 Ilocano señoritas fromSanta Catalina, Ilocos Sur,c. 1900 | |
| Total population | |
|---|---|
| 8,746,169 (2020)[1] | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
 Philippines(Ilocos Region,Cordillera,Cagayan Valley,Central Luzon,Metro Manila, some parts ofMindanao especially inSoccsksargen)  United States(Hawaii,California) Worldwide | |
| Languages | |
| Iloco (Ilocano),Tagalog,English | |
| Religion | |
| PredominantlyRoman Catholicism, with minorities includingAglipayan,Protestantism,Islam, andBuddhism. | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Itneg,Pangasinan,Kankanaey,Ibanag, otherCordilleran (Igorot), and otherAustronesian peoples |
TheIlocano people (Ilocano:Tattáo nga Ilóko, Kailukuán, Kailukanuán), also referred to asIlokáno, Ilóko, Ilúko, orSamtóy, are anAustronesianethnolinguistic group native to thePhilippines.[2] Originally from theIlocos Region on the northwestern coast ofLuzon, they have since spread throughout northern and central Luzon, particularly in theCagayan Valley, theCordillera Administrative Region, and the northern and western areas ofCentral Luzon.[3][4] The Ilocanos constitute the third-largestethnolinguistic group in the Philippines.[5] Their native language is calledIloco or Iloko.[6]
Beyond thenorthern Luzon, large Ilocano populations are found inMetro Manila,Mindoro,Palawan, andMindanao, as well as in theUnited States, particularly inHawaii andCalifornia, owing to extensiveIlocano migration in the 19th and 20th centuries.[7][8] Ilocano culture reflects a blend ofRoman Catholic influences and pre-colonialanimist-polytheistic traditions, shaped by their agricultural lifestyle and strong family-communal ties.[9][10]
Prior to the arrival of theSpaniards, the Ilocanos referred to themselves as"Samtoy," a contraction of"sao mi ditoy"Ilocano words that mean "our language."[11]
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The term "Ilocáno" (also spelled "Ilokáno") is theHispanized plural form of "Ilóco" or "Ilóko," with the archaic Spanish rendering "Ylóco." It is derived from the combination of the prefixi- (meaning "of" or "from") andluék,luëk, orloóc (meaning "sea" or "bay") in the Ilocano language, translating to "from the bay." This reflects the geographical origin of the Ilocano people, whose early settlements were located near coastal regions and bays. Therefore, "Ilocano" denotes thepeople from the bay.[12]
An alternative etymological explanation links the term tolúku orlúkung, which refers to flatlands,valleys, or depressions in the land. This suggests that the term "Ilocano" originally denoted"people of the lowlands," referring to inhabitants of areas situated between thegúlot orgúlod (mountains) and theluék (sea or bay).[12]
The name "Ylocano" or "Ilocano" is the Hispanized version of the native term "Ilúko." It follows the grammatical structure of Spanish by appending the suffix-ano to denote a people or group, as seen in terms likeAmericano,Africano, andMexicano. This adaptation signifies the race or identity of the Ilocano people according to the colonizer's linguistic conventions.
One effect of the Spanish language on the demonym is the introduction of grammatical gender. "Ilocano" or "Ilokano" typically refers to males, while "Ilocana" or "Ilokana" is used for females. However, "Ilocano" is generally considered gender-neutral and can be applied to individuals of either gender.[13]
The Ilocano people are one of theAustronesian peoples ofNorthern Luzon who migrated southward through the Philippines thousands of years ago using wooden boats known asbiray orbilog for trade and cargo.[14] The prevailing theory regarding the dispersal of Austronesian peoples is the "Out of Taiwan" hypothesis, which suggests that Neolithic-era migrations from Taiwan led to the emergence of the ancestors of contemporary Austronesian populations.[15]
A genetic study conducted in 2021 revealed that Austronesians, originating from eitherSouthern China orTaiwan, arrived in the Philippines in at least two distinct waves. The first wave occurred approximately 10,000 to 7,000 years ago, bringing the ancestors of the indigenous groups residing around theCordillera Central mountain range. Subsequent migrations introduced additional Austronesian groups along with agricultural practices, resulting in the effective replacement of the languages of the existing populations.[16] The second wave brought the Ilocanos, who settled in the northern coastal areas of Luzon.
The early history of the Ilocanos is rooted inanimistic andpolytheistic religious practices, with a belief thatanitos (spirits) resided in the natural environment.[9] Key deities in the Ilocano belief system includedBuni, the god of the earth;Parsua, the creator; andApo Langit, the lord of heaven. However, due to the dispersed nature of Ilocano settlements, distinct regional variations of these beliefs developed, each with its own set of deities and spiritual practices. The Ilocano religious tradition was also influenced by neighboring ethnolinguistic groups such as the Cordillerans (Igorot),Tagalogs, and external cultures, particularly theChinese.[17][18]
Ilocanos were bothagriculturalists andseafarers, engaging in activetrade andbarter systems with neighboring groups, including theCordillerans, whose emporium for their gold mines and rice from their terraces in theCordillera Central, as well as thePangasinans,Sambals, Tagalogs,Ibanags, and foreign traders fromChina,Japan, and otherMaritime Southeast Asian countries.[18] These interactions were part of a larger maritime trade network that spanned theIndian Ocean andSouth China Sea. Traded goods includedporcelain,rice,silk,cotton,beeswax,gems,beads, and preciousminerals, with gold being a significant commodity.[9]
Ilocano settlements were referred to asíli, a term similar to the Tagalogbarangay, with smaller groups of houses known aspurók. The social structure of Ilocano society was hierarchical, with leadership typically held by anagtúray orári (chieftain), whose position was often inherited based on strength, wealth, and wisdom. Theagtúray was supported by a council of elders in governance. Below the chief were thebabaknáng, wealthy individuals who controlled trade and could potentially rise to leadership roles. Beneath them were thekailianes (tenant farmers orkatalonan), while at the bottom of the social hierarchy were theubíng (servants) andtagábu (slaves), who faced significant social and economic disadvantages.[19][18]
In June 1572, the Spanish colonization of Northern Luzon commenced under the leadership ofconquistadorJuan de Salcedo, the grandson ofMiguel López de Legazpi. Salcedo, along with an expedition of eight armed boats and 70 to 80 men, ventured northward following the successful pacification ofPangasinan.[9] The expedition encountered a cluster of native settlements collectively known asSamtoy, derived from the Ilocano phrase"sao mi ditoy" (meaning "our language here"). The Spaniards subsequently named the regionYlocos and its inhabitantsYlocanos.[18]
The Ilocanos were primarily coastal and valley settlers living in shelteredcoves (luék, luëk, orloóc) along the Ilocos coastline.[12] They engaged in trade and barter with neighboring groups such as theCordillerans (Igorots) andPangasinenses, as well as with foreign merchants fromChina andJapan.[9] Despite their peaceful and self-sufficient way of life, the Ilocanos faced demands for tribute from the Spaniards, who also sought to convert them toChristianity and incorporate them into the Spanish colonial framework. These impositions provoked various forms of Ilocano resistance.[18]
One of the earliest recorded acts of defiance occurred in coastal settlement of Purao (modern-dayBalaoan) literally means white in Ilocano due to pristine white beach of the area, where the Ilocanos refused to pay tribute.[9] This rebellion escalated into violence, marking the first instance of bloodshed in the Ilocanos' resistance against Spanish colonization called the Battle of Purao.[20]
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As Salcedo's forces advanced, they subjugated numerous Ilocano settlements, includingTagurín(nowTagudin), Kaog or Dumangague (nowSanta Lucia), Nalbacán (nowNarvacan), Kandong (nowCandon),Bantay, Sinayt (nowSinait), and Bigan (nowVigan). Among these, Vigan emerged as a vibrant trading hub frequented by Chinese merchants and a focal point of Spanish activity.[20]
Salcedo establishedVilla Fernandina de Vigan in honor of Prince Ferdinand, the late son ofKing Philip II. From this administrative center, Salcedo extended his influence to other Ilocano regions, including in the early settlements ofLaoag,Currimao, andBadoc, solidifying the foundations of Spanish governance and religion in the area.[18]
By 1574, Salcedo had returned to Vigan, which had become the epicenter of Spanish administration and Christianization efforts in Ilocos. TheAugustinian missionaries accompanied the Spanish forces, initiating the systematicevangelization of the Ilocano people. This period saw the establishment of religious, cultural, and administrative institutions that defined Spanish colonial rule in Ilocos.[18]
Fray Andres Carro later wrote in his 1792 manuscript, that when Juan de Salcedo conquered Ilocos in 1572,[21]
—Fray Andres Carro
According to Carro, as a result of Spanish interactions, the Spaniards learned theIlocano language. Through its use and the increased trade and traffic among the natives an activity Carro asserts was absent prior to the Spanish arrival the Ilocano language gained prominence and became widely spoken throughout the province of Ilocos, spanning fromBangui toAgoo.[21]
In 1660,Andres Malong, a leader fromBinalatongan (San Carlos), Pangasinan, initiated a rebellion against Spanish colonial rule, declaring himself"King of Pangasinan." Malong allied withSambal andNegritos forces and sought the support of neighboring provinces ofPampanga,Cagayan andIlocos, urging them to join his cause against the Spanish. However, the Ilocano leaders, deeply influenced by Spanish missionary and military presence, rejected Malong's demands.[22]
In retaliation, Malong dispatched Don Pedro Gumapos a Zambales chieftain with a 6,000-strong force to invade the Ilocos and Cagayan. The initial Ilocano defense, composed of 1,500 Spanish loyalists under the command of thealcalde mayor and missionaries, was defeated, allowing Gumapos' forces to sack Vigan and neighboring villages. Despite these losses, the Ilocanos organized resistance efforts. Communities inNarvacan and other areas employed guerrilla tactics, often in alliance with theTinguians, a local indigenous group. These coordinated counterattacks inflicted significant casualties on Gumapos' forces, hindering their advance.[23]
As Gumapos' army retreated south, they burned and looted towns, includingSanta Maria,San Esteban, andCandon. However, their campaign ultimately faltered upon reachingSanta Cruz, where Spanish-led forces, bolstered by Ilocano fighters, confronted them after having defeated Malong in Battle ofAgoo. Gumapos' army suffered decisive defeats in two major battles, leading to his capture and subsequent execution by hanging in Vigan.[24]
The Ilocano resistance during the war was characterized by their use of guerrilla tactics, strategic alliances, and unwavering defense of their communities. Their contributions significantly weakened Gumapos' forces and played a critical role in suppressing the rebellion. The Ilocos Region's ability to repel the invasion underscored its importance in the Spanish colonial structure and marked a turning point in the conflict.
In 1661 a significant uprising of Ilocanos led by Don Pedro Almazan ofSan Nicolas andLaoag, Ilocos Norte. Inspired by the earlierMalong Revolt in Pangasinan, the rebellion sought to overthrow Spanish rule and restore Ilocano self-governance. Declaring himself"King of Ilocos," Almazan used the stolen Crown of Mary from theLaoag Cathedral as a symbol of his authority, rallying widespread support from Ilocano leaders and communities.[25]
Key figures such as Don Juan Magsanop ofBangui and Don Gaspar Cristobal, thegobernadorcillo of Laoag, aligned with Almazan, forming a coalition known as the "trinity" of Ilocano leadership. Ilocano solidarity was further demonstrated through Almazan's establishment of a symbolicmonarchy, including the marriage of his son to Cristobal's daughter, which became a unifying symbol for the people.[25]
Among their grievances include abuses done by government officials and friars being sent to the Philippines, which regardless of their backgrounds took higher positions than locals could ever hope to achieve. Almazan pledged to make as many shackles as there were Spanish in Ilocos when opportunity permits.[25]
On January 31, 1661, Magsanop declared independence inBacarra and called on the Calanasanes ofApayao to join the cause. The rebels, consisting largely of Ilocano farmers, craftsmen, and local leaders, showcased their unity and resourcefulness by organizing forces, burning the church in Laoag, and advancing through Cabicungan and Pata intoCagayan. Despite their efforts, the rebels lacked reinforcements from other uprisings and faced logistical challenges.[25]
By February 1661, Spanish forces with 300 soldiers under Alférez Lorenzo Arqueros and Maestre de Campo Juan Manalo launched a counteroffensive. The Ilocano rebels employed guerrilla tactics and utilized their knowledge of the region's terrain to resist Spanish advances, forcing prolonged skirmishes in the mountainous areas. Despite their resilience and strategic efforts, the rebels were eventually overwhelmed. Juan Magsanop was captured but chose suicide over imprisonment, while Don Pedro Almazan and sixteen other leaders were captured and executed inVigan.[25]
The first significant uprising against Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines, spearheaded byDiego Silang and, after his death, by his wife,Gabriela Silang. This revolt took place amidst the broader context of theSeven Years' War, during whichBritain, retaliating againstSpain's alliance withFrance, launched a military incursion into the Philippines. In September 1762, British forces occupiedManila, and their military operations aimed to seize control of other Philippine provinces. The weakening of Spanish power presented an opportunity for Diego Silang to lead a rebellion in Ilocos.[26]
Diego Silang's motivations were deeply rooted in the hardships experienced by the Ilocanos under Spanish rule. The Ilocanos faced heavytaxation, forced labor for the construction of churches and government buildings, and the imposition of monopolies by the Spanish. These widespread grievances contributed to a strong local support base for the revolt. Silang's disillusionment began when, while serving as a courier for the parish priest in Vigan, he witnessed the injustices faced by the people of Ilocos and the rest of the Philippines. After unsuccessful negotiations with Spanish authorities for more autonomy for the Ilocanos, he resolved to take up arms in revolt.[27]
By December 1762, Diego Silang had successfully seized Vigan and declared the independence of Ilocandia, naming it "Free Ilocos" with Vigan as its capital. He was promised military support from the British, but this assistance never materialized, leaving him vulnerable. Despite this setback, Silang pressed on with the rebellion, determined to liberate Ilocos from Spanish control. The rebellion, however, was cut short when Diego Silang was assassinated in May 1763 by Miguel Vicos, a mestizo of Spanish and Ilocano descent, who had once been his ally. The assassination was orchestrated by Spanish authorities, both governmental and ecclesiastical, in an effort to eliminate Silang's challenge to their rule. Although Diego Silang's death marked a temporary setback for the revolt, his cause was carried forward by his wife, Gabriela Silang.
Gabriela Silang assumed leadership of the insurgents and continued to resist Spanish rule. Under her command, the Ilocano forces achieved their first victory in the town of Santa, where they defeated Spanish troops. This success startled the Spanish, who had not anticipated a woman leading a revolt. After the victory, Gabriela and her forces retreated to the rugged terrain ofPidigan, Abra, where they were joined by Diego Silang's uncle, Nicolas Cariño. Cariño temporarily assumed command and gathered around 2,000 men loyal to Diego Silang.[28]
On September 10, 1763, Gabriela and her forces launched attacks on the Spanish in Vigan. While some skirmishes resulted in victories, others were defeats, and both sides suffered heavy casualties. Ultimately, Gabriela's forces were overwhelmed, and she was captured by Spanish forces led by Miguel Vicos, who had previously assassinated her husband. Gabriela was paraded through coastal towns as a public spectacle to instill fear among the Ilocanos. She was publicly hanged in September 1763, along with nearly ninety of her supporters, marking the end of the Silang Revolt. Despite her death, Gabriela Silang's legacy endured. She is often referred to as the "Joan of Arc of the Philippines" and is remembered as the first female leader in the country's history to actively fight for its liberation from colonial rule.[29]
Historical records indicate that in 1786, discontent among the populace grew due to a monopoly on localbasi wine, a sugarcane-based alcoholic beverage, enforced by the Spanish colonial government. This monopoly regulated the consumption of basi and mandated that producers sell it at a low official price. Basi held significant cultural and societal importance for the Ilocanos, being integral to rituals surroundingchildbirth, marriage, anddeath. Additionally, the production of basi was a vital industry in Ilocos, making the Spanish-imposed monopoly a substantial cultural and economic detriment.
The abuses of the Spanish authorities culminated in the Basi Revolt, also known as theAmbaristo Revolt, which erupted on September 16, 1807, in present-dayPiddig, and subsequently spread throughout the province. The revolt was led byPedro Mateo, acabeza de barangay from Piddig, andSaralogo Ambaristo, an Ilocano andTinguian. Participants included disgruntled elements from various towns of Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur, including Piddig,Badoc,Sarrat,Laoag,Sinait,Cabugao,Magsingal, and others. They marched southward under their own flag of yellow and red horizontal bands toward the provincial capital ofVigan to protest the abuses of the Spanish colonial government.
In response to the revolt, the alcalde-mayor,Juan Ybañez, mobilized the town mayors and the Vigan troops to confront the rebels. On September 28, while crossing theBantaoay River inSan Ildefonso en route to Vigan, the Ilocano forces were ambushed by Spanish troops, resulting in the deaths of hundreds. Survivors faced execution, and their leaders were publicly rounded up and executed, serving as a stark warning against further resistance.
The Basi Revolt lasted for 13 days, prompting the colonial government to partition the Ilocos province intoIlocos Norte andIlocos Sur. Although the revolt did not achieve its primary objective of liberation, it succeeded in galvanizing subsequent movements for justice and freedom in Northern Luzon. The division of the Ilocos Province into two distinct regions was a direct consequence of the unrest, highlighting the colonial government's efforts to manage and suppress the growing discontent among the Ilocano people. Ultimately, the Basi Revolt marked a significant chapter in the struggle against Spanish colonial rule, laying the groundwork for future movements advocating for justice and autonomy.[30]
The Ilocano revolutionaries made significant contributions to the Philippine Revolution, employing Ilocano fighting techniques and weapon styles, particularly through their leadership and military efforts underGeneral Manuel Tinio, a central figure in the northern resistance against Spanish forces. His brigade garrisoned the entire western portion of Northern Luzon, which includedPangasinan and the four main Ilocano provinces:Ilocos Norte,Ilocos Sur,Abra, andLa Union, as well as the comandancias ofAmburayan,Lepanto-Bontoc, andBenguet. To manage this vast territory effectively, General Tinio divided it into three military zones:
The Villamor brothers, Blas and Juan, played crucial roles in leading the Ilocano resistance, particularly in Abra, where their guerrilla warfare tactics against Spanish forces were vital in securing key areas. Estanislao Reyes of Vigan, Ilocos Sur, was another significant leader who helped organize and defend against Spanish control in the region.[31] Tinio and his generals resorted to guerrilla warfare to outmaneuver Spanish troops, utilizing the challenging terrain of northern Luzon to their advantage. The military campaigns were highly effective, especially in the Ilocos Sur area, where Blas Villamor defended towns such asTagudin andBantay. Juan Villamor focused on strategic operations in Abra, helping to weaken Spanish influence in the region.
In August 1898, the Ilocanos drove the Spanish forces out of several towns, includingLaoag, Ilocos Norte, a significant victory that marked a turning point in the revolution. This enabled the revolutionaries to continue their push south and establish provisional governments aligned with Emilio Aguinaldo's revolutionary government.
Meanwhile,Father Gregorio Aglipay, the military vicar general of the Philippine Revolutionary Army, led a separate campaign in Ilocos Norte. Father Aglipay, who would later found thePhilippine Independent Church, played a key role in rallying local support and organizing military operations in the region. His leadership was not only religious but also military, as he led several attacks on Spanish forces, contributing to the weakening of Spanish control in Ilocos Norte.
TheCry ofCandon is recognized as one of the earliest uprisings that occurred during the second phase of the Philippine Revolution. On March 25, 1898, a force of Ilocano Katipuneros, led by Don Isabelo Abaya, launched an assault on the town of Candon and successfully captured the convent and the center of town from Spanish forces.[32]
TheBattle of Vigan, fought in August 1898, stands as one of the most important Ilocano-led victories. Under Estanislao Reyes, the Ilocano fighters successfully defended the town of Vigan, Ilocos Sur, against the Spanish. This battle was crucial in demonstrating the Ilocano people's determination to resist foreign control.[33]
In 1899, as the Philippine-American War intensified, the Ilocano revolutionaries, led by Tinio and his generals, continued to rely on guerrilla tactics to resist American forces. The Ilocanos, familiar with the mountainous terrain, conducted surprise attacks and ambushes, making it difficult for American forces to maintain control over the region.
By 1901, the region eventually fell under American control after prolonged resistance. However, the Ilocano revolutionaries, under the leadership of General Tinio, the Villamor brothers, and Estanislao Reyes, delayed American forces for months, buying valuable time for the rest of the nation's revolutionary efforts. Ilocano resistance ended in April 1901.
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The Ilocano resistance during thePhilippine-American War (1899–1901) was a period marked by intense conflict and defiance against American occupation in Northern Luzon. The war with the Ilocanos commenced in late November 1899, whenGeneral Samuel Baldwin Marks Young led an American offensive throughLa Union andIlocos Sur, pushing back the forces ofGeneral Manuel Tinio. In response, Ilocano revolutionaries engaged in a combination of guerrilla warfare and conventional battles.[34]
In November 1899, Young's forces captured key Ilocano towns, includingSan Fernando,Agoo,Balaoan, andBangar, forcing Tinio's troops to retreat northward. Significant battles occurred in major towns such asVigan,Laoag,Candon,Bangued, andSanta Maria, where Ilocano forces launched daring attacks on American garrisons.[34]
On December 2, 1899, theBattle of Tirad Pass became a defining moment in the resistance, asGeneral Gregorio del Pilar and his men fought to delay American forces pursuingPresident Emilio Aguinaldo.[13][34]
Throughout 1900, Ilocano forces maintained strong resistance, engaging in battles and skirmishes inNarvacan,Batac,Piddig,San Nicolas,Sinait, andSanta Cruz. Guerrilla fighters disrupted American supply lines and launched ambushes in Tangadan Pass,Bangui,Badoc, andPasuquin, targeting American patrols and military convoys. Prominent figures such asColonels Joaquin Luna, Blas and Juan Villamor, Major Estanislao Reyes,Gregorio Aglipay and La Union governor Lucino Almieda and Ilocos Norte governor Ireneo Javier played pivotal roles in the conflict.[34]
In January 1900, coordinated attacks inNamacpacan (now Luna),Santo Domingo,Lapog (now San Juan), andCabugao included cutting telegraph lines and raiding American garrisons. Major confrontations also occurred in Piddig, Laoag, and Candon, where Filipino forces continued to resist despite increasing American military pressure.[34]
Ilocano civilians were instrumental in sustaining the resistance by providing food, intelligence, and logistical support. Towns and villages served as supply points forguerrilla fighters, despite the threat of American retaliation.[34] The region's harsh terrain, including mountains and forests, was effectively utilized to evade American pursuit and launch surprise attacks.
Religious leaders, particularly Gregorio Aglipay, supported the revolution by rallying local communities and maintaining morale among the fighters. Women, such as Eleuteria Florentino and Salome Reyes, were arrested and deported for their support of the resistance, illustrating widespread civilian involvement.[34]
The American response to the Ilocano resistance was severe, involving brutal counterinsurgency measures such as village burnings, mass arrests, and the forced relocation of civilians to garrisoned town centers. General Samuel Young, a key figure in the American pacification campaign, led numerous operations against Ilocano strongholds and implemented harsh policies to suppress the resistance.[34]
Later,General J. Franklin Bell adopted a strategy of concentrating civilians in town centers to cut off resources to the guerrillas. American forces also enlistedIgorot tribesmen, who captured Filipino fighters in exchange for rewards. Despite these aggressive tactics, Ilocano forces continued to resist, engaging in battles such as the skirmishes in Parparia and Mount Simminublan, where they inflicted significant casualties on American troops.[34]
By 1901, the resistance began to wane as American counterinsurgency efforts intensified. The capture or surrender of key leaders, including Colonel Blas Villamor, Major Estanislao Reyes, and Colonel Joaquin Alejandrino, weakened the movement's operational capacity.
On April 29, 1901, General Tinio formally surrendered in Vigan, followed by the surrender of his remaining 350 men in May 1901, effectively marking the end of the Ilocano resistance. Despite their eventual defeat, the tactical ingenuity and resilience of the Ilocano revolutionaries played a crucial role in the broader struggle for Philippine independence, leaving a lasting legacy of defiance against colonial rule.[34]
By 1901, the US had fully established control overIlocandia, implementing amilitary government to suppress local resistance and manage growing insurgencies among the Ilocano population. This military rule was eventually replaced by acivil government, marking a significant shift in the region's governance. Under the civil administration, Ilocano society began to transition into a more organized anddemocratic structure, influenced by American political and social models.[20]
Key priorities included the expansion ofeducation,suffrage, civil rights, and political participation, which empowered the Ilocano people to actively engage in the democratic processes introduced by the Americans. However, tensions persisted as U.S. military officials, includingColonel William Duvall, resisted relinquishing their control, resulting in frequent conflicts with thePhilippine Commission, led byCivil Governor William Howard Taft.
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One of the most significant initiatives of the American colonial government was the establishment of public schools, spanning Ilocano provinces such asAbra,La Union,Pangasinan,Ilocos Norte,Ilocos Sur, andCagayan. A group of American teachers known as theThomasites were tasked with promoting"Americanization" through education.English became the primary medium of instruction, and students were taught American ideals and values. A notable product of this educational initiative wasCamilo Osias, an Ilocano student fromBalaoan, who later pursued further studies in the United States and became a prominent educator and public servant.[35]
Public health also saw significant improvements during American rule. To combat widespread diseases such as cholera, the U.S. introduced public health initiatives, establishing hospitals and other medical services across Ilocandia. These efforts contributed to the overall improvement of the population's health and well-being.
The American colonial period also marked a significant chapter in the larger history of Filipino migration. In 1906, the first group of Ilocano migrants, known as the"Sakadas," were recruited byAlbert F. Judd of theHawaiian Sugar Planters Association (HSPA) to work on sugarcane plantations in Hawaii. This migration wave continued until 1919 and was a defining moment in the history of Ilocano emigration.[14][7]
Between 1906 and 1930, over 30,000 Ilocanos migrated toHawaii andCalifornia in search of better economic opportunities, particularly in agricultural work. The Ilocano community played a central role in shaping the Filipino workforce in Hawaii and the broader U.S. agricultural economy. As a result, according to theU.S. Census Bureau, about 85% of the Filipinos in Hawaii are Ilocano and the largest Asian ancestry group in Hawaii.[23]
In 1901, the region came underAmerican colonial rule, and in 1941, underJapanese occupation.
During theSecond World War, in 1945, the combined American andPhilippine Commonwealth troops, including the Ilocano and Pangasinan guerrillas, liberated the Ilocos Region from Japanese forces.[citation needed]
Three modern presidents of the Republic of the Philippines hailed from the Ilocos Region:Elpidio Quirino,Ferdinand Marcos, andFidel Ramos. Marcos expanded the original Ilocos Region by transferring the province ofPangasinan from Region III into Region I in 1973, and imposed a migration policy for Ilocanos into Pangasinan.[36] He also expanded Ilocano influence among the ethnic peoples of the Cordilleras by includingAbra,Mountain Province, andBenguet in the Ilocos region in 1973,[37] although these were later integrated into theCordillera Administrative Region in 1987. A third "Ilocano" President,Fidel V. Ramos, hailed from Pangasinan.[citation needed]
Ilocanos were also among the victims ofhuman rights violations during themartial law era which began in September 1972, despite public perception that the region was supportive of Marcos' administration.[38] According to the Solidarity of Peasants Against Exploitation (STOP-Exploitation), various farmers from the Ilocos Norte towns of Vintar, Dumalneg, Solsona, Marcos, and Piddig were documented to have been tortured,[38] and eight farmers in Bangui and three indigenous community members in Vintar wereforcibly disappeared (euphemistically, "salvaged") in 1984.[38]
Ilocanos who were critical of Marcos' authoritarian rule included Roman Catholic Archbishop andAgoo nativeAntonio L. Mabutas, who spoke actively against the torture and killings of church workers.[39][40] Another prominent opponent of the martial law regime was human rights advocate andBombo Radyo Laoag program hostDavid Bueno, who worked with theFree Legal Assistance Group in Ilocos Norte during the later part of the Marcos administration and the early part of the succeedingCorazon Aquino administration. Bueno was assassinated by motorcycle-riding men in fatigue uniforms on October 22, 1987 – part of a wave of assassinations which coincided with the1986–87 coup d'état which tried to unseat the democratic government set up after the1986 People Power Revolution.[41][42]
Others critics included student activists Romulo andArmando Palabay ofSan Fernando, La Union, who were tortured and killed in a Philippine military camp in Pampanga;[43] andPurificacion Pedro, a Catholic lay social worker who tried to help the indigenous peoples in the resistance against theChico River Dam Project, but was caught in the crossfire of a military operation, and was later murdered in the hospital by a soldier who claimed she was a rebel sympathizer.[44]
Bueno, Pedro, and the Palabay brothers would later be honored as martyrs of the fight against the dictatorship at the Philippines'Bantayog ng mga Bayani memorial.[42][43][44]
According to thePhilippine Statistics Authority's 2020 report on Ethnicity in the Philippines, the Ilocano people represent the third largest ethnolinguistic group in the country, totaling8,746,169 individuals, which constitutes 8.0% of the national population. They follow theTagalog andBisayan groups in size. While Ilocanos have dispersed widely both within the Philippines and abroad, the highest concentration of Ilocano people remains in their home provinces, where they number approximately three million. Specifically, they account for 58.3% or 3,083,391 of the population in theIlocos Region, withPangasinan hosting the largest number at 1,258,746, followed byLa Union with 673,312,Ilocos Sur with 580,484, andIlocos Norte with 570,849.[5]
In Northern Luzon, particularly in neighboring provinces where Ilocanos have migrated, they have also become the predominant ethnic group. In Region II (Cagayan Valley), there are2,274,435 Ilocanos, representing 61.8% of the region's population. InIsabela, 1,074,212 Ilocanos were recorded, followed byCagayan with 820,546,Nueva Vizcaya with 261,901,Quirino with 117,360, andBatanes with 416. TheCordillera Administrative Region (CAR) recorded a total of396,713 Ilocanos, making up 22.1% of its population.Abra had the highest number with 145,492, followed byBenguet (includingBaguio City) with 138,022,Apayao with 47,547,Kalinga with 31,812,Ifugao with 26,677, andMt. Province with 7,163 Ilocanos.[5]
Beyond Northern Luzon, in Region III (Central Luzon), Ilocanos comprise 10.8% or1,335,283 of the region's population, making them the third most common ethnic group there.Tarlac registered 555,000 Ilocanos, followed byNueva Ecija with 369,864,Zambales (includingOlongapo City) with 183,629,Bulacan with 97,603,Aurora with 65,204,Pampanga (includingAngeles City) with 40,862, andBataan with 29,121. In theNational Capital Region (NCR),762,629 Ilocanos were recorded. The highest number was inQuezon City with 213,602, followed byManila City with 112,016,Caloocan City with 97,212,Taguig City with 54,668,Makati City with 44,733,Valenzuela City with 36,774, andPasig City with 35,671 Ilocanos.
In Southern Luzon, specifically in Region IV-A (CALABARZON), there were330,774 Ilocanos, with the majority residing inRizal (141,134) andCavite (126,349), followed byLaguna with 44,173,Batangas with 10,402, andQuezon (includingLucena City) with 8,716. Region IV-B (MIMAROPA) had 117,635 Ilocanos, withOccidental Mindoro hosting 53,851 andPalawan 33,573. In theBicol Region (Region V), there were15,434 Ilocanos, the majority of whom lived inCamarines Sur (5,826) andAlbay (3,236).
In the Visayas, Region VI (Western Visayas) recorded3,952 Ilocanos, the majority residing inAklan (1,061). In Region VII (Central Visayas), there were4,330 Ilocanos, with the largest number inBohol (1,651). In Region VIII (Eastern Visayas),4,797 Ilocanos were recorded, withLeyte hosting the majority (1,840).
In Mindanao, Region IX (Zamboanga Peninsula) had20,232 Ilocanos, with the largest population inZamboanga del Sur (7,996). In Region X (Northern Mindanao), there were30,845 Ilocanos, most of whom lived inBukidnon (23,957). Region XI (Davao Region) recorded75,907 Ilocanos, withDavao del Norte hosting the largest population (31,333). In Region XII (SOCCSKSARGEN),248,033 Ilocanos were recorded, with the majority inSultan Kudarat (97,983). Region XIII (CARAGA) had24,211 Ilocanos, most of whom resided inAgusan del Sur (13,588). Finally, in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), there were17,568 Ilocanos, with the majority inMaguindanao del Norte (includingCotabato City) andMaguindanao del Sur, where 11,262 Ilocanos were recorded.[5]
The Ilocanodiaspora is a complex blend of both forced and voluntary migration. It represents the broader narrative of"leaving the homeland" driven by economic necessity, social upheaval, and the quest for better opportunities. Ilocanos, primarily from the Ilocos Region in the Philippines, have historically migrated to escape oppressive conditions imposed by Spanish colonizers and to seek new opportunities.
Ilocano diaspora dates back to the 19th century when Ilocanos began migrating to various parts of the country to seek employment and cultivate land. As early as 1903, they moved and settled in nearby provinces in Luzon. A study conducted on the diaspora of Ilocanos inCagayan stated, "the reasons for Ilocano migration can be associated with economic factors which have deeper roots in the forced labor imposed by Spanish colonizers and the climatic conditions in the region that make growing crops difficult". This initial wave of migration was spurred by mounting population pressures and high density during the mid-19th century, causing many Ilocanos to leave their traditional homeland.[4]
By 1903, over 290,000 Ilocanos had migrated to regions such asCentral Luzon,Cagayan Valley, andMetro Manila. More than 180,000 relocated to the provinces ofPangasinan,Tarlac, andNueva Ecija. There has historically been a sizable Ilocano population inAurora andQuezon province, dating back to when these areas were part of Southern Tagalog and one whole province.[45][46][47] Almost 50,000 Ilocanos moved to Cagayan Valley, with half of them residing inIsabela. Other provinces that attracted Ilocano migrants includedZambales, which housed around 47,000 migrants, andSultan Kudarat, where more than 11,000 settled.
In subsequent years, further migrations brought Ilocanos to theCordilleras,Mindoro, andPalawan. Between 1948 and 1960, around 15% of Ilocano migrants moved toMindanao,[48] establishing communities in provinces such asSultan Kudarat,North Cotabato,South Cotabato,Bukidnon,Misamis Oriental,Caraga, and theDavao Region. Notably, Ilocanos even form a minority inCebu City, where they organized associations for Ilocano residents and their descendants.[49]
The Ilocano diaspora extended beyond the Philippines when, in 1906, many Ilocanos began migrating to the United States. This migration primarily aimed at finding work in agricultural plantations inHawaii andCalifornia. The first wave of Filipino migrants to the United States consisted of themanongs andsakadas. In Ilocano, the termmanong is loosely used to refer to an elderly gentleman, originally meaning "older brother," derived from the Spanish termhermano, which translates to "brother" or "sibling."[50] Meanwhile,sakadas roughly translates to "imported ones," "lower-paid workers recruited out of the area," or "migrant workers," and denotes manual agricultural laborers who work outside their provinces.
During the early 20th century, theHawaiian Sugar Planters' Association recruited Filipino men to work as skilled laborers in the sugarcane and pineapple fields of Hawaii. Most of these men hailed from the Ilocos region, motivated by the hope ofgasat, or"fate" in Ilocano. In April 1906, the Association approved a plan to recruit labor from the Philippines and taskedAlbert F. Judd with the recruitment effort. The first Filipino farm laborers in Hawaii arrived in December 1906, specifically fromCandon, Ilocos Sur, aboard theSS Doric (1883).[8] About 200 Ilocano sugar plantation workers arrived in Hawaii in 1906 and 1907. By 1929, Ilocano immigrants to Hawaii had reached 71,594. Most of the 175,000 Filipinos who went to Hawaii between 1906 and 1935 were single Ilocano men.[7][51]
The Ilocano community in the United States has continued to grow, making them one of the largest groups of Filipino expatriates in the country. Many are bilingual, speaking both Ilocano and Tagalog. In Hawaii, Ilocanos constitute more than 85% of the Filipino population, maintaining their cultural identity while also integrating into the broader American society.[52]
Today, Ilocanos can be found all over the world as migrants orOverseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), contributing to various sectors and economies in countries across the globe.[53]
The native language of the Ilocanos isIloco or Iloko with 8.7 million native speaker and about 2 million as second language, classified under its own branch within theNorthern Philippine subgroup of theAustronesian language family.[54] Closely related to other Austronesian languages in Northern Luzon, it exhibits slight mutual intelligibility with theBalangao language and the eastern dialects of theBontoc language.
Ilocano has no officialdialectology . A general accepted one is the Amianan (North) and Abagatan distinction, however they have no official basis other than the sound ofschwa /ə/. Other distinctions like the so-called "Cordilleran" dialect (mainly talking about Baguio-Benguet) have no formal studies as of now. In 2012, it was declared the official language of the province ofLa Union.[55]
Ilocanos are predominantlytrilingual, with Iloco as their first language andFilipino (Tagalog) andEnglish as their second languages. Due to migration and interactions with other ethnolinguistic groups, some Ilocanos have also becomemultilingual, acquiring proficiency in various regional languages.
In Pangasinan, some Ilocanos can understand or speakPangasinan andBolinao. In the Cagayan Valley, Ilocanos may have varying degrees of familiarity withIbanag,Itawis,Ivatan,Gaddang,Yogad,Isinai, andBugkalot. In Central Luzon, particularly in the provinces of Zambales and Tarlac, Ilocanos may also have knowledge ofSambal andKapampangan.[56][57][47][58][59]
In theCordillera Administrative Region, Iloco serves as alingua franca among different Cordilleran (Igorot) ethnolinguistic groups where it is spoken as a secondary language by over two million people. Some Ilocanos in Abra speakItneg, while those in Benguet and Baguio may knowKankanaey andIbaloi. In Apayao and Kalinga, they may also speakIsnag andKalinga languages.
InHawaii, 17% of those who speak a non-English language at home speak Iloco, making it the most spoken non-English language in the state.[60]
Ilocanos who have migrated toMindanao, particularly in theSoccsksargen andCaraga region, often adoptHiligaynon,Cebuano, or other indigenous languages, such asButuanon andSurigaonon, due to cultural integration with local ethnic groups. Over time, many Ilocanos inMindanao have assimilated into the Cebuano-speaking majority (Hiligaynon-speaking in case of Soccsksargen), often identifying as Visayans.[61]
While some retain Ilocano as a second or third language, younger generations in Mindanao primarily speak Cebuano or Hiligaynon, with limited knowledge of Ilocano. InZamboanga City andBasilan, Ilocanos and their descendants commonly speakChavacano, reflecting the region's distinct linguistic landscape and cultural diversity.[62]
The pre-colonial writing system of the Ilocano people, known askur-itan orkurdita,[2] has garnered interest in recent years, with proposals to revive the script through educational initiatives in Ilocano-majority areas such asIlocos Norte andIlocos Sur.[63]
The religious landscape of the Ilocano people is largely shaped byRoman Catholicism, a lasting influence ofSpanish colonization, which began in the mid-16th century. This introduction of Christianity deeply impacted the spiritual customs and beliefs of the Ilocanos. However, indigenous traditions and practices continue to persist. This fusion of faiths has created a distinct religious identity, reflecting both the historical impact of colonization and the resilient spirit of Ilocano culture. Today, Ilocano religious identity continues to evolve, influenced by both traditional customs and modern developments, while remaining closely connected to their cultural heritage.[64][65][66]
Roman Catholicism
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When the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines in the 1500s, they introduced Roman Catholicism, which quickly became the dominant religion among Ilocanos. Spanish missionaries, particularly theAugustinian friars, played a pivotal role in converting the local population to Christianity. This conversion significantly reshaped the spiritual and cultural landscape of Ilocano society, and today, Catholicism remains central to their way of life, influencing everything from personal faith to communal activities.[67]
One of the most prominent expressions of Catholicism in Ilocano culture is through religiousfestivals, orfiestas. These celebrations are held in honor of a town or barangay's (village) patron saint. Each community has its own patron, and the fiesta is a time of thanksgiving, celebration, and social gathering. The fiestas are marked by processions, masses, and street parades where religious images are carried through the streets, accompanied by music, dance, and feasting. These celebrations serve as a fusion of religious devotion and cultural identity, bringing together families and communities in shared faith and festivities. Some well-known fiestas in the Ilocos region include thePaoay Church Fiesta in honor of Saint Augustine and various celebrations dedicated to theVirgin Mary.[68]
procession]]
The Ilocano people also observe major Christian celebrations with great reverence. One of the most significant isSemána Santa orNasantuan a Lawas (Holy Week), which commemorates the passion, death, and resurrection ofJesus Christ. During this time, Ilocanos participate in various rituals, including processions and reenactments of the Stations of the Cross. One traditional practice is thecarroza,pabása ornovena, where the Passion of Christ is chanted or recited in a communal gathering.[69][70] Theleccio is a form of lamentation expressed by Mary, the mother of Jesus, reflecting on the suffering and crucifixion of Jesus Christ. This lament is comparable to thedung-aw, a traditional Ilokano mourning ritual typically performed by elder women.[71]
Todos los Santos (All Saints' Day) andPista Natay orAldaw Dagiti Kararua (All Souls' Day) are also significant, observed every November 1 and 2. These days are dedicated to honoring the saints and remembering deceased loved ones. Families visit cemeteries to offer prayers, flowers, and food (atang) at the graves of their relatives, demonstrating the Catholic tradition of reverence for the souls of the departed.[72]
TheChristmas season, orPaskua, is another highly anticipated time for Ilocanos. The celebration begins with the Misa de Gallo or Simbang Gabi, a series of nine dawn masses leading up to Christmas Day. This tradition is deeply rooted in Ilocano Catholic life, where families wake up early to attend these masses in preparation for the birth of Christ. Christmas in Ilocano communities is also marked by feasts, the exchange of gifts, and the display ofparols (traditional star-shaped lanterns) that symbolize the star of Bethlehem.[73]
Other Denominations
While Roman Catholicism remains the dominant faith among the Ilocano people, other religious groups have made significant inroads, particularly the Philippine Independent Church, commonly known as theIglesia Filipina Independiente (Aglipayan Church).[74] Founded in 1902 byFather Gregorio Aglipay from Ilocos Norte, this church emerged as a nationalist response to Spanish colonial control over the Catholic Church in the Philippines. Its establishment was rooted in the desire for a church that reflected Filipino identity and sovereignty, free from foreign influence. Although the Aglipayan Church shares many rituals and practices with Roman Catholicism, it distinguishes itself through its emphasis on nationalism, appealing to those who resonate with the country's struggle for independence.[75]
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In addition to the Aglipayan Church, variousProtestant denominations have been introduced to the Ilocano community, largely through American missionaries during the colonial period. Denominations such as theUnited Church of Christ in the Philippines andIglesia ni Cristo have established congregations throughout the region, offering alternatives to the predominant Catholic faith. These Protestant churches focus on fostering personal relationships with God, upholding the authority of theBible, and engaging in active community service, which has resonated with many Ilocanos seeking a different expression of their faith.[citation needed]
The early Ilocano people heldanimistic beliefs withAngalo a giant and the first man, and son of the god of building.[76] Their world was populated by deities and spiritual beings who controlled everything from the weather to the harvest, and who required respect, offerings, and rituals in exchange for their favor and protection. These indigenous beliefs evolved over time, influenced by the Ilocano people's interactions with neighboring cultures and through trade with other civilizations, such as theIgorot,Chinese andTagalog communities.[77]
Deities
In Teodoro A. Llamzon'sHandbook of Philippine Language Groups (1978), the Ilocano belief system is described as having several key deities who governed the natural world. Among them wasBuni, the supreme god, andParsua, the creator. Other significant deities includedApo Langit, the lord of the heavens;Apo Angin, the god of the wind;Apo Init, the god of the sun; andApo Tudo, the god of rain. These gods were believed to be ever-present, shaping the daily lives of the Ilocano people through the natural forces they controlled.[78]
However, due to the geographic distribution of Ilocano settlements, variations in their religious practices emerged. Each region developed its own distinct versions of the Ilocano deities, often blending indigenous beliefs with those of neighboring ethnic groups like the Igorot, Tagalog, and Chinese traders. For instance, a myth fromVigan, Ilocos Sur, recorded in 1952, features an entirely different set of deities. In this myth,Abra, the god of weather, fatheredCaburayan, the goddess of healing, while other gods likeAnianihan (god of harvests),Saguday (god of the wind), andRevenador (god of thunder and lightning) play prominent roles. This shows how the Ilocano cosmology was shaped by both internal diversity and external cultural influences.[78]
The influence of trade is evident in some of these myths. The presence ofMaria Makiling, a figure also found in Tagalog myths, suggests that the Ilocano mythology absorbed elements from neighboring Tagalog regions, while other symbols, like the use of"lobo" (Spanish for wolf) in the mythological pantheon, show the influence of Spanish colonization. Vigan, a bustling trade hub long before the Spanish arrived, saw extensive interactions with Chinese merchants, whose myths and stories likely influenced Ilocano lore. In fact, some scholars suggest that Ilocano epics, like the famous tale ofLam-ang, bear traces ofHindu and Southeast Asian mythology, a reflection of theMajapahit Empire's influence on precolonial trade routes.[78]
Spirits
At the heart of Ilocano religion was the belief inanito—spirits that governed all aspects of the natural and spiritual worlds. These spirits could be benevolent or malevolent, depending on how they were treated by the living. Specific spirits governed different aspects of the environment, such as thelitao, spirits of the waters, thekaibáan, spirits of the forest undergrowth, and themangmangkik, spirits of trees. The Ilocano people believed that cutting down trees or disposing of hot water without proper appeasement of these spirits could result in illness or misfortune.[19]
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To avoid angering these spirits, the Ilocanos performed rituals, including chanting specific incantations. For example, before cutting down a tree, they would recite a chant that called upon the mangmangkik, asking for forgiveness and protection. Similar practices were performed for the kaibáan and other spirits, showing a deep respect for the natural world. To appease the mangmangkik before cutting down a tree, the following chant was made:
Bari Bari.
Dikat agunget pari.
Ta pumukan kami.
Iti pabakirda kadakami.
Offerings, calledatang, were another key aspect of Ilocano spiritual life. These offerings, which included food, were placed on platforms called simbaan or in caves where spirits were believed to dwell. The atang served as a form of tribute to ensure that the spirits remained peaceful and benevolent toward the living.[79]
Cosmology
Ilocanocosmology is centered around the concepts ofsuróng (upstream, symbolizing creation and life) andpuyupoyán (downstream, representing death and the afterlife), which shaped their understanding of the universe. Offerings to the dead were often floated downstream to symbolize the soul's journey to the afterlife. The Milky Way, known asariwanás orRimmuok dagiti Bitbituén, was viewed as a celestial river, reinforcing the Ilocano connection between water and the cosmos.[80]
A creation myth describes Aran, who created the sky and hung the sun, moon, and stars, and his companionAngalo, who shaped the land and, through spitting on the ground, brought forth the first humans. These humans, carried in a bamboo tube, washed ashore in the Ilocos region, establishing a link between the Ilocano people and their divine ancestors.[80]
The Ilocanos also associate shooting stars, known aslayáp, with love, believing they carry mysticalbabató (miraculous stones of love) that can be captured by tying a knot in a handkerchief when one falls. One tale recounts lovers who mysteriously drowned in a shallow marsh. Furthermore, the goddessSehal, meaning beauty, may have been an Ilocano counterpart toVenus, invoked in love letters and symbolizing a deep reverence for love and beauty.[81]
Soul and afterlife
The Ilocano people believed in a multi-soul system, with four distinct types of souls, each serving different functions. Thekararúa was the equivalent of the Christian soul, which left the body only upon death. Thekarkarma could leave the body during moments of extreme fear or trauma, while theaniwaas wandered during sleep, visiting familiar places. Theararia was the soul of the dead, which could return to the world of the living, often manifesting as a poltergeist or through omens like the howling of dogs or the breaking of glass.[82]
Ilocanos held elaborate death rites, believing that the souls of the deceased required offerings during their transition to the afterlife. These offerings included food and money to help the soul pay the toll to theagrakrakit, the spirit who ferried souls across rivers to the afterlife. This belief in the river as a pathway to the afterlife reflects a larger theme in Ilocano religion:water as both a source of life and a passageway to death.[79]
Water beliefs
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Water played an essential role in Ilocano spirituality, with Apo Litao, the god of the sea and rivers, being one of the most important deities. One myth tells of a girl who was swept away by the river and taken by Apo Litao, eventually becoming his wife and the queen of the waters. This figure, described as a mermaid or sirena, had the power to kill those who disrespected her but granted gifts to those who honored her.
In addition to Apo Litao, water was seen as a cosmic force that connected the living with the dead. The deceased were often buried with offerings to ensure safe passage across the river to the afterlife, a concept shared by many indigenous groups across the Philippines.
Food offerings
The Ilocano ritual of "Atang" aims to appease malevolent spirits, or anitos, and drive away evil influences. In Ilocano culture, there is a strong belief that spirits—whether of the deceased or from other realms—coexist with the living and must be honored whenever they are disturbed or offended. The ritual is performed during wakes and onPista ti Natay (All Souls' Day).[83]
During an Atang ritual, plates of food are meticulously prepared, featuring delicacies such askankanen (sticky rice cakes),bagas (uncooked rice), boiled eggs,búa (betel nut),gawéd orpaan (piper leaf),apóg (lime powder),basi (fermented sugarcane wine), and tabako (tobacco). Traditionally, offerings to the anitos were placed on platforms calledsimbaan or in trees, caves believed to be inhabited by spirits.
However, due to the influence of Christianity, these offerings are now typically placed in front of a photo of the departed or an image of Jesus, Mary, or the Holy Family, either in homes or at gravesites. Following this, family members and mourners engage in prayers to honor the deceased and seek protection from malevolent spirits, ensuring that these spirits remain peaceful and benevolent toward the living. The Ilocano belief in spirits extends to supernatural beings such as thekatawtaw-an, spirits of infants who died unbaptized and were thought to pose a danger to newborns.
Crocodiles (bukarot), once abundant in the Philippines, were deeply respected by the Ilocanos, who regarded them as divine creatures and symbols of their ancestors. As a sign of respect, Ilocanos would offer their first catch to crocodiles (panagyatang) to avoid misfortune.[84]
Human Sacrifice
Sibróng was a significant ritual in early Ilocano belief, deeply tied toheadhunting andhuman sacrifice. This practice was typically performed during the death of community leaders or members of theprincipalía to ensure their safe passage to the afterlife. The ritual involved a figure called themannibróng, who was responsible for carrying out the executions.
There were two primary types ofsibróng. The first type required the taking of a victim's head, which was placed in the foundation of a bridge, symbolizing strength and protection. The second, known aspanagtutuyo, involved the dying person raising a certain number of fingers, which signified how many individuals needed to be sacrificed to accompany their soul to the afterlife. In some instances, instead of actual death, those chosen for sacrifice would have their fingers severed as a symbolic offering.[85]
Another aspect of sibróng involved placing human heads in the foundations of buildings to provide spiritual protection and prevent damage.[86]
Ilocano literature draws on traditional Ilocanomythology,folklore, andsuperstition.[87]
Epic orepiko, at the heart of Ilocano literature lies its epic poetry, withBiag ni Lam-ang (The Life of Lam-ang) being the most notable example. Believed to have originated in the pre-colonial period, the epic was preserved through oral transmission across generations of poets. Its first transcription is sometimes attributed to the 17th-century blind poet-preacherPedro Bucaneg, often regarded as the "Father of Ilocano Poetry."[88][89]
However, historianManuel Arsenio contends that the earliest written version was produced by Fr. Blanco ofNarvacan in collaboration with folklorist and publicistIsabelo de los Reyes.The poem embodies core Ilocano values such as courage, loyalty, and respect for familial and ancestral ties, making it a crucial cultural artifact that has survived colonial influences.[90]
Poem, ordandániw in Ilocano, Ilocanopoetry has a rich tradition that has evolved over centuries. Ancient Ilocano poets expressed their thoughts and emotions through various forms, including folk and war poems and songs (dállot), which are improvised long poems delivered in a melodic fashion. These poetic forms not only served as artistic expressions but also as vehicles for cultural transmission.[91]
Proverbs, orpagsasaó, are an essential aspect of Ilocano literature. These succinct sayings encapsulate moral lessons, cultural values, and practical advice, serving as guiding principles in daily life. They are often shared during conversations, gatherings, and even formal occasions, reinforcing social bonds and community cohesion.
"Ti tao nga sadot, uray agtodo ti balitok, haan to pulos a makipidot."
"A lazy person, even if it rains gold, will not pick one"
Literary Duels or Búcanégan represents the unique literary duel tradition of the Ilocanos, akin to the TagalogBalagtasan. Named afterPedro Bucaneg, these verbal jousts involve participants engaging inpoetic debates, showcasing their wit, creativity, and linguistic prowess. Bucanegan not only entertains but also serves as a platform for social commentary, allowing the community to address relevant issues through the lens ofhumor andpoetry.[92][93]
Riddles orburburtia, are another important form of Ilocano literature. These clever wordplay challenges test the intellect of both the speaker and the audience, fostering critical thinking and community engagement. Riddles often draw from nature, everyday life, and cultural references, making them a delightful and educational part of Ilocano oral tradition.[citation needed]
"Sangkabassit a waig, Naaladan ti pino a kakawayanan." - Mata
"A little lake, Fence in by a fine bamboo strip" - Eye
Publications
Ilocano literature began to flourish during the Spanish colonial period, with the publication of theDoctrina Cristiana in 1621 by Francisco Lopez. This was the first printed book in Ilocano, marking a significant milestone in the written tradition of the Ilocano people. Such works, includingSumario de las Indulgencias de la Santa Correa, played a pivotal role in the spread of literacy and education among the Ilocano-speaking population, contributing to the cultural and intellectual development of the region.
In the late 19th century, Ilocano literature gained further recognition through the efforts ofIsabelo de los Reyes, a prominent Ilocano scholar and writer. He published works likeIlocandias (1887),Articulos Varios (1887), andHistoria de Filipinas (1889). His two-volumeHistoria de Ilocos (1890) became a cornerstone in documenting the history of Ilocos. Another significant literary achievement during this period wasMatilde de Sinapangan, the first Ilocano novel, written by Fr. Rufino Redondo in 1892.
20th century
The 19th and 20th centuries saw the emergence of prominent Ilocano authors. Leona Florentino, often referred to as the "National Poetess of the Philippines," became a prominent figure in the literary landscape despite mixed critical reception of her sentimental poetry. Other notable authors includeManuel Arguilla, whose works capture the essence of Ilocano culture during the early 20th century, andCarlos Bulosan, whose novelAmerica is in the Heart resonates deeply with the Filipino-American experience. Additionally,Isabelo de los Reyes played a pivotal role in preserving Ilocano literary heritage, contributing to the publication of essential works like the earliest known text ofBiag ni Lam-ang.
The 20th century marked a significant turning point in Ilocano literature, characterized by a growing recognition of its cultural importance. Authors likeF. Sionil Jose andElizabeth Medina emerged as influential voices.GUMIL Filipinas, or"Gunglo dagiti Mannurat nga Ilokano iti Filipinas", is an association of Ilocano writers in the Philippines. It's also known as the Ilokano Writers Association of the Philippines.
GUMIL's goals include providing a forum for Ilocano writers to work together to improve their writing, enriching Ilocano literature and cultural heritage, publishing books and other writings, and helping members pursue their writing careers. GUMIL has many active members in provincial and municipal chapters, as well as in overseas chapters in the U.S., Hawaii, and Greece. GUMIL was once the first website to focus on Philippine literature.
First published in 1934,Bannawag is widely regarded as the "Bible of the North." It reaches the heart of Northern Luzon, as well as Visayas, Mindanao, and Ilocano communities in Hawaii and America's West Coast.Bannawag highlights family values in its stories and articles and through the years has continued to inspire, entertain, and empower its readers.Bannawag (Iloko word meaning"dawn") is a Philippine weekly magazine published in the Philippines byLiwayway Publications Inc. It contains serialized novels/comics, short stories, poetry, essays, news features, entertainment news and articles, among others, that are written in Ilokano, a language common in the northern regions of the Philippines.
Bannawag has been acknowledged as one foundation of the existence of contemporary Iloko literature. It is through theBannawag that every Ilokano writer has proved his mettle by publishing his first Iloko short story, poetry, or essay, and thereafter his succeeding works, in its pages. The magazine is also instrumental in the establishment of GUMIL Filipinas, the umbrella organization of Ilocano writers in the Philippines and in other countries.[94]
Ilocano music is deeply embedded in the cultural traditions and way of life of the Ilocano people, reflecting the various stages of their life cycle—frombirth throughlove,courtship, and marriage, todeath. It emphasizes significant life events, showcasing the emotions and experiences associated with them. Traditional forms of Ilocano music includeduayya (lullabies),dállot (improvised chants for weddings and courtships), anddung-aw (lamentations for the deceased). These musical expressions not only convey heartfelt emotions but also serve as a lens through which one can understand Ilocano values, history, and social interactions.[95][96]
Dung-áw, a solemn form oflamentation performed duringfunerals. It serves as a poetic expression of grief, where the reciter's genuine sorrow is conveyed through wailing and verse. The mournful tones and rhythm of the dung-aw stir emotions in both the performer and listeners, fostering a collective sense of loss and remembrance for the deceased.[97]
Dállot, an improvised, versified poem delivered in a chant or singing, often performed during joyful occasions such asweddings,courtships, andbetrothals. An example of this is "Dardarepdep," (dream) which is aharana (serenade) in Tagalog, where love songs are sung to woo a woman. The term dállot originates from the Ilocano words for poem (dániw) andcockfight (pallót), blending heart and mind into poetic expressions of love, commitment, and community. Its performance is a creative showcase of spontaneous poetic artistry, celebrating unity and harmony in social gatherings.[98]
A notableManlilikha ng Bayan,Adelita Romualdo Bagcal, has dedicated her life to preserving and promoting the Ilocano oral tradition of dallot since childhood. She is the last remaining expert in this art form, which focuses on courtship and marriage. Through her performances at social events, she demonstrates her mastery of the Ilocano language and its intricate literary devices.[99][100]
Duayya, a traditional Ilocanolullaby sung by mothers to soothe and rock their babies to sleep.[101]
Folk music
Ilocano folk music can be categorized intoduwayya, dállot, anddung-áw. These musical forms reflect themes revolving around love, family, nature, and community. The melodies are simple yet powerful, serving as both a form of entertainment and a means of passing down stories, traditions, and moral lessons through generations. Here are some notable Ilocano folk songs:[102]
Ilocano dances are performed during rituals, celebrations, and social gatherings. They draw influences from Cordilleran (Igorot), Spanish, and American dance movements.[103]
Kumintang, orgumintang a traditional dance step associated with Ilocano values, especially the idea of saving for the future. While variations of the kumintang exist in other parts of the Philippines, the Ilocano version involves inward arm movements and half-closed hands. This reflects the practical, forward-thinking nature of the Ilocano people.[103]
Korriti, a dance step showcases the energetic and hardworking spirit of the Ilocanos. It symbolizes the fast and lively movements needed to work in the fields or search for opportunities. The quick footwork represents their determination and resilience in earning a living.[103]
Sagamantika, a gentle, flowing dance step that involves moving forward and backward. It symbolizes an important Ilocano belief: no matter where you go, you will always return to your roots. This step reflects the importance of home and the lasting connection to where one was born and raised.[103]
Folk Dance
Ilocano folk dances vary across the region, with dances often being tied to specific locations and communities. They are performed for a variety of occasions, including courtship, community events, and rituals.[104]
Ilocano drama, or theater, includes the genres ofzarzuela andcomedia (ormoro-moro), which have been performed for generations. Other local performances include the dállot, a sung exchange about love between a man and a woman, andbúcanégan, a tribute performance honoring someone.[105]
Zarzuelas, a type of musical theater that blends singing, dancing, and spoken dialogue. Introduced from Spain in the 19th century, it quickly became popular in the Ilocos region.[citation needed] Often centered on love stories with "boy-meets-girl" themes, zarzuela offers a mix of melodrama, comedy, and romance that appeals to audiences. One well-known Ilocano zarzuela,Tres Patrimoño, tells the life stories of three important people from Vigan,Diego andGabriela Silang,Leona Florentino, andPadre Burgos, who all played significant roles in Philippine history.[106]
Moro-Moro, also known ascomedia,moro moro a theatrical form that gained popularity in the 19th century throughMarcelino Crisólogo, particularly during fiestas in Vigan. It centers on the conflicts between Christians and Muslims, in contrast to zarzuela, which addresses social issues through music and dance. Moro-moro incorporates traditional elements such as battle scenes and religious themes, and it places a strong emphasis on costumes and elaborate staging to convey its historical narratives.[107][108]
Before the arrival of the Spanish, Ilocanos, like many other indigenous groups in the Philippines, dressed simply yet stylishly, with both men and women paying attention to their appearances. Their practices were a reflection of their social norms, available resources, and interactions with neighboring Cordilleran groups such as theTinguians.[109]
Clothing
Both Ilocano men and women wore an upper garment calledbádo orbáru. These garments were made similarly to thekoton of theItneg people and fine red "chininas" crepe fromIndia, withsilk reserved for the upper class.[9] Men wore a collarless, waist-length fitted jacket with short, wide blue or black sleeves. Women's upper garments were also fitted but extended to the waist. To complete their attire, women often used a multicolored shawl, which was either draped over the shoulder or tied below the arm. Upper-class Ilocanas wore rich materials such ascrimson silk woven with gold (songket), adorned with thick fringes for decoration.[109][9]
For the lower garment, Ilocano men wore a long, narrowloincloth calledbaág,anúngo, orbayakát, which was richly colored and often featured gold stripes. It was wrapped around the waist and passed between the legs, covering the mid-thigh area. Alternatively, they sometimes wore trousers similar to those of theTagalogs.[9] Women's lower garments included a type of overskirt calledsalupingping, worn over a whiteunderskirt. The skirt was gathered at the waist, with pleats placed on one side.[109]
Hair Care
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Both men and women in Ilocano society took great care of their hair. They used natural shampooing decoctions made from the bark of certain trees,coconut oil mixed with musk and other perfumes, andgogo orentada phaseoloides (a kind of herbal shampoo) to keep their hair shiny and black.Lye made from rice husk was also used, and it continues to be used in some areas of Ilocos today.[109] Women twisted their hair into charming buns on the crowns of their heads, while men often pulled out their facial hair using clam-shell tweezers, leaving them clean-shaven.[110]
Jewelry and Adornments
Jewelry was an integral part of traditional Ilocano attire, with both men and women wearing gold and precious stones as adornments. Members of the upper class adorned themselves with gold chains around their necks, similar to the gold-spun jewelry of the Itneg people. They also wore necklaces made of strings of precious stones, gold jewelry, and various trinkets.[9][109]
A type of bracelet calledkalombigas, made of gold orivory, was worn as arm bangles extending from the wrist to the elbow.[9] Rings crafted from gold orgemstones were commonly worn, along with anklets and strings of colored stones such ascarnelian,agate, and blue and white stones, some of which were dyed black.[9][109] Thick gold rings were also worn in their pierced earlobes. The Ilocanos had two primary methods of ear piercing: one technique, similar to that of the Igorots, created a larger hole, while the other involved a smaller piercing. Larger piercings were often preferred as a display of wealth and status.[9]
Men often wore multiple gold chains, linked in a style reminiscent of European chains. Women adorned their fingers with rings made of gold and stone, and earrings were also common. However, historical records suggest some debate regarding whether older Ilocano women wore earrings in the same manner as modern women.[9][109]
Dental Care
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From childhood, both men and women polished and sharpened their teeth usingbetel nut husks and stones. Some made their teeth even orserrated like saws. To preserve their teeth, they colored them red or black, similar to the Cordillerans (Igorots). Wealthy individuals, especially women, decorated or inlaid their teeth with gold, which served both as a form of ornamentation and to strengthen the teeth.[109]
Headdress
Thebangal was a significant headdress for Ilocano men. It was a long cloth wrapped around the head like a turban, or in some cases draped over the shoulder with the embroidered ends touching the back of the knees. The color of thebangal indicated the wearer's achievements, with red signifying that the wearer had killed someone, while only those who had killed seven or more could wear a stripedbangal. Over time, men began wearing hats, particularly after the arrival of the Spanish.[109]
Tattoos
Tattoos were also a part of Ilocano appearance calledbatek,butak, orburik, Ilocanos only tattooed their arms or hands though not as prevalent as among the Cordillerans (Igorots) andVisayans. Tattoos were made by pricking the skin and rubbing black pitch powder or smoke into the pricked area. While tattoos were not as widely practiced among the Ilocanos as among other groups, they still served as a form of body art and status symbol for those who had them.[111]
With the arrival of the Spanish colonizers, Ilocano clothing and appearances underwent significant changes. While some traditional practices remained, new styles of dress were introduced. The clothing of theprincipalia class, in particular, reflected this fusion of cultures.
Traje de Mestiza
Thetraje de mestiza was worn by the Ilocano principalia class during the colonial period. It consisted of a long gown with voluminous sleeves and intricate embroidery, blending indigenous and European styles. This attire was often worn during important ceremonies and fiestas, symbolizing the wearer's high social status. The black, floor-length cloak with long sleeves worn by Ilocano women during ceremonies also reflects this European influence.
Pandilíng and Kimona
The traditional Ilocano dress for women during the colonial period consisted of thepandilíng (skirt) andkimona (blouse), which were made frominabel, a hand-loomed textile. Theinabel fabric was intricately woven by the women themselves, featuring designs inspired by nature, such as diamonds, shells, and stripes. The colors chosen reflected the modesty and simplicity that were considered admirable traits of Ilocana women.
The blouse, calledkimona, was typically plain white or pastel and had a cowl neckline. The skirt, calledpandilíng, was full-length and cone-shaped, gathered at the waist with a drawstring. Women also wore a full slip calledkamison underneath the ensemble. The dress was often paired with a colorful wrap-around cloth calledtapis, dyed in colors that complemented the skirt. Everyday footwear includedtsinelas made of leather, while more formal occasions called forkutso, beaded felt and leather slippers worn during Sundays and fiestas.[112]
Kattukong or Tabúngaw Hat
One of the most iconic pieces of Ilocano headgear is thekattukong, ortabúngaw hat, made from a hollowed-out and driedcalabash gourd. The interior of the hat was woven from materials likeanahaw,nipa,bamboo, orrattan. This hat was practical and weatherproof, protecting the wearer from both the sun and rain.
Thekattukong was traditionally worn by farmers and fishermen, and it remains an important cultural symbol today. One notable craftsman,Teofilo Garcia from San Quintin, Abra, was recognized as aNational Living Treasure for his craftsmanship in making these hats, continuing the practice from planting the seeds of the gourd to varnishing the finished product.[113]
Ilocano cuisine reflects the resourcefulness and traditions of the Ilocano people, shaped by their coastal, agricultural, and mountainous homeland. Influenced byChinese,Spanish, andAmerican cuisines, it is defined by a love forbugguóng (anchovy paste), which shapes the Ilocano palate, and a strong emphasis onnaténg (vegetables), earning them the nickname "weed-eaters" for their preference for wild and cultivated greens such assalúyot,sabidukong,rabóng andalukón (broussonetia luzonica).[114]
Ilocano dishes distinguish themselves from those of other ethnolinguistic groups in the Philippines through their significant use of a variety of vegetables and edible flora. Central to the Ilocano diet aredinengdeng orinabraw, which refers to boiled vegetables andlegumes, often accompanied by freshwater fish, pork, and salt, and seasoned with bugguóng. The distinct flavors of Ilocano cuisine are primarily derived from bugguóng, which defines the Ilocano palate.[114][115]
Bugguóng is a common flavoring agent in many Ilocano dishes, fromdinengdeng (a vegetable soup) topinakbet (a mixed vegetable dish), as well as in the popular Ilocanosalsa known as KBL (kamátis-bugguóng-lasoná). Prominent ingredients in Ilocano cuisine includesukáng Iloko (sugarcane vinegar), which is used ininartém or pickling various vegetables and seasonal fruits such asbalayang (Musa errans),santol,buatsina,manga,sili,bawang, and others.
The Ilocano belief that food with a bitter taste is both better and medicinal further influences their culinary preferences. This cultural perspective fosters an appreciation for bitter flavors, leading to the enjoyment of dishes featuringpariá (bitter melon) andpinapaítan, a stew made from cow or goat innards that includes bile.[116]
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In Ilocano culture, meat holds significant importance, particularly during festive occasions. Meat dishes are often associated with celebrations such as weddings, fiestas, and family reunions, symbolizing abundance and communal unity.[117] Some other notable Ilocano dishes include:
Another essential vegetable ingredient in Ilocano cuisine ismarúnggáy (moringa).[124] The leaves are commonly used as a condiment in the meat souplauya, while the fruit pods and flower can be added toburidibod ordinengdeng. Most households in Ilocos growmarúnggáy in their backyards and often share it with neighbors, highlighting its importance in the community. It is particularly popular among Ilocanos inHawaii. Ilocano people have gained recognition as the first ethnic group in the Philippines to consume the larvae and eggs ofabuós (weaver ants),abal-abál (june beetle) andararáwan (crickets). This practice has since been adopted by other ethnic groups in northern Luzon, showcasing the Ilocanos' connection to their environment and the innovative ways they utilize local resources.[125]
Ilocano desserts, often based onglutinous rice,coconut,sinacob,root crops andsugarcane juice, blend local ingredients and colonial influences.Kankanen, a dense and chewy sticky rice cake, is a beloved treat among Ilocanos.[117] Some other notable Ilocano desserts include:
In thepre-colonial period, the Spanish applied the term "barangay" to the settlements they encountered in the Ilocos region, but the Ilocano people had their own terms. They referred to their towns asíli and smaller groups of houses aspurók. The residents of theíli were organized into a structured class society, where every individual had a role based on their status, lineage, and contributions to the community.[126]
At the top of this class system was theagtúray orári (chief) and his family.[127] Theári earned his position due to his strength, wealth, and wisdom. The role of theári was crucial in theíli, as he governed the community, administered justice, and led his people in times of war if necessary. This leadership position was typically hereditary and passed down to a male heir. However, in situations where no male heir was available, a strong female could inherit the position. If the heir was deemed weak or unfit by the community, theári family could lose their status, and a new ruling family might rise to power. Theári ruled alongside a council of elders, known asamáen orpanglakáyen íli, who helped with the administration of justice and governance of theíli.[19]
Below theári were thebabaknáng, the wealthy class. Some members of this class could ascend to the role ofári, given their wealth and influence. Thebabaknáng were engaged in trade with other groups, including theChinese,Japanese,Igorots, andTagalogs. The goods they traded included rice, cotton, gold, wax, iron, glass beads, honey, and stoneware jars calledburnáy. This trade network helped thebabaknáng maintain and grow their wealth, ensuring their continued influence in theíli.
Below thebabaknáng were thekailianes, a class that played a supportive role to theári. Thekailianes assisted theári with tasks such as sailing, working in the fields, and preparing for community celebrations. In exchange for their service, they received gifts directly from theári. This relationship fostered a sense of reciprocity and mutual benefit between the classes.[128]
Further down the social ladder were thekatalonan, tenant farmers who formed the majority of the population. These farmers cultivated wet-rice fields, growing crops such as rice and taro, while also practicing dry agriculture for cotton. They were essential to the economic stability of theíli as they provided the necessary agricultural products for trade and sustenance.
At the bottom of pre-colonial Ilocano society were theubíng (servants) and below them, thetagábu (slaves, also calledadípen). Thetagábu often became slaves due to unresolved debt, insults to a member of thebabaknáng orári, being prisoners of war, or even inheriting the debt of their ancestors. Slavery was not always permanent, but it represented the lowest rung of the social ladder, with limited opportunities for upward mobility.[129]
During the colonial era, Ilocano society underwent significant changes, but much of its pre-colonial social structure remained intact, with the Spanish adding their own layers of influence and control. Ilocano society became even more clearly defined by a hierarchical system, where social status and economic power determined one's role and opportunities within the community.
At the top of colonial Ilocano society were thebabaknang oragtuturay (leaders), who had transformed into theprincipalia, the ruling class under Spanish rule. These powerful families held the highest positions in local governance, such asgobernadorcillo (town mayor) andcabeza de barangay (barangay head). Their responsibilities included managing the community, ensuring the collection of taxes, and maintaining order on behalf of the Spanish crown.
Theprincipales enjoyed numerous privileges, including tax exemptions and the right to hold public office. They were also granted honorary titles such as "Don" and "Doña," further distinguishing them from the rest of the population. Theprincipalia were considered the local aristocracy, and their power extended beyond wealth. They wielded immense political and social influence within their communities, often acting as intermediaries between the Spanish authorities and the local population.
The status of theprincipales was typically passed down through generations, ensuring the continued dominance of elite families. However, in certain cases, the title could be granted by royal decree. For instance, on December 20, 1863, a decree by José de la Concha, the Minister of the Colonies underQueen Isabella II, granted the title to individuals who had contributed significantly to the local community. Theprincipales were known as "de privilegio y gratis" because they were exempt from paying taxes, unlike the rest of the population, who were required to pay tribute to the colonial government.
Beneath thebabaknang were thecailianes, free individuals who typically owned small home lots but worked the farmlands of thebabaknang. These tenant farmers cultivated the land in exchange for a share of the harvest. In addition to farming, thecailianes also served as artisans and specialists, such as healers, salt makers, stem cutters, and wood gatherers, whose skills were indispensable to the community.
The relationship between thebabaknang and thecailianes was characterized by a system of mutual exchange. During the agricultural season or community gatherings, thecailianes provided labor and assistance to thebabaknang. In return, thebabaknang compensated them with food or other goods, maintaining a bond of reciprocity that was essential for social cohesion.
At the lowest level of the colonial social structure were theadipen orslaves. These individuals became slaves either through birth, as a result of debt, or due to their inability to meet obligations. Theadipen were entirely dependent on their masters for their livelihood and performed a variety of tasks, including agricultural labor and domestic duties.
Unlike thecailianes, who retained some degree of independence, theadipen had very limited autonomy. However, the concept of slavery in Ilocano society was not entirely rigid; it was possible foradipen to gain freedom through various means, such as paying off debts or being granted manumission by their masters.
The Ilocano people have long been known for their skill and creativity in various traditional arts and crafts, passed down through generations. These crafts, which includeweaving,woodcarving,pottery, and more, have shaped the culture and daily life of Ilocanos for centuries. While these art forms were once essential for practical purposes such as food storage, cooking, and clothing, they now hold both cultural and economic significance, with many modern artisans creating innovative products for local and global markets. These ancient crafts continue to thrive in the small towns of Ilocos.
Abél
Abél is the Iloco term for weaving, whilepanagabél refers to the traditional process of weaving handspun cotton fabric using wooden pedallooms. This practice is deeply ingrained in Ilocano culture, with the resulting fabric,inabél, celebrated for its softness, durability, and intricate patterns.
Each province in theIlocos Region showcases unique designs, including thebinakul pattern, which is believed to ward off evil spirits, as well aspinilian (brocade weave),suk-suk (discontinuous supplementary weft), and the ikat tie-dye technique. Common motifs include cat's paws, fans, stars, and windows.[130]
The production of inabél begins with the preparation ofkápas (cotton), which involves picking bolls, removing seeds, beating the cotton, and spinning it into yarn. The yarn is brushed, wound onto spools, and transferred to a warping reel. It is then threaded through the heddle and reed before the loom is dressed, allowing the weaving process, or agabel, to commence.
Historically, inabél was used in Ilocano households for items such as hand towels, bed linens, mosquito nets, and other functional textiles. During thegalleon trade, inabél was bartered for gold and gained prominence in Philippine culture, even being mentioned in the Ilocano epic Biag ni Lam-ang.[131]
One of the most notable weavers of inabél isMagdalena Gamayo of Pinili, Ilocos Norte. Born in 1924, she began weaving at the age of 15 and mastered various traditional patterns, includingbinakol,inuritan (geometric designs),sinan-sábong (floral patterns), andkusikós (spirals). With over eight decades of experience, she received theNational Living Treasures Award in 2012 for her exceptional skill and dedication to preserving this important aspect of Ilocano heritage.[132]
Lága
Lága, orpanaglága, is the Ilocano term for the traditional art ofbasketry weaving, which involves the skillful braiding and interlacing of flexible materials such aspalm leaves,bamboo, andrattan to create functional and decorative three-dimensional objects. This craft has been a fundamental part of Ilocano culture for centuries and remains significant both culturally and practically.[133]
The products of this craft fulfill essential roles in daily life, particularly in agriculture and fishing. Commonly made fromkawáyan (commonbamboo) andboló (a bamboo species with thinner culms), these items includebigaó, used for winnowing rice, andlabbá, a vine basket used for storing rice, beans, corn, root crops, and fish.[134] Other examples of Ilocano craftsmanship includeálat, a fish basket with a funnel-shaped cover known asserrég;búbo, a bottle-shaped fish trap;barekbék, a small basket for catching freshwater lobsters;ikamén, woven mats;kallugóng, traditional hats; andpalaspas, decorative weavings made from palm.[135] These basketry products highlight the resourcefulness and creativity of Ilocano artisans, preserving a traditional craft that seamlessly blends utility and artistry.[136]
Damili is the Ilocano term for molding.Panagdamili ordamdamili (pottery) is one of the oldest art forms among Ilocanos, dating back to pre-colonial times. It is an ancient craft of terra-cotta pottery and remains a prominent industry in the region. The process involves the use of wooden paddles, and the clay must be kept away from sunlight.[137][138]
The process begins by soaking clay in water overnight and mixing it with sand the next morning. The mixture is then shaped into pots using thelupisak or potter's wheel, a stage known asagbibir. The pots are air-dried and enlarged using various wooden paddles and a stone anvil. Thebanar (a large wooden paddle) is used to shape the pot's body, while therigay (a square-shaped paddle with ridges) is used to refine the shoulder and neck against thetuknu (stone anvil). Once the desired size and shape are achieved, the pots are air-dried again before being smoothened withidiid (a shell).[139]
This process produces traditional items such asdalikán (firewood-fed stoves),banga (cooking pots),dongdóng (larger cooking pots),kelléb (covers),paso (plant pots),burnáy (water vessels), as well as animal feed containers, pipes for wells, decorative pottery, and roof tiles.[140][141]
Burnáy
One of the prominent forms of Ilocano pottery is theburnáy, a traditional craft in Ilocano culture that dates back to pre-colonial times. The term "burnáy" refers to unglazed earthenware jars made from locally sourced clay, with the craft being especially prominent in Vigan, Ilocos Sur. This pottery tradition was influenced by Chinese merchants who traded with the inhabitants of northwestern Luzon before European colonization.[142] Burnáy jars have historically been used in Ilocano households for storing rice, water, salt, brown sugar, and fermented products such asbasí (sugarcane wine) andbugguóng (fermented fish). Ilocano folklore holds that the flavor ofbasí andbugguóng improves when stored in burnáy jars.[143]
The production of burnáy jars is labor-intensive, requiring significant skill. Artisans knead and mold clay by hand, shape the jars on a potter's wheel, and fire them in traditional kilns fueled by rice husks or other natural materials. These jars are renowned for their durability, as they can withstand high temperatures and heavy use. Beyond their practical applications, burnáy jars hold cultural significance in Ilocano rituals and celebrations, often used for fermenting foods and beverages, includingbasi. The enduring craftsmanship of burnáy pottery reflects its integral role in preserving Ilocano heritage.[144]
Basí
A native Ilocano wine made from fermented sugarcane juice. This iconic drink holds significant cultural and societal importance for Ilocanos and has been an integral part of rituals surroundingchildbirth, marriage, anddeath. The production of basi begins with boilingsugarcane juice in large vats. Once the juice is boiled, it is poured into burnay jars, where it is flavored with a combination of ground glutinous rice and tree barks such assamak orlomboy (Java plum). After sealing the jars with banana leaves, the mixture is left to ferment for several years.
The resulting wine is pale red in color and has a sweet, tangy flavor. If fermented for a longer period, basi turns intosuka (vinegar), which is also a staple in Ilocano households. Basi's unique flavor and deep-rooted cultural significance make it an essential part of Ilocano traditions, with some families passing down recipes and fermentation techniques from one generation to the next.
Binubudan
Binubudan, also known astapuy, is the Ilocano term for fermentedrice wine, a clear, full-bodied beverage with a strong alcoholic flavor, moderate sweetness, and a lingering aftertaste. It is traditionally made by cooking rice or glutinous rice, which is then mixed withbubod (rice yeast) and allowed to ferment for 2 to 4 days in aburnáy (earthenware jar). During fermentation, the rice becomes moist, and juice accumulates, which can be consumed as is or further fermented to produce the rice wine known as tapuy.[145] This rice wine is also common among theCordilleran people (Igorot), who refer to it astapuy ortapuey. As neighbors of the Ilocanos, the Cordillerans share similar methods of preparation and cultural significance for this beverage, underscoring the shared traditions of the region.[146]
Kukudisi
A traditional Ilocano game that combines strategy, agility, and precision. It is often played by children in rural areas and reflects the resourcefulness and creativity of Ilocano culture, where simple objects like sticks and scratched lines on the ground are used for fun and recreation. The game starts with the placement of the"an-anak," a short stick, on a baseline scratched into the ground. This baseline serves as the starting point and is crucial for scoring. One player, often the one on offense, uses a second, longer stick called the"in-ina" to launch the an-anak into the air. The other player, acting as the defender, must try to catch the an-anak before it hits the ground.
If the defender fails to catch the an-anak, the next phase of the game begins. The in-ina is placed horizontally across the baseline, and the offensive player attempts to hit the an-anak as hard as possible to send it flying far away from the baseline. The game involves several rounds, where both players take turns trying to hit the an-anak the farthest with the in-ina. In later stages, players also compete to see how far they can hit the an-anak after it has been thrown into the air and stuck back into the baseline.
Kukudisi not only hones physical skills like hand-eye coordination and strength but also encourages creativity and social interaction among the players, fostering a sense of community and friendly competition.
Other traditional crafts of the Ilocanos include:[citation needed]
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