcutta in present-dayKolkata in 1945

During World War II, 1941–1945, India became the main base for the AmericanChina Burma India Theater (CBI) in the war against Japan. Tens of thousands of American servicemen arrived, bringing all sorts of advanced technology, and currency; they left in 1945. Serious tension erupted over American demands, led by US PresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt, that India be given independence, a propositionChurchill vehemently rejected. For years, Roosevelt encouraged British disengagement from India. The American position was based on an opposition to Europeans having colonies and a practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the expectation of a large American role in a post-independence era. Churchill threatened to resign if Roosevelt continued to push his case, causing Roosevelt to back down.[43][44] Meanwhile, India became the main American staging base to fly aid to China. DuringWorld War II, thePanagarh Airport inBengal Province of India was used as a supply transport airfield from 1942 to 1945 by theUnited States Army Air ForcesTenth Air Force and as a repair and maintenance depot forB-24 Liberator heavy bombers byAir Technical Service Command.[45][46]

After Independence (1947–1997)

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Further information:History of Indian foreign relations
US PresidentHarry S. Truman and Indian Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru with Nehru's sister,Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Indian ambassador to the United States, inWashington, D.C. in October 1949
Indian Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru receiving US PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower atParliament House prior to Eisenhower's address to a joint session ofParliament of India in 1959
US ambassador to IndiaJohn Kenneth Galbraith (left) and USPresidentJohn F. Kennedy, USVice PresidentLyndon B. Johnson, and Indian Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru atJoint Base Andrews inPrince George's County, Maryland in 1961
First ladyJacqueline Kennedy in front of theTaj Mahal in 1962.
US PresidentRichard Nixon at the arrival ceremony for Indian Prime MinisterIndira Gandhi on theSouth Lawn of theWhite House in November 1971
Indian Prime MinisterMorarji Desai in theOval Office with US PresidentJimmy Carter in June 1978

Nehru era

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The United States under theTruman administration leaned towards favouring India in the late-1940s as a consequence of most US planners seeing India more valuable diplomatically than neighboring Pakistan.[47] However, during theCold War,Jawaharlal Nehru's policy of neutrality was cumbersome to many American observers. American AmbassadorHenry F. Grady told theState Department in December 1947 that he had informed Nehru "that this is a question that cannot be straddled and that India should get on the democratic side immediately".[48] In 1948, Nehru rejected American suggestions for resolving the Kashmir crisis via third party mediation.[49]

Nehru chose United States as the first country to visit abroad as Prime Minister. However, this 1949 tour of the United States was "an undiplomatic disaster" that left bad feelings on both sides.[50] Nehru and his top aideV. K. Krishna Menon discussed whether India should "align with United States 'somewhat' and build up our economic and military strength."[51] The Truman administration was quite favorable and indicated it would give Nehru anything he asked for. Nehru refused, and thereby forfeited the chance for a gift of one million tons of wheat.[52] The American Secretary of StateDean Acheson recognized Nehru's potential world role but added that he was "one of the most difficult men with whom I have ever had to deal."[53] The American visit had some benefits in that Nehru gained widespread understanding and support for his nation, and he himself gained a much deeper understanding of the American outlook.[54]

India rejected the American advice that it should not recognize the Communist conquest of China, but it did back the US when it supported the1950 United Nations resolution condemning North Korea's aggression in the Korean War. India tried to act as a mediator to help end the war, and served as a conduit for diplomatic messages between the US and China. Although no Indian troops took part in the war, India did send a Medical Corps of 346 army doctors to help the UN side.[55] Meanwhile, poor harvests forced India to ask for American aid for its food security, which was givenstarting in 1950.[56] In the first dozen years of Indian independence (1947–59), the US provided $1.700,000,000 in aid; including $931,000,000 in food. The Soviet Union provided about half as much in monetary terms, however made much larger contributions in kind, taking the form of infrastructural aid; soft loans; technical knowledge transfer; economic planning and skills involved in the areas ofsteelmills;machine building; hydroelectric power; and other heavy industries, especiallynuclear energy andspace research.[57] In 1961, the US pledged $1,000,000,000 in development loans, in addition to $1,300,000,000 of free food.[58] PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower sentJohn Sherman Cooper as ambassador in 1956–57, who got along very well with Nehru.[59]

In terms of rhetoric, Nehru—as both prime minister and foreign minister (1947–64)—promoted a moralistic rhetoric attacking both the Soviet bloc and the US and its bloc. Nehru tried to build a nonaligned movement, paying special attention to the many new nations in theThird World released from European colonial status at this time. President Eisenhower and his Secretary of StateJohn Foster Dulles themselves used moralistic rhetoric to attack the evils of Communism.[60]

In 1959, Eisenhower became the first US president to visit India to strengthen the staggering ties between the two nations. He was so supportive that theNew York Times remarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether Nehru had actually requested or been given a guarantee that the US would help India to meet further Chinese Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious strengthening of Indian–American friendship to a point where no such guarantee was necessary."[61]

DuringJohn F. Kennedy's presidency from 1961 to 1963, India was considered a strategic partner and counterweight to the rise of Communist China. Kennedy said:[62]

"Chinese Communists have been moving ahead the last 10 years. India has been making some progress, but if India does not succeed with her 450 million people, if she can't make freedom work, then people around the world are going to determine, particularly in the underdeveloped world, that the only way they can develop their resources is through the Communist system."

Relations took a nosedive when Indiaannexed the Portuguese colony of Goa in 1961. TheKennedy administration condemned the armed action of the Indian government and demanded that all Indian forces be unconditionally withdrawn from Goan soil, at the same time, cutting foreign aid appropriations to India by 25 percent.[63] In response,Menon, now theMinister of Defence, lectured Kennedy on the importance of US-Soviet compromise and dismissed the admonishments of the Kennedy administration as "vestige(s) of Western imperialism".[64] The Kennedy administration openly supported India during the1962 Sino-Indian war and considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India".[65][66] TheUnited States Air Force flew in arms, ammunition and clothing supplies to the Indian troops and theUnited States Navy sent theUSSKitty Hawkaircraft carrier from thePacific Ocean to India, though it was recalled before it reached theBay of Bengal since the crisis had passed.[67][68] Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "Weshould defend India, and therefore wewill defend India."[69][70]

Indira-Rajiv era

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Following theassassination of Kennedy in 1963, India–US relations deteriorated gradually. While Kennedy's successorLyndon B. Johnson sought to maintain relations with India to counter Communist China, he also sought to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of easing tensions with China and weakening India's growing military buildup as well.[71] Relations then hit an all-time low under theNixon administration in the early 1970s.Nixon shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken towards India-Pakistan hostilities. He established a very close relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under the leadership ofIndira Gandhi, was leaning towards Soviet Union. He considered Pakistan as a very important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close.[72] During the1971 Indo-Pakistani War, the US openly supported Pakistan and deployed its aircraft carrierUSSEnterprise towards the Bay of Bengal, which was seen as a show of force by the US in support of theWest Pakistani forces.[73] Later in 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test,Smiling Buddha, which was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not violate any agreement.[74][75]

In the late 1970s, with theJanata Party leaderMorarji Desai becoming the prime minister, India improved its relations with the US, led byJimmy Carter, despite the latter signing an order in 1978 barring nuclear material from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation record.[76]

Despite the return of Indira Gandhi to power in 1980, the relations between the two countries continued to improve gradually, although India did not support the United States in its role in theSoviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. Indian Foreign MinisterP. V. Narasimha Rao expressed "grave concern" over the United States's decision to "rearm" Pakistan; the two countries were working closely together to counter the Soviets in Afghanistan.[77] TheReagan administration provided limited assistance to India. India sounded out Washington on the purchase of a range of US defence technology. In 1984, Washington approved the supply of selected technology to India, including gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes for India's light combat aircraft. There were also unpublicized transfers of technology, including the engagement of a US company,Continental Electronics, to design and build a new VLF communications station, which was commissioned in the late 1980s.[78]

Contemporary relations

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Post-liberalization era

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UnderBill Clinton (President 1993–2001) andP. V. Narasimha Rao (Prime Minister 1991–1996) both sides mishandled relations, according to Arthur G. Rubinoff. Clinton simultaneously pressured India to liberalize its economy while criticizing New Delhi on human rights and nuclear issues. In the face of criticism from Washington and opposition at home, Indian leaders lost their enthusiasm for rapprochement and reverted to formalistic protocol over substantive diplomacy. The Brown Amendment that restored American aid to Pakistan in 1995 was an irritant. In returning to a Cold War style rhetoric, Indian parliamentarians and American congressmen demonstrated their unwillingness to establish a new relationship.[79][80]

NDA I and II governments (1998–2004)

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Indian Prime MinisterAtal Bihari Vajpayee with US PresidentBill Clinton inNew Delhi in March 2000
Indian Prime MinisterAtal Bihari Vajpayee with US PresidentGeorge W. Bush inNew York City in September 2003

Soon afterAtal Bihari Vajpayee became Indian prime minister, he authorizednuclear weapons testing atPokhran. The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favor of aUnited Nations Security Council resolution condemning the tests. President Clinton imposed economic sanctions on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid; freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies; prohibiting loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases; prohibiting American aerospace technology and uranium exports to India; and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international lending agencies.[81] However, these sanctions proved ineffective—India was experiencing strong economic growth, and its trade with the US only constituted a small portion of itsGDP. OnlyJapan joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, theClinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations.[82] In March 2000, Clinton visited India, undertaking bilateral and economic discussions with Vajpayee. This would mark the first US presidential trip to India since 1978.[83] During the visit, theIndo-US Science & Technology Forum was established.[84]

Over the course of improved diplomatic relations with theBush administration, India agreed to allow close international monitoring of its nuclear weapons development, although it refused to give up its current nuclear arsenal.[85] In 2004, the US decided to grantmajor non-NATO ally (MNNA) status to Pakistan. The US extended the MNNA strategic working relationship to India but the offer was turned down.[86][87] After theSeptember 11 attacks against the US in 2001, PresidentGeorge W. Bush collaborated closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically criticalIndian Ocean sea lanes from theSuez Canal toSingapore.[82]

UPA I and II governments (2004–2014)

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Indian Minister of External AffairsPranab Mukherjee in theOval Office with US PresidentGeorge W. Bush in March 2008

During theGeorge W. Bush administration, relations between India and the United States improved greatly, primarily over common concerns regarding growingIslamic extremism, energy security, and climate change.[88]George W. Bush commented: "India is a great example of democracy. It is very devout, has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their religion. The world needs India".[89] JournalistFareed Zakaria, in his bookThe Post-American World, described Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history."[90] According toRejaul Karim Laskar, a scholar of Indian foreign policy and ideologue of theIndian National Congress, the rulingUPA coalition saw a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues, including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean energy, counter- terrorism, etc".[91]

After theDecember 2004 tsunami, the US and Indian navies cooperated in search and rescue operations and in the reconstruction of affected areas.[92] Since 2004, Washington and New Delhi pursued a "strategic partnership" based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives, including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation, are underway. First launched in 2005, cooperation on nuclear weapons reversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also in 2005, United States and India signed a ten-year defense framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India were concluded.[93] AfterHurricane Katrina, India donated $5 million to theAmerican Red Cross and sent two planeloads of relief supplies and materials to help.[94] The value of all bilateral trade tripled from 2004 to 2008 and continued to grow, while two-way investment also increased.[95] In November 2010, PresidentBarack Obama visited India and addressed a joint session of theIndian Parliament,[96] where he backedIndia's bid for a permanent seat on theUnited Nations Security Council.[97]

Strategic and military determinants

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See also:Quadrilateral Security Dialogue

In March 2009, theObama administration cleared the US$2.1 billion sale of eightP-8 Poseidons to India.[98] This deal, and the $5 billion agreement to provideBoeing C-17military transport aircraft andGeneral Electric F414 engines announced during Obama's November 2010 visit, made the US one of the top three military suppliers to India (after Israel and Russia).[99]

US spying incidents

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Main article:CIA activities in India

In July and November 2013, India demanded that the US respond to allegations that the Indian UN mission inNew York City and the Indian Embassy inWashington, D.C. had been targeted for spying.[100] A 2010 document leaked byEdward Snowden and published byThe Washington Post revealed that US intelligence agencies had been authorized to spy on the Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi (who was then thechief minister of Gujarat).[101][102]

WikiLeaks revelations that Western intelligence agencies used foreign aid workers and staff at non-governmental organizations asnon-official cover prompted India to increase monitoring ofsatellite phones and movement of personnel working for humanitarian relief organizations and development aid agencies in the vicinity of sensitive locations.[103][104]

Foreign policy issues during the early 2010s

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PresidentBarack Obama, USSecretary of StateHillary Clinton, and the Indian delegation at the US-India Strategic Dialogue reception at the USDepartment of State inWashington, D.C. in June 2010

According to some analysts,[who?] India–US relations were strained over the approach of theObama administration to Pakistan and the handling of theTaliban insurgency in Afghanistan.[105][106] India'sNational Security AdviserM. K. Narayanan criticized the Obama administration for linking theKashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree."[107]Foreign Policy in February 2009 also criticized Obama's approach toSouth Asia, saying that "India can be a part of the solution rather than part of the problem" in South Asia. It suggested that India take a more proactive role in rebuildingAfghanistan, irrespective of the attitude of the Obama administration.[108]Bloomberg reported that, since the2008 Mumbai attacks, the public mood in India has been to pressure Pakistan more aggressively to take actions against the culprits behind the terrorist attack, and predicted that this might be reflected in theIndian general elections in May 2009. Consequently, the Obama administration may have found itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism.[109]

In the early 2010s, India and US governments have differed on a variety of regional issues ranging from America'smilitary relations with Pakistan and India'smilitary relations with Russia to foreign policy disagreements relating to Iran, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar and Bangladesh.[110][111]

India criticized the Obama administration's decision to limitH-1B (temporary) visas, and India's then External Affairs MinisterPranab Mukherjee (later, thepresident of India until 2017) said that India would oppose US "protectionism" at various international forums.[112] India's Commerce MinisterKamal Nath said that India may move against Obama's outsourcing policies at theWorld Trade Organization.[113] In May 2009, Obama reiterated his anti-outsourcing views and criticized the current US tax policy "that says you should pay lower taxes if you create a job in Bangalore, India, than if you create one in Buffalo, New York."[114] However, during the US India Business Council meeting in June 2009, USSecretary of StateHillary Clinton advocated for stronger economic ties between India and the United States.[115]

In June 2010, the United States and India formally re-engaged the US-India Strategic Dialogue initiated under President Bush when a large delegation of high-ranking Indian officials, led by External Affairs MinisterS. M. Krishna, visitedWashington, D.C. As leader of the US delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an indispensable partner and a trusted friend".[116] President Obama appeared briefly at aUnited States Department of State reception to declare his firm belief that America's relationship with India "will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century."[117] The Strategic Dialogue produced a joint statement in which the two countries pledged to "deepen people-to-people, business-to-business, and government-to-government linkages ... for the mutual benefit of both countries and for the promotion of global peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity."[118] It outlined extensive bilateral initiatives in ten key areas, covering a wide range of security-related, economic, and societal topics.[119]

In November 2010, Obama became the second US president (afterRichard Nixon in 1969) to undertake a visit to India in his first term in office. On November 8, Obama also became the second US president (after Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1959) to ever address ajoint session of theParliament of India. In a major policy shift, Obama declared US support for India'spermanent membership on the UN Security Council.[120][121] He also announced the removal of export control restrictions on several Indian companies, and concluded trade deals worth $10 billion, which are expected to create and/or support 50,000 jobs in the US.[122]

Devyani Khobragade incident

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Main article:Devyani Khobragade incident

In December 2013,Devyani Khobragade, the Deputy Consul General ofIndia in New York, was arrested and accused by US federal prosecutors of submitting false work visa documents and paying her housekeeper "far less than theminimum legal wage."[123] The ensuing incident saw protests from the Indian government and a rift in relations, with outrage expressed that Khobragade wasstrip-searched and held in the general inmate population.[123] Former Prime MinisterManmohan Singh said that Khobragade's treatment was "deplorable".[124]

India demanded an apology from the US over her alleged "humiliation" and called for the charges to be dropped, which the US declined to do.[125] The Indian government retaliated for what it viewed as the mistreatment of its consular official by revoking the ID cards and other privileges of US consular personnel and their families in India and removing security barriers in front of theUS Embassy in New Delhi.[126] Nancy J. Powell, the US ambassador to India, resigned following the incident, which was widely seen by India "as fallout from the imbroglio."[127] Within a year of the incident, US–India relations were warming again, as President Obama visited India in January 2015.[127]

Modi government (2014–present)

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Modi–Obama relationship (2014–2017)

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Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi with US PresidentBarack Obama inNew Delhi, January 2015.

By 2016, India–United States relations improved significantly during thePremiership of Narendra Modi which began in 2014.[128] India and the US share an extensive and expanding cultural, strategic, military, and economic relationship[129][130][131] which is in the phase of implementingconfidence building measures (CBM) to overcome the legacy of trust deficit—brought about by adversarial US foreign policies[132][133] and multiple instances of technology denial[134][135][136]—which have plagued the relationship over several decades.[137]

Key developments included the rapid growth of India's economy; closer ties between the Indian and American industries, especially in the Information and communications technology (ICT), engineering and medical sectors; an informalentente tomanage an increasingly assertiveChina; robust cooperation on counter-terrorism; the deterioration ofUS-Pakistan relations; easing of export controls over dual-use goods & technologies (99% of licenses applied were, as of 2016, approved);[138] and reversal of long-standing American opposition to India's strategic program.

Income creation in the US through knowledge-based employment by Asian Indians has outpaced every other ethnic group according to US Census data.[139] Growing financial and political clout of the affluentAsian Indian diaspora is noteworthy. Indian American households are the most prosperous in the US, with a median revenue of US$100,000, and are followed by Chinese Americans at US$65,000. The average household revenue in the USA is US$63,000.[140] The political influence of the large Indian-American community is reflected in the largest country-specific caucus in theUnited States Congress,[141] while between 2009 and 2010 more than 100,000 Indian students attended American colleges and universities.[142]

The 2014 State Department's annualTrafficking in Persons (TIP) report appeared to classify the Khobragade incident as an example of human trafficking, stating: "An Indian consular officer at the New York consulate was indicted in December 2013 for visa fraud related to her alleged exploitation of an Indian domestic worker."[143] In response, India showed no urgency to allow visits to India by the newly appointed US anti-human trafficking ambassadorSusan P. Coppedge and the US special envoy for LGBT rights Randy Berry. UnderSection 377 of the Indian Penal Code homosexuality was illegal in India. Indian Ambassador to the US, Arun K. Singh reiterated India's commitment to work within an international framework to tackle the problem of trafficking but rejected any "unilateral assessments" by another country saying "We will never accept it" and downplayed the importance of the visits: "When you ask a US official when somebody will be given a visa, they always say 'we will assess when visa is applied for.' ... I can do no better than to reiterate the US position."[144]

In February 2016, the Obama administration notified the US Congress that it intended to provide Pakistan eight nuclear-capableF-16 fighters and assorted military goods, including eightAN/APG-68(V)9 airborne radars and eight ALQ-211(V)9 electronic warfare suites,[145][146] despite strong reservations from US lawmakers regarding the transfer of any nuclear-capable platforms to Pakistan.[147] The Indian Government summoned the US Ambassador to India to convey its disapproval regarding the sale of F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan.[148]

Modi–Trump relationship (2017–2021)

[edit]
Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi with US PresidentDonald Trump in theOval Office, June 2017

In February 2017, Indian ambassador to the USNavtej Sarna hosted a reception for theNational Governors Association (NGA), which was attended by the governors of 25 states and senior representatives of three more states. This was the first time such an event had occurred. Explaining the reason for the gathering, Virginia Governor and NGA ChairTerry McAuliffe stated that "We clearly understand the strategic importance of India, of India–US relations. As we grow our 21st century economy, India has been so instrumental in helping us build our technology, medical professions. We recognise a country that has been such a close strategic ally of the US. That's why we the Governors are here tonight."[149]

In October 2018, India inked a historic agreement worth US$5.43 billion withRussia to procure fourS-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile defence systems—one of the most powerfulmissile defence systems in the world—ignoring America'sCAATSA act. The US threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buy the S-400 missile defense system from Russia.[150] The US also threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buyoil from Iran.[151] However, theTrump administration avoided sanctioning India for the Russian S-400 missile system, while sanctioningTurkey and China for the same purchases.[152]

PresidentDonald Trump and Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi atNamaste Trump rally inAhmedabad, India on February 24, 2020
PM Modi gifts exemplar ofMahatma Gandhi'sthree wise monkeys to President Trump

PresidentDonald Trump grew closer to India'sBJP government, which shared similarright-wing views. He repeatedly praised Modi's leadership and avoided any negative criticism of the Indian government's actions on thecitizenship andKashmir disputes.[153][154] The Trump administration was consistent with theModi administration in combating "radical Islamic terrorism",[155] and the US reiterated its support for India's elimination ofterrorist training camp in Pakistan.[156][157]

In early 2020, India provided its agreement for terminating an export embargo on a medicinal drug known ashydroxychloroquine amidst the combat against the ongoing coronavirus (COVID-19)pandemic, after Trump threatened retaliation against India if it did not comply with terminating the export embargo on hydroxychloroquine.[158][159]

On December 21, 2020, President Trump awarded Modi with theLegion of Merit for elevating India–United States relations. The Legion of Merit was awarded to Modi along with Prime Minister of AustraliaScott Morrison and former Prime Minister of JapanShinzo Abe, the "original architects" of theQUAD.[160][161]

Modi–Biden relationship (2021–2025)

[edit]
Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi with US PresidentJoe Biden in theOval Office, September 2021

US–India ties began to strain in April 2021 when India faced a massive spike inCOVID-19 infections. The US had invoked theDefense Production Act of 1950 toban the export of raw materials needed to produce vaccines in order to prioritize domestic vaccine production.[162] According toThe Times of India, this also caused an explosion of anti-US sentiment in India, as the US had vaccine reserves and refused to share COVID-19 vaccine patents.[163] This came after a plea byAdar Poonawalla, CEO of theSerum Institute of India, to lift the embargo on export of raw materials needed to ramp up production of COVID-19 vaccines, was rejected.[159] However, in late April, right after a phone call withAjit Doval, theNational Security Advisor of India, theBiden administration stated it would make raw materials necessary for production of theOxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine available to India, and began to send more than714 crore (equivalent to801 crore or US$95 million in 2023) worth of drug treatments,rapid diagnostic tests,ventilators,personal protective equipment, and mechanical parts needed to manufacture vaccines to India, along with a team of public health experts from theUnited States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The US also stated that it planned to finance the expansion ofBiological E. Limited, an Indian-based COVID-19 vaccine production company.[164][165][166][167] India entered negotiations with the US after it declared that it would share 60 million Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccines with the world.[168]

In a meeting of theQuadrilateral Security Dialogue on the implications of the2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine for the region, President Biden noted India's abstention on a UN resolution condemning the invasion, saying that most global allies were united against Russia.[169] Speaking to theUS Senate Foreign Relations Committee, US diplomatDonald Lu said the Biden administration was still considering sanctions against India over its S-400 deal with Russia and its abstention at the UN.[170] However, the Biden administration ruled out secondary sanctions against India for its considerable oil imports or defence engagement from Russia.[152]

Strengthen cooperation in various fields
[edit]

Although there are certain differences over theRussian invasion of Ukraine, the United States and India strengthened cooperation in defense, semiconductors, critical minerals, space, climate, education, healthcare and other fields during theJoe Biden presidency.[171] Biden called the ties with India "one of the defining relationships of the 21st century".[172] In a joint statement in 2023, Modi and Biden reiterated the call for concerted action against all groups identified by the United Nations as terrorist organisations, including Al-Qaeda, ISIS (Daesh), Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) and Hizb-ul-Mujhahideen (HuM). They also called out theAfghan Taliban authorities and Pakistan on the issue of terrorism.[173][174] The joint statement declared that the two countries have strong ties spanning "seas to stars".[175]

Spying allegations against India
[edit]
See also:Canada–India diplomatic row

In November 2023, it was reported that US authorities prevented a plot to assassinateGurpatwant Singh Pannun, a Sikh separatist leader of theKhalistan movement, within American borders.[176] Pannun had made threats to bomb theIndian Parliament andAir India flights, is now facing charges related to terrorist activities by India's NIA.[177] United States federal prosecutors filed charges against Nikhil Gupta, an Indian national, alleging his involvement in a conspiracy with an Indian government official to carry out the assassination of Pannun.[178] India voiced apprehension over the connection of one of its government officials to the plot, distancing itself from the incident and saying it contradicted government policy.[179]

Modi–Trump relationship (2025–present)

[edit]
Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi with US PresidentDonald Trump in theOval Office, February 2025

India rejected Trump's offer to mediateIndia-China tensions.[180] In May, again, India rejected Trump's and his vice president's offer to mediate when the2025 India–Pakistan conflict unfolded. The Indian Prime Minister first conveyed this directly to Trump in June. In late July, Modi reiterated the point during a parliamentary debate.[181][182]

On February 13, 2025, Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi became the fourth world leader to visit Donald Trump at the White House. During the meeting, Modi praised theMAGA movement.[183][184][185]

Pahalgam attack and Indo-Pak ceasefire
[edit]

Following the2025 Pahalgam attack, the United States initially expressed support for India’s right to respond. President Donald Trump condemned the attack and offered condolences, while US officials reiterated India’s sovereignty in handling its security challenges.[186][187] However, bilateral tensions emerged in the weeks that followed—particularly over conflicting claims regardingthe May ceasefire with Pakistan—after India's announcement of halting Operation Sindoor. While theTrump administration and several US media reports credited American diplomacy for facilitating the truce, Indian officials rejected these assertions.

On July 30, 2025, President Trump announced 25% tariffs on India in addition to a penalty due to India's purchase of military equipment from Russia.[188] The move was widely interpreted in Indian media as a response to New Delhi’s consistent emphasis on strategic autonomy and its rejection of third-party mediation.[189] In the weeks that followed, a perceptible shift was noted in President Trump's public statements regarding South Asia. While earlier expressions had focused on supporting India’s counterterrorism efforts, subsequent remarks increasingly highlighted the role of US diplomacy in facilitating the India–Pakistan ceasefire. In public addresses, including a White House briefing and a campaign rally in July, President Trump asserted that American engagement had helped de-escalate the conflict and suggested such efforts merited international recognition.[190]

These claims were formally denied by Indian officials. Minister of External AffairsS. Jaishankar stated in Parliament that no calls or contact occurred between the Indian and US leadership during the period in question and that the ceasefire had been initiated through bilateral military dialogue.[191][192] Several Indian media outlets noted a correlation between the timing of the US tariff announcement and the increased emphasis in Washington on American diplomatic efforts in South Asia. Commentators in both countries described the developments as indicative of growing friction over differing narratives regarding the ceasefire and broader regional dynamics.[189]

Tariff and energy dispute over Russia and Pakistan
[edit]
See also:2025 United States–India diplomatic and trade crisis

In July 2025, President Trump criticized India for continuingoil trade with Russia despite ongoingWestern sanctions. Earlier in July, US SenatorLindsey Graham introduced asanctions bill proposing tariffs of up to 500% on countries—including India—that continued totrade oil with Russia.[193][194] Towards the end of July, Trump announced a 25% "reciprocaltariff"[195] on Indian goods and additional 25% penalties linked to India's purchase of Russian arms and energy, taking total tariffs to around 50%.[196] Trump also revealed a proposed trade and energy development agreement with Pakistan. According to hisTruth Social post, the United States would support the exploration and extraction of Pakistan's "massive" oil reserves through American firms, although the specifics of the deal remained unclear. However, geoscientist Moin Raza Khan, former managing director ofPakistan Petroleum Limited, disputed these claims, stating that Trump’s assertions about Pakistan’s vast oil reserves did not reflect reality. Khan emphasized the lack of reliable data. Similarly, GA Sabri, a former Pakistani federal petroleum official, dismissed the claims as a "political gimmick."[195][197] Trump also took a swipe at the Indian economy, describing it as "dead" in the context of stalled negotiations over dairy and agricultural market access.[195] According to American investment bankJefferies, the unusually high tariffs were largely driven by former President Donald Trump's personal dissatisfaction after India declined his offer to mediate in its conflict with Pakistan, which may have hindered his efforts to position himself as a peace broker andNobel Peace Prize candidate.[198]

In September 2025, a thaw in bilateral relations was observed when U.S. President Donald Trump made a phone call to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to extend birthday greetings. Following the call, Trump posted onX, commending Modi for doing a "tremendous job" and expressing gratitude for his support toward efforts aimed at ending the Russia–Ukraine conflict.[199]

Military relations

[edit]
U.S. and Indian Army soldiers during the opening ceremony ofYudh Abhyas atJoint Base Lewis–McChord inTacoma, Washington in September 2015
Sailors assigned to the guided-missile destroyerUSSHalsey stand in ranks as theIndian Navy frigateINSSatpura pulls alongside during aMalabar naval exercise in April 2012
U.S. soldiers of the3rd Infantry Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division andIndian Army soldiers of the 6th Battalion of theKumaon Regiment, fire each other's weapons duringYudh Abhyas in September 2015
USAFF-15C Eagles (middle of V formation) fromElmendorf Air Force Base inAlaska fly withIAFSU-30MKI Flankers (rear) andMirage 2000 aircraft over the Indian landscape duringCope India in 2004, the first bilateral fighter exercise between the two air forces in more than 40 years
Sgt. Balkrishna Dave, an India-bornU.S. Army paratrooper explains weapons range safety procedures toIndian Army soldiers before their firing of American machine guns atYudh Abhyas in May 2013
AnIndian Army officer is greeted by aU.S. Army officer atFort Bragg inCumberland County, North Carolina in May 2013

Though the Indian Air Force never operated theF-86 Sabre, a small group ofIndian Air Force pilots trained on the aircraft in the United States in 1963–65 under a brief diplomatic arrangement. The training contributed to doctrinal exposure rather than operational deployment.[200]

The US has four"foundational" agreements that it signs with its defence partners. The Pentagon describes the agreements as "routine instruments that the US uses to promote military cooperation with partner-nations". American officials have stated that the agreements are not prerequisites for bilateral defence co-operation, but make it simpler and more cost-effective to carry out activities such as refueling aircraft or ships in each other's countries and providing disaster relief.[201] The first of the four agreements, the General Security Of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), was signed by India and the US in 2002. The agreement enables the sharing of military intelligence between the two countries and requires each country to protect the others' classified information.[citation needed]

The second agreement, the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), was signed by the two countries on August 29, 2016. The LEMOA permits the military of either country to use the others' bases for re-supplying or carrying out repairs. The agreement does not make the provision of logistical support binding on either country, and requires individual clearance for each request.[202] The third agreement, Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) was signed during the inaugural 2+2 dialogue in September 2018.[203] It is an India-specific variant of Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) that enables the two countries to share secure communication and exchange information on approved equipment during bilateral and multinational training exercises and operations. The fourth agreement, the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), signed in 2020, permits the exchange of unclassified and controlled unclassified geospatial products, topographical, nautical, and aeronautical data, products and services between India and the USNational Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA).[204][184]

Harsh V. Pant, professor of International relations atKing's College London, highlighted the importance of India to US strategic planning, saying: "India is key to the US' ability to create a stablebalance of power in the larger Indo-Pacific and at a time of resource constraints, it needs partners like India to shore up its sagging credibility in the region in face of Chinese onslaught." Robert Boggs, professor of South Asia Studies at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies, opines that the US "overestimates both India's desire to improve the relationship and the benefits doing so would bring".[205]

As part of America's policies to counter China,[206] one of thefirst Trump administration's policies was to make India a major defence partner, for which it was in talks with Indian representatives to sell highly technologically advancedPredator drones.[207] India has floated a tender to buy 100 multi-role fighter aircraft in theIndian MRCA competition (also called the "Mother of all defence deals"), worth around US$15 billion underNarendra Modi'sMake in India initiative. Although the deal was yet to be finalised as of 2018, the Trump administration pushed for sales of advancedF-16 jet fighters,[208] andF/A-18 Super Hornet.[209]

The Indian Army and US Army have conducted an annual training practice called Yudh Abhyas since 2002.[210] In June 2015, US defence secretaryAshton Carter visited India and became the first American defence secretary to visit an Indian military command. In December of the same year,Manohar Parrikar became the first Indian defence minister to visit theUS Pacific Command.[211] In March 2016, India rejected a proposal by the US to join naval patrols in theSouth China Sea alongside Japan and Australia. Defense MinisterManohar Parrikar said: "India has never taken part in any joint patrol; we only do joint exercises. The question of joint patrol does not arise."[212][184]

In January 2017, Peter Lavoy, Senior Director for South Asian Affairs at theUS National Security Council, declared that the partnership between India and the United States under Barack Obama's administration had been "incredibly successful". Lavoy stated, "I can tell you quite definitively that due to our partnerships, several terrorism plots were foiled. Indian lives and American lives were saved because of this partnership."[213][214]

On October 27, 2020, the United States and India signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), enabling greater information-sharing and further defense cooperation, to counter China's growing military power in the region.[215] During the 2+2 ministerial dialogue, the last agreement of four so-called "foundational agreements" for sharing sensitive information and sales of advanced military hardware was signed.[216]

On August 16, 2022, US Air Force SecretaryFrank Kendall said that "the Indian defence attaché now has un-escorted access toThe Pentagon which is commencement with our close relationship with India's status as a major defense partner," and added that "if you don't think un-escorted access to the Pentagon is a big deal, I can't get intoThe Pentagon without an escort".[217]

During Modi's visit in 2023, the US and India agreed thatHindustan Aeronautics would jointly produceGE F-414 jet engines.[218] The two sides also reached an agreement to purchaseMQ-9B drones.[171]

In 2024, both signed two key agreements to strengthen their defense cooperation: the Security of Supply Arrangement (SOSA), which allows reciprocal priority support for defense-related goods and services; and a Memorandum of Agreement to post Indian Liaison Officers in key US Commands, starting with the US Special Operations Command.[219]

Counterterrorism cooperation

[edit]

India–US counterterrorism cooperation has significantly deepened since the early 2000s, evolving into a central pillar of their strategic partnership. The establishment of the Joint Working Group on Counterterrorism in 2001 marked the beginning of systematic collaboration, focusing on intelligence sharing, financial tracking of terrorist networks, and capacity-building through joint training and technology transfer.[220][221] The2008 Mumbai attacks served as a catalyst, prompting both nations to intensify intelligence exchanges and operational cooperation, and leading to the signing of the Counterterrorism Cooperation Initiative in 2010. This initiative facilitated closer collaboration on information sharing, investigative best practices, and advanced counterterrorism techniques.[220][221] High-level dialogues, such as the Homeland Security Dialogue and the 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue, have further institutionalized cooperation, with joint statements increasingly reflecting shared concerns over Pakistan-based terrorist groups and calling for accountability for cross-border attacks.[222][220]

In recent years, India and the US have expanded their partnership to include joint military exercises focused on counterterrorism, such as Yudh Abhyas and Vajra Prahar, and have worked together in multilateral forums like the Global Counter Terrorism Forum and the Quad Counterterrorism Working Group.[222][223] Both countries have also coordinated efforts to designate terrorist leaders and groups at theUnited Nations and have supported actions at theFinancial Action Task Force to pressure states supporting terrorism.[222][223] While the US and India share the goal of combating terrorism, their approaches sometimes diverge due to differing geopolitical priorities and operational capabilities, with the US favoring more direct military action and India emphasizing regional diplomacy and multilateral engagement.[223] Nevertheless, the partnership continues to adapt to emerging threats, with ongoing efforts to enhance intelligence-sharing, law enforcement cooperation, and regional security in the Indo-Pacific.[223]

In April 2025, President Trump condemnedterrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, which resulted in the deaths of 26 civilians. In his public remarks, President Trump referred to the attack as “a bad one” and acknowledged the long-standing tensions in the region. In a subsequent interview, Trump emphasized that India would handle the situation independently, saying, “They’ll figure it out one way or another.” He also personally expressed condolences to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, offering full US support following the attack. US State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce stated that, as President Trump and Secretary of StateMarco Rubio had made clear, the United States stood with India and strongly condemned all acts of terrorism. She added that they mourned the lives lost, wished for the swift recovery of the injured, and called for the perpetrators of the heinous act to be brought to justice.[224][225]

In May 2025, following India's retaliatory response dubbed "Operation Sindoor", India sent a 10-member multi-party delegation led by MPShashi Tharoor to the US to brief lawmakers, think tanks, and media on the Pahalgam attack and India’s response. The team emphasized the precision and restraint of the strikes on terror camps in Pakistan and Pakistan administered Kashmir, presenting a united stance on national security and cross-border terrorism.[226][227] During their visit to the9/11 Memorial in New York, Tharoor and the delegation paid tribute to the victims and underscored the shared global challenge of terrorism, calling for international solidarity and mutual strength to combat it.[228][229][230][231] Tharoor reflected on his personal experience of 9/11—drawing parallels between the US and India as victims of terror—and stressed that India would not remain passive in the face of future attacks, urging that those who finance, train, and harbor terrorists must be held accountable.[228][231][232][233]

Pakistan factor

[edit]

India–US counterterrorism cooperation since the 2000s has been marked by growing convergence on the threat posed by Pakistan-based terrorist groups. While both countries have historically maintained separate bilateral relationships with Pakistan, the 2008 Mumbai attacks catalyzed a shift, with the US increasingly acknowledging India's concerns about cross-border terrorism originating from Pakistani soil. Joint statements from high-level dialogues, such as the 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue, have explicitly called on Pakistan to take concrete action against terrorist groups operating from its territory and to bring perpetrators of attacks like the Mumbai attacks,Pathankot attack, andUri attack to justice.[222] The US has supported India in international forums, including theUnited Nations Security Council and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), to pressure Pakistan to curb terror financing and dismantle militant infrastructure.[222][234]

Despite this alignment, direct joint US–India action against Pakistan has been limited to diplomatic, economic, and multilateral measures rather than coordinated military operations. The US has imposed aid suspensions and advocated for Pakistan's inclusion on the FATF 'grey list' for its failure to act against groups targeting India.[235][222] India, for its part, has conducted targeted cross-border strikes against terrorist camps in Pakistan and presented evidence of Pakistani complicity in terrorism at the UN, often with US backing.[234][235] However, operational cooperation—such as intelligence sharing on Pakistan-based threats—remains cautious, with the US sometimes hesitant to share sensitive information fully, reflecting broader geopolitical complexities.[221][236] Overall, while both countries have not engaged in joint military action against Pakistan, their partnership has strengthened international efforts to hold Pakistan accountable for cross-border terrorism and has elevated the issue in global counterterrorism discourse.[237][238]

Extraditions

[edit]

The most prominent successful terrorist extradition from the United States to India is that ofTahawwur Hussain Rana. In April 2025, Rana was extradited to India for his alleged role in the2008 Mumbai terror attacks, which killed 166 people. This marked the first such extradition in a terrorism-related case between the two countries. The extradition followed years of legal proceedings and diplomatic efforts, with theUS Supreme Court ultimately rejecting Rana's appeals and theUS Department of Justice actively assisting Indian authorities in the process.[239][240][241] Rana was wanted in India for allegedly aidingLashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistani militant group blamed for the attacks.[239] At a joint press conference with the Indian Prime MinisterNarendra Modi on February 14, president Donald Trump stated that the United States was returning "a very violent man" to India immediately to face justice there.[242]

Nuclear cooperation

[edit]

Pokhran tests

[edit]
Main article:Pokhran-II

In 1998, India tested nuclear weapons which resulted in several US, Japanese, and European sanctions on India. India's then-defence minister,George Fernandes, said that India'sprogram was necessary as it provided a deterrence to potential nuclear threats. Most of the sanctions imposed on India were removed by 2001.[243][244] India has categorically stated that it will never use weapons first but will retaliate if attacked.[245]

The economic sanctions imposed by the United States in response to India's nuclear tests in May 1998 appeared, at least initially, to seriously damage India–US relations. PresidentBill Clinton imposed wide-ranging sanctions pursuant to the1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act. US sanctions on Indian entities involved in the nuclear industry and opposition to international financial institution loans for non-humanitarian assistance projects in India. The United States encouraged India to sign theComprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) immediately and without condition. The United States also called for restraint in missile and nuclear testing and deployment by both India and Pakistan.[246] The non-proliferation dialogue initiated after the 1998 nuclear tests has bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the countries.[247]

Easing of tension

[edit]
Further information:India–United States Civil Nuclear Agreement

In late September 2001, President Bush lifted sanctions imposed under the terms of the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act following India's nuclear tests in May 1998. A succession of non-proliferation dialogues bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the countries.

In December 2006, the US Congress passed the historic India–United States Civilian Nuclear Agreement|Henry J. Hyde US–India Peaceful Atomic Cooperation Act, which allows direct civilian nuclear commerce with India for the first time in 30 years. US policy had been opposed to nuclear cooperation with India in prior years because India had developed nuclear weapons against international conventions, and had never signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The legislation clears the way for India to buy US nuclear reactors and fuel for civilian use.

TheIndia–United States Civil Nuclear Agreement—also referred to as the "123 Agreement"—signed on October 10, 2008, is a bilateral agreement for peaceful nuclear cooperation which governs civil nuclear trade between American and Indian firms participating in each other's civil nuclear energy sector.[248][249][184] For the agreement to be operational, nuclear vendors and operators must comply with India's 2010Nuclear Liability Act which stipulates that nuclear suppliers, contractors and operators must bear financial responsibility in case of an accident.

On March 27, 2019, India and the US signed an agreement to "strengthen bilateral security and civil nuclear cooperation" including the construction of six American nuclear reactors in India.[250]

Post– 9/11

[edit]

India's contribution to thewar on terror has helped India's diplomatic relations with several countries. Over the past few years, India has held numerous joint military exercises with United States and European nations that have resulted in a strengthened US–India and EU–India bilateral relationship.

However, India has not signed theCTBT, or theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, claiming the discriminatory nature of the treaty that allows the five declared nuclear countries of the world to keep their nuclear arsenals and develop them using computer simulation testing. Prior to its nuclear testing, India had pressed for a comprehensive destruction of nuclear weapons by all countries of the world in a time-bound frame. This was not favoured by the United States and by certain other countries. Presently, India has declared its policy of "no-first use of nuclear weapons" and the maintenance of a "credible nuclear deterrence". The US, under PresidentGeorge W. Bush, lifted most of its sanctions on India and resumed military co-operation. Relations with the US have considerably improved in recent years, with the two countries taking part in joint naval exercises off the coast of India and joint air exercises both in India as well as in the United States.[251][252][253]

India has pushed for reforms in theUnited Nations and in theWorld Trade Organization with mixed results. India's candidature for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council is currently backed by several countries including Russia, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Brazil, African Union nations and the US. In 2005, the US signed a nuclear co-operation agreement with India even though the latter is not a part of theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The United States agreed that India's strong nuclear non-proliferation record made it an exception and persuaded otherNuclear Suppliers Group members to sign similar deals with India.

On March 2, 2006, India and the United States signed theIndo-US Nuclear Pact on co-operation in civilian nuclear field. This was signed during the four days state visit of US President George Bush in India. On its part, India would separate its civilian and military nuclear programmes, and the civilian programmes would be brought under the safeguards ofInternational Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The United States would sell India the reactor technologies and the nuclear fuel for setting up and upgrading its civilian nuclear programme. The US Congress needed to ratify this pact sinceUS federal law prohibits the trading of nuclear technologies and materials outside the framework of theNuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

Economic relations

[edit]
Further information:US India CEO Forum

The United States is one of India's largest direct investors. From 1991 to 2004, the stock of FDI inflow increased from US$11 million to $344.4 million, and totaling $4.13 billion. This is a compound rate increase of 57.5 percent annually. Indian direct investments abroad began in 1992, and Indian corporations and registered partnership firms now can and do invest in businesses up to 100 percent of their net worth. India's largest outgoing investments are in the manufacturing sector, which accounts for 54.8 percent of the country's foreign investments. The second largest are in non-financial services (software development), accounting for 35.4 percent of investments. According to the data of the commerce ministry, in 2021–22, bilateral trade in goods between the two countries crossed $119.42 billion. Exports to the US increased to $76.11 billion in 2021-22 from $51.62 billion in previous fiscal year, while imports rose to $43.31 billion as compared to about $29 billion in 2020–21.[254] Tensions arose in 2025 as US President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on Indian goods, particularly pharmaceuticals, prompting negotiations to mitigate economic impacts.[255][256][257] Nearly half of all generic drugs in the US came from India, with Indian generics saving $219 billion in healthcare costs in 2022 alone.[255] In late July 2025, Trump threatened to raise tariffs on Indian imports to 25% if the allies failed to complete a long-term trade deal.[258]

As of 2025, according to the Global Trade Research Initiative, the US earns between $80–85 billion annually from India through sectors like higher education, digital services, financial consulting, intellectual property, and defense sales. These earnings create a net surplus of $35–40 billion for the US.[259][260]

A major 500 billion dollar trade deal is expected to be signed between the two countries to expand their trade relations and give India better access to American consumer market. The deal is expected to be signed in the QUAD summit 2025 in India with US President Donald Trump present there.[citation needed]

Trade relations

[edit]
US PresidentGeorge W. Bush and Indian Prime MinisterManmohan Singh during a meeting with Indian and American business leaders inNew Delhi in March 2006
USFood and Drug Administration and IndianExport Inspection Council officials review amemorandum of understanding on food safety in 2015

The United States is India'slargest trading partner since 2021,[254] and India is its7th largest trading partner.[261] In 2017, the US exported $25.7 billion worth of goods to India, and imported $48.6 billion worth of Indian goods.[262] Major imports from India includeinformation technology services,textiles,machinery,gems anddiamonds,chemicals,iron andsteel products,coffee,tea, and other edible food products. Major American items imported by India includeaircraft,fertilisers,computer hardware,scrap metal, and medical equipment.[263][264]

The United States is also India's largest investment partner, with a direct investment of $10 billion (accounting for 9 percent of total foreign investment). Americans have made notable foreign investments in India's power generation, telecommunications, ports, roads, petroleum exploration and processing, and mining industries.[264] American imports from India amounted to $46.6 billion or 2% of its overall imports, and 15.3% of India's overall exports in 2015. Major goods exported from India to the US include gemstones, precious metals and coins, pharmaceuticals, oil, machinery, textiles (including knit & crochet),organic chemicals, vehicles, and iron or steel products.[265][266] American exports to India amounted to $20.5 billion or 5.2% of India's overall imports in 2015. Major commodities exported from the US to India include gemstones, precious metals and coins, machinery, electronic equipment, medical equipment, oil, aircraft/spacecraft, plastics, organic chemicals, fruits and nuts.[267][268]

In July 2005, President Bush and Prime MinisterManmohan Singh created a new programme called the Trade Policy Forum.[269] It is run by a representative from each nation. The United States Trade Representative wasRob Portman, and the Indian Commerce Secretary then-Minister of CommerceKamal Nath. The goal of the programme is to increase bilateral trade and investment flow. There are five main sub-divisions of the Trade Policy Forum, including The Agricultural Trade group, which has three main objectives: agreeing on terms that will allow India to export mangoes to the United States; permitting India's Agricultural and Process Food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA) to certify Indian products to the standards of the USDepartment of Agriculture; and executing regulation procedures for approvingedible wax on fruit.[citation needed]

The goals of the Tariff and Non-Tariff Barriers group include agreeing that insecticides manufactured by US companies can be sold throughout India. India had also agreed to cut special regulations on tradingcarbonated drinks, manymedicinal drugs, and lowering regulations on many imports that are not of an agricultural nature. Both nations have agreed to discuss improved facets of Indian regulation in the trade ofjewellery,computer parts,motorcycles,fertiliser, and those tariffs that affect American exporting ofboric acid. The group has also discussed matters such as those wishing to break into the accounting market,Indian companies gaining licenses for thetelecommunications industry, and setting policies regardingIndian media andbroadcasting markets. Other foci include the exchange of valuable information on recognizing different professional services, discussing the movement and positioning of people in developing industries, continuation of talks on financial services markets, limitation of equities, insurance, retail, joint investment in agricultural processing and transportation industries, and small business initiatives.[citation needed]

On August 3, 2018, India became the third Asian nation to be granted Strategic Trade Authorization-1 (STA-1) status by the United States. STA-1 enables the export of high-technology products in civil space and defence from the US to India.[270][271] On February 15, 2023, Air India announced an order of 470 jets, out of which 220 jets would be bought from Boeing and the other 250 from Airbus. This is one of the biggest aircraft orders in the commercial jet industry. The deal was acknowledged by both the US President and India's Prime Minister's Office.[272] During Modi's visit in 2023, resolution of six of seven outstanding WTO disputes between the US and India was reached through mutually agreed solutions and market access.[171]

On July 30, 2025, US President Donald Trump announced that Indian products would be subject to 25% tariffs upon arrival in the United States starting August 1, and that a "penalty" would be added for thepurchase of Russian oil.[273] On August 6, 2025, President Trump raised the tariff to 50%, a 25% increase, over India's purchase of Russian oil.[274] The new rate will take effect on August 27, 2025.[275]

On October 22, 2025, the United States imposed sanctions on Russian oil companiesRosneft andLukoil,[276] affecting their customers in India.[277]

US-India goods trade in billions of US dollars (1990−2023)[278]
199020002010201520162017201820192020202120222023
US exports to India2.53.719.221.521.625.633.234.227.139.846.940.3
US imports from India3.210.729.544.846.048.554.257.951.373.385.583.7
Trade balance−0.7−7.0−10.3−24.4−24.4−22.9−21.1−23.7−24.2−33.5−38.6−43.3

Fentanyl

[edit]

India has increasingly been implicated in theillicit fentanyl trade, with a 2025 US intelligence report highlighting its role as a significant supplier of precursor chemicals, second only toChina. The report, published in March 2025, notes that Indian pharmaceutical companies have been linked to exports of fentanyl precursors toMexico andGuatemala, fueling the opioid crisis in the US This follows India's inclusion in the 2024US Department of Justice indictments, targeting executives from pharmaceutical firms involved in the trade.[279]

Science and technology

[edit]

On January 31, 2023, the US–India Civil Space Joint Working Group met for the eighth time. The group is a collaboration of space agenciesISRO andNASA. The working group planned to launch The NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar mission in 2024 which is expected to map Earth using two different radar frequencies to monitor resources like water, forests, and agriculture.[280]

In January 2023, the national security advisors of India and the US announced the launch of the US–India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET). Under iCET, both sides will work together in the fields of artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, advanced wireless technology, space and semiconductor supply chain resilience.[281] India signed theArtemis Accords in 2023, joining 26 other countries working on exploration of the moon, Mars, and beyond; additionally, NASA will provide advanced training to ISRO astronauts with the goal of launching a joint effort to the International Space Station in 2024.[171]

Role of Indian diaspora

[edit]
See also:Indian Americans

The Indian diaspora significantly bolsters India–US economic relations through key contributions in technology, entrepreneurship, and academia. Their presence in Silicon Valley and leadership roles in various sectors fosters innovation and collaboration, while their entrepreneurial ventures strengthen economic ties. Additionally, the diaspora serves as a vital link for investments between the two countries, and their involvement in education and research contributes to advancements in science and technology. Beyond economics, the diaspora's cultural initiatives promote understanding and dialogue, further enhancing the overall relationship between India and the US.[282]

India-US strategic partnership

[edit]
US and Indian Army soldiers during the opening ceremony ofYudh Abhyas military exercise in November 2022

During the Cold War (1960–1990)

[edit]

India–US strategic relations grew in the early 1960s, as the rise of thePeople's Republic of China worried policymakers in Washington, D.C. The Chinese government's assertion inTibet, its role in theKorean War, and other such acts concerned Washington. As relations between India and China were heated during the late '50s, the Americans found a golden opportunity to take advantage of this situation to promote India as a counterweight to China.[283]

Post–Cold War era (1990–2014)

[edit]

After theend of the Cold War, Indian and American interests converged in a number of areas, includingcounter-terrorism, promotion of democracy, counter-proliferation, freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, and thebalance of power in Asia.[283] India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in its region and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascentgreat power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout ofChina.[284]

In a meeting between PresidentGeorge W. Bush and Prime MinisterAtal Bihari Vajpayee in November 2001, the two leaders expressed a strong interest in transforming the US–India bilateral relationship. High-level meetings and concrete cooperation between the two countries increased during 2002 and 2003. In January 2004, the US and India launched the "Next Steps in Strategic Partnership" (NSSP), which was both a milestone in the transformation of the bilateral relationship and a blueprint for its further progress.[285] In July 2005, Bush hosted Prime MinisterManmohan Singh inWashington, D.C. The two leaders announced the successful completion of the NSSP, as well as other agreements which further enhanced cooperation in the areas of civil nuclear, civil space, and high-technology commerce. Other initiatives announced included a US–India economic dialogue; the fight againstHIV/AIDS; disaster relief; technology cooperation; an agriculture knowledge initiative; a trade policy forum; energy dialogue; CEO Forum; and an initiative to assist each other in furthering democracy and freedom.[286] President Bush made a reciprocal visit to India in March 2006, during which the progress of these initiatives were reviewed, and new initiatives were launched.[287]

As the world's oldest and largest democracies, respectively, the US and India share historic ties.[288] India is a founding member of the "Community of Democracies"—a prominent endeavor of the United States for promotion of democracy. However, India rejected a suggestion by the US about setting up a Centre for Asian Democracy.[289]

Indian Prime MinisterManmohan Singh was the guest of honour at the first state dinner of theadministration of US PresidentBarack Obama, which took place on November 24, 2009. Obama latervisited India from November 6–9, 2010, signing numerous trade and defence agreements with India. He addressed the joint session of theIndian parliament in New Delhi—becoming only the second US president to do so—and announced that the United States would lend its support toIndia's bid for a permanent seat in theUnited Nations Security Council, signifying the growing strategic dimension of the relationship between the world's two largest democracies.[290]

After the rise of the BJP (2014–present)

[edit]

In 2016, India and the United States signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement[291][292] and India was declared a Major Defense Partner of the United States.[18] During US President Trump's visit to India in 2020, both sides agree to establish "Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership".[293]

In both the2017 Doklam standoff and the2020–2021 China–India skirmishes, the United States provided India with intelligence it possessed, and the two sides discussed the crisis on Ladakh border. The US was also involved in securing the release of Indian pilotAbhinandan Varthaman from Pakistani custody following the2019 Balakot airstrike.[294] According to former US secretary of stateMike Pompeo, the US played a role in extinguishing tensions between India and Pakistan in 2019, when Pakistan and India were at the verge of nuclear war.[295]

The strategic meetings between both countries is called the '2+2' dialogue. Representatives holding Foreign and Defense portfolios from each of the two countries participate in this meeting. The inaugural 2+2 dialogue between the two nations took place in September 2018 during thefirst Trump administration. The meeting involved the foreign ministerSushma Swaraj and then Defence MinisterNirmala Sitharaman representing India, while Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Secretary of DefenceJames Mattis represented the United States. Some agreements, including the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) (2018), were signed in these meetings.[296]

Prime MinisterNarendra Modi and PresidentDonald Trump attending theHowdy Modi event inHouston, 2019

On October 27, 2020, US and India signed a military agreement on sharing sensitive satellite data. The Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement, or BECA, allows the US's strategic partners to access a range of sensitive geospatial and aeronautical data which is useful for military actions.[297] In December 2020, US India Business Council presidentNisha Desai Biswal claimed that the ties between the two nations will continue and grow stronger in 2021, as theBiden administration would prioritize their trade deals for a prospering economic relationship.[298] In December 2022, based on BECA, the United States provided real-time location information of thePLA soldiers to helpIndia fight China, during the confrontation inArunachal Pradesh.[299]

Observer reactions

[edit]

USChairman of the Joint Chiefs of StaffMike Mullen encouraged stronger military ties between the two nations, and said that "India has emerged as an increasingly important strategic partner [of the US]".[300] In 2010, US Undersecretary of StateWilliam J. Burns also said, "Never has there been a moment when India and America mattered more to each other."[301]

In the wake of the2025 India–Pakistan conflict, IndianMember of ParliamentShashi Tharoor expressed concern that US President Donald Trump made a false equivalence between India and Pakistan by equating the perpetrator with the victim in the aftermath of theterrorist incident in Kashmir.[302]

Triangular relations

[edit]
Main article:Triangular India–United States relations

Africa

[edit]

India and the United States have held two "India–US Dialogue on Africa" sessions as of 2024.[303]

Asia

[edit]
See also:Indo-Pacific andSouth Asian foreign policy of the Barack Obama administration

In the 21st century, India–United States cooperation has aimed tocontain China in Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific with the help of broader organizations, such as theQuad which includes Japan and Australia.[304][184] In 2009,Robert Blake,Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, dismissed any concerns over a rift with India regarding AmericanAfPak policy in South Asia, calling India and the United States "natural allies".[305] However, American ties with Pakistan and Bangladesh have sometimes clashed with India's military and political preferences in its neighborhood.[306][307][308]

India and United States have differences over the role of US's mediation in India's conflicts in its neighborhood that particularly involve Pakistan. For instance, in 2025, US PresidentDonald Trump claimed multiple times how he stopped the2025 India-Pakistan conflict by leveraging trade[309]—despite US Vice PresidentJD Vance who earlier stated that US would not intervene—[310][311] while India firmly rejected the claims and stated that the military operations that were part ofOperation Sindoor only ceased when India's military objectives were achieved.[312] Both the Indian External Affairs MinisterS. Jaishankar and the Indian Defence MinisterRajnath Singh rejected the claims on different occasions with the former attributing the cessation of hostilities to military actions by India.[313][314]

In August 2025, Pakistan’s army chief Field MarshalAsim Munir reportedly stated during a dinner in Florida that if Pakistan faced an existential threat, “we’ll take half the world down with us.” India condemned the reported remarks as “nuclear sabre-rattling” and described them as irresponsible, with the Ministry of External Affairs also expressing regret that such statements were made on the soil of a friendly third country, referring to the United States.[315][316]

European and Western countries

[edit]

Canada

[edit]

Both Canada and the United States allege that the Indian government ordered assassinations onSikh separatists who were their citizens. Regarding the 2023Canada–India diplomatic row on this matter, State Department spokesmanMatthew Miller said in October 2024 that "We wanted to see the government of India cooperate with Canada in its investigation. Obviously, they have not; they have chosen an alternate path."[317]

United Kingdom

[edit]
See also:History of United Kingdom–United States relations § Pre-Independence India

Serious tension erupted over American demands thatIndia be given independence, a proposition Churchill vehemently rejected. For years Roosevelt had encouraged Britain's disengagement from India. The American position was based on principled opposition to colonialism, practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the expectation of a large American role in a post-colonial era. In 1942 when theCongress Party launched aQuit India movement, the colonial authorities arrested tens of thousands of activists (includingMahatma Gandhi). Meanwhile, India became the main American staging base for aid toChina. Churchill threatened to resign if Roosevelt continued to push his demands, and Roosevelt backed down.[318][319] Churchill was a believer in the integrity of the British Empire, but he was voted out of office in the summer of 1945. Attlee's new Labour government was much more favorable toward Indian aspirations. The process ofde-colonization was highlighted by the independence Britain granted to India, Pakistan and Ceylon (nowSri Lanka) in 1947. The United States approved, but provided no financial or diplomatic support.[320][321]

Ukraine

[edit]

During theBiden administration and the start of theRussian invasion of Ukraine, there were initially significant tensions regarding India's ties with Russia. However, thesecond Trump administration is anticipated to seek a quick end to the conflict, likely reducing India's distance from the United States on European security issues.[322][needs update]

Latin America and the Caribbean

[edit]
See also:India–Latin America relations andLatin America–United States relations

Cultural relations

[edit]
See also:Anglicisation,Indian Americans § Culture, andAmericans in India § Culture

The Indian-American diaspora, numbering over 4.5 million in 2025, strengthens cultural and educational exchanges. Student and tech worker visas remain a key focus, with thousands of Indian professionals contributing to the US economy.[184]

Polling

[edit]

Gallup's annual World Affairs survey shows India is perceived byAmericans as their sixth favorite nation in the world, with 71% of Americans viewing India favorably in 2015,[323] and 70% in 2023.[324] Gallup polls found that 74% of Americans viewed India favorably in 2017,[325] 72% in 2019,[326] 75% in 2020[327] and 77% in 2022.[328] According to aMorning Consult poll conducted in August 2021 after thefall of Afghanistan, 79% of Indians viewed the United States favorably, compared to 10% who viewed the United States unfavorably. This was the highest favorability rating out of all 15 major countries surveyed and higher than US citizens' own favorability rating of the US at the time.[7]

Cinema

[edit]

Indian films have become more popular in the United States in recent years. American movies likeMississippi Masala paved the way for discussing race relations between Indian Americans and other racial groups in earlier decades, while Indian films likeRRR found unprecedented success in the 21st century.[329]

Hollywood movies have always been popular in India since the end of cold war, as with the country emerging as one of the top ten or even five highest-grossing destinations for American films.[330]

Health and spirituality

[edit]

Yoga and meditation have been notable exports from India to the United States.Swami Vivekananda played a significant role in introducing several of these aspects of Indian spirituality at the turn of the 20th century.[331][332]

Richard Verma (top right), former Ambassador to India, celebrating the USA hosting the2024 Men's T20 World Cup

Music

[edit]

American music first came to India at the turn of the 20th century, mediated to some extent through Britain and involving a significant amount of African Americanjazz music.[333]

Sports and recreation

[edit]
See also:American sports in British India andParcheesi

Cricket was initially spread to both the United States and India during the British Empire. However, the United States drifted toward baseball, a fellow bat-and-ball sport, after its 1860sCivil War.[334] In the 21st century, Indian Americans and their investments have partially revivedcricket in the United States, helping to launchMajor League Cricket and the rise ofT20 cricket.[335][336]

Embassies and consulates

[edit]
Indian Missions in the U.S.[337]
U.S. Missions in India[338]

  • Embassy of India in Washington, D.C.
    Embassy of India in Washington, D.C.
  • Consulate-General of India in Atlanta
    Consulate-General of India in Atlanta
  • Consulate-General of India in Houston
    Consulate-General of India in Houston
  • Consulate-General of India in New York City
    Consulate-General of India in New York City
  • Consulate-General of India in San Francisco
    Consulate-General of India in San Francisco
  • Embassy of the United States in New Delhi
    Embassy of the United States in New Delhi
  • Consulate-General of the United States in Chennai
    Consulate-General of the United States in Chennai
  • Consulate-General of the United States in Mumbai
    Consulate-General of the United States in Mumbai

Head of state visits

[edit]
List of US Presidents to visit India
NameDatesLocation
1Dwight D. EisenhowerDecember 9–14, 1959New Delhi,Agra
2Richard NixonJuly 31 – August 1, 1969New Delhi
3Jimmy CarterJanuary 1–3, 1978New Delhi,Daulatpur Nasirabad(now Carterpuri)
4Bill ClintonMarch 19–25, 2000New Delhi,Agra,Jaipur,Hyderabad,Mumbai
5George W. BushMarch 1–3, 2006New Delhi,Hyderabad
6Barack ObamaNovember 6–9, 2010Mumbai,New Delhi
7Barack ObamaJanuary 25–27, 2015New Delhi
8Donald TrumpFebruary 24–25, 2020Ahmedabad,Agra,New Delhi
9Joe BidenSeptember 8–10, 2023New Delhi

See also

[edit]
Geostrategic
Cultural and peoples relations
Foreign relations

Notes

[edit]
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Further reading

[edit]
  • Aspen Institute India.The United States and India: A Shared Strategic Future (Council on Foreign Relations, 2011)online
  • Ayres, Alyssa and C. Raja Mohan, eds.Power Realignments in Asia: China, India and the United States (2009)JSTOR 48504849
  • Brands, H. W.India and the United States: The Cold Peace (1990)online free to borrow
  • Brands, H. W.Inside the Cold War: Loy Henderson and the Rise of the American Empire 1918–1961 (1991) pp 196–230;Loy Henderson was US Ambassador, 1948–51
  • Chary, M. Srinivas.The Eagle and the Peacock: U.S. Foreign Policy toward India since Independence (1995)online
  • Chaudhuri, Rudra.Forged in Crisis: India and the United States since 1947 (Oxford UP, 2014); online; DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199354863.001.0001
  • Clymer, Kenton J.Quest for Freedom: The United States and India's Independence (1995)
  • Fink, Leon. "Siren Song of Economic Development: U.S. Missions to India, 1952–1975" in Fink,Undoing the Liberal World Order: Progressive Ideals and Political Realities Since World War II (Columbia UP, 2022)online pp. 126–162
  • Gopal, Sarvepalli.Jawaharlal Nehru: a Biography Volume 1 1889-1947 (1975);Jawaharlal Nehru Vol. 2 1947-1956 (1979);Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography Volume 3 1956-1964 (2014), detailed coverage of diplomacy
  • Gould, H.A. and S. Ganguly, eds.The hope and the reality: US-Indian relations from Roosevelt to Reagan (1992).
  • Govil, Nitin.Orienting Hollywood: A Century of Film Culture Between Los Angeles and Bombay (NYU Press, 2015)
  • Hart, David M., and Zoltan J. Acs. "High-tech immigrant entrepreneurship in the United States."Economic Development Quarterly (2011) 25#2 pp: 116–129.online
  • Heimsath, C.H. and Surjit Mansingh.A diplomatic history of modern India (1971)online
  • Hilsman, Roger.To move a nation; the politics of foreign policy in the administration of John F. Kennedy (1967) pp 275–357. on 1961–63.
  • Hooper, Jane.Yankees in the Indian Ocean: American Commerce and Whaling, 1786–1860 (Ohio University Press, 2022)online review
  • Isaacs, Harold R.Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India (1958)online
  • Jackson, Carl T. "The Influence of Asia upon American Thought: A Bibliographical Essay."American Studies International 22#1 (1984), pp. 3–31,JSTOR 41280625 covers China, India & Japan
  • Jain, Rashmi K.The United States and India: 1947–2006 A Documentary Study (2007)
  • Karl, David J. "U.S.-India Relations: The Way Forward,"Orbis (2012) 56#2 pp 308–327online
  • Kux, Dennis.India and The United States: Estranged Democracies 1941–1991 (1993)
  • McMahon, Robert J.Cold War on the Periphery: The United States, India and Pakistan (1994)excerpt and text search
  • Madan, Tanvi. "With an eye to the east: the China factor and the US-India relationship, 1949-1979" (PhD dissertation, U Texas 2012).online free
  • Malone, David M., C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan, eds.The Oxford handbook of Indian foreign policy (2015) pp 481–94.
  • Merrill, Dennis (1990).Bread and the Ballot: The United States and India's Economic Development, 1947–1963. UNC Press.
  • Mishra, Sylvia. "Forged in Crisis: India and the United States since 1947."Indian Foreign Affairs Journal 9#3 (2014): 301+.
  • Mistry, Dinshaw.Aligning Unevenly: India and the United States (Honolulu: East-West Center, 2016), focus after 2000online.
  • Pant, Harsh V (2009). "The US-India Nuclear Pact: Policy, Process, and Great Power Politics".Asian Security.5 (3):273–95.doi:10.1080/14799850903179012.S2CID 144493366.
  • Raghavan, Srinath.The Most Dangerous Place: A History of the United States in South Asia. (Penguin Random House India, 2018); also published asFierce Enigmas: A History of the United States in South Asia.(2018 )
  • Rani, Sudesh. "Indo-US Maritime Cooperation: Challenges and Prospects,"Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, Vol. 8, No. 2, (December 2012) Pages: 123-43doi:10.1080/09733159.2012.742664
  • Riedel, Bruce (2013).Avoiding Armageddon: America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.ISBN 978-0-8157-2408-7.
  • —————— (2015).JFK's Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and Sino-Indian War. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.ISBN 978-0-8157-2699-9.
  • Rotter, Andrew J.Comrades at Odds: The United States and India, 1947–1964 (2000)
  • Roy, Dr. P. C.Indo-U.S. Economic Relations. Rajouri Garden, New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986. 73–125.
  • Schaffer, Teresita C.India and the United States in the 21st Century: Reinventing Partnership (2010)
  • Sharma, G. D.Indo Us Defence Cooperation (Vij Books, 2012),excerpt and text search
  • Sokolski, Henry.United States and India Strategic Cooperation (2010)
  • Vinod, M.J.United States foreign policy toward India (1991)

Recent

[edit]
  • Bajpai, Kanti, Selina Ho, and Manjari Chatterjee Miller, eds.Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations (Routledge, 2020).excerpt
  • Malone, David M., C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan, eds.The Oxford handbook of Indian foreign policy (2015)excerpt pp 481–494.
  • Martin, Michael F., et al. "India-U.S. Economic Relations: In Brief"Current Politics and Economics of Northern and Western Asia 24#1 (2015): 99+.
  • Mukherjee, Rohan. "Chaos as opportunity: the United States and world order in India's grand strategy."Contemporary Politics 26.4 (2020): 420-438online.
  • Raghavan, Srinath.The Most Dangerous Place: A History of the United States in South Asia. (Penguin Random House India, 2018); also published asFierce Enigmas: A History of the United States in South Asia.(2018).online review; also seeexcerpt
  • Rajagopalan, Rajesh. "U.S.-India Relations under President Trump: Promise and Peril."Asia Policy, no. 24 (2017).
  • Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Missed opportunities and contradictory policies: Indo-American relations in the Clinton-Rao years."Pacific Affairs (1996): 499-517JSTOR 2761184
  • Talbott, Strobe.Engaging India: Diplomacy, democracy, and the bomb (Brookings Institution Press, 2010).online
  • Tellis, Ashley J. 'The Surprising Success of the U.S.-Indian Partnership: Trump and Modi Have Deepened Defense Cooperation Against the Odds'.Foreign Affairs 20 (February 2020)online
  • Tellis, Ashley. "Narendra Modi and US–India Relations." inMaking of New India: Transformation Under Modi Government (2018): 525-535online.
  • van de Wetering, Carina. Changing US Foreign Policy toward India: US-India Relations since the Cold War (2016)excerpt

Primary sources

[edit]
  • Bowles, Chester (1969).A View from New Delhi: Selected Speeches and Writings, 1963–1969. Yale U.P.ISBN 978-0-300-10546-9., US ambassador 1951–53 and 1963–69;excerpt and text search
  • Bowles, Chester.Promises to Keep (1972), autobiography; pp 531–79 by US ambassador 1951–53 and 1963–69
  • Galbraith, John K.Ambassador's journal: a personal account of the Kennedy years (1969)online, he was US ambassador to India 1961–63
  • U.S. Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), many volumes of primary sources; the complete texts of these large books are all online. SeeGuide to FRUS. For example,Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XI, South Asia Crisis, 1971 was published in 2005 andis online here. The most recent volumes areForeign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–7, Documents on South Asia, 1969–1972 (2005)online here andForeign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–8, Documents on South Asia, 1973–1976 (2007)online here.

External links

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